Coming off his unsuccessful 2004 New Hampshire state Senate campaign, Jerry Sorlucco realized something was fundamentally wrong in America. Across the country people had voted against their own best interest. The Republican far right-now the party of our modern robber barons-"waving the bloody shirt," and using the war on terrorism to instill fear, in league with the Christian evangelical movement, had won both houses of Congress and the White House. President George W. Bush, who had lost the popular vote in 2000 and won the election in a five to four vote by U.S. Supreme Court, had the power to put in motion an agenda that rewarded America's rich elitists and systematically set about destroying the nation's social safety net. Thoroughly researched and annotated, Facing Fascism takes the reader through the 2004 election, the manipulation of America's worldview, the mismanagement of the major issues facing the nation, and offers some solutions. It is a serious work, but essential reading for anyone who wants to understand what is happening in America. The book shows conclusively that the threat to America in the 21st century has all the characteristics of fascism, replete with class warfare, militarism, and religious nationalism.

Cars, Conduits and Kampongs offers a wide panorama of the modernization of the cities in Indonesia between 1920 and 1960. The contributions present a case for asserting that Indonesian cities were not merely the backdrop to processes of modernization and rising nationalism, but formed a causal factor. Modernization, urbanization, and decolonization were intrinsically linked. The various chapters deal with such innovations as the provision of medical treatments, fresh water and sanitation, the implementation of town planning and housing designs, and policies for coping with increased motorized traffic and industrialization. The contributors share a broad critique of the economic and political dimensions of colonialism, but remain alert to the agency of colonial subjects who respond, often critically, to a European modernity. Contributors include: Freek Colombijn, Joost Cote, Saki Murakami, Michelle Kooy, Karen Bakker, Pauline K.M. van Roosmalen, Hans Versnel, Farabi Fakih, Radjimo Sastro Wijono, Gustaaf Reerink, Arjan Veering, Johny A. Khusyairi, Purnawan Basundoro, Ida Liana Tanjung, and Sarkawi B. Husain.

This detailed analysis examines the role of race and racism in American politics since the 1980s, and contends that-despite the election of Barack Obama-the effects of white supremacy still divide American society and affect voter behavior today. How have the increasing diversity of our people and the election of the first black president influenced American politics? This book investigates every aspect of race and politics from voter ID laws to redistricting to the use of racially divisive issues in campaigns. Each of the seven chapters explores a specific political issue from its historical origin to its legacy in present-day politics, and the book features some of the most controversial topics on the subject, including disguised racism and the myth of a post-racial America. The Color of Politics: Racism in the American Political Arena Today considers a wide spectrum of political issues as it relates to minority populations. The author asserts that from the Bradley effect of the 1980s to the discourse used by the Tea Party, racism has left a lasting imprint on contemporary politics over the last 30 years.

El Diccionario de la Democracia contiene la teor a y la ideolog a de los reg menes democr ticos: sus antecedentes; or genes; principios; modalidades de deliberaci n y leyes; sus instituciones clave y variedades, acorde con la clase social que los dirija y el arreglo institucional correlativo. Asimismo compara sus principios, leyes e instituciones con otros reg menes, particularmente con sus opuestos, las oligarqu as o gobiernos de pocos, pero tambi n con la rep blica, la tiran a y la realeza; las razones de Estado que permiten su conquista, conservaci n y estabilidad; las fuentes internas y externas que los amenazan; las maneras de corromperse y las revoluciones que los afectan. Trata tambi n de los usos, costumbres y caracteres democr ticos; inventar a los rasgos ticos de la vida democr tica, por s mismos y comprobados con los de los ricos, las clases medias y los tiranos, hasta detallar las relaciones que sostienen entre s dirigentes y dirigidos, hombres y mujeres, viejos, j venes, maestros y alumnos, ciudadanos y animales..., por el impacto que la libertad e igualdad popular tienen en la vida p blica y privada de sus pueblos. Parte medular del mismo es la exposici n de las doctrinas, dogmas, leyes e instituciones del modelo liberal moderno de la democracia; un credo que se analiza en calidad de justificaci n del nouveau r gime por parte de sus ide logos modernos m s destacados y l cidos, quienes desv an el significado de las palabras democracia y liberal atribuidas sin m s a los Estados modernos.

The revolutionary year of 1958 epitomizes the height of the social uprisings, military coups, and civil wars that erupted across the Middle East and North Africa in the mid-twentieth century. Amidst waning Anglo-French influence, growing US-USSR rivalry, and competition and alignments between Arab and non-Arab regimes and domestic struggles, this year was a turning point in the modern history of the Middle East. This multi and interdisciplinary book explores this pivotal year in its global, regional and local contexts and from a wide range of linguistic, geographic, academic specialties. The contributors draw on declassified and multilingual archives, reports, memoirs, and newspapers in thirteen country-specific chapters, shedding new light on topics such as the extent of Anglo-American competition after the Suez War, Turkey's efforts to stand as a key pillar in the regional Cold War, the internationalization of the Algerian War of Independence, and Iran and Saudi Arabia's abilities to weather the revolutionary storm that swept across the region. The book includes a foreword from Salim Yaqub which highlights the importance of Jeffrey G. Karam's collection to the scholarship on this vital moment in the political history of the modern middle east.

This major new study examines the nature of Chinese power and its impact on the international order. Drawing on an extensive range of Chinese-language debates and discussions, the book explains the roles of different actors and interests in Chinese international interactions, and how they influence the nature of Chinese strategies for global change. It also gives a unique perspective on how assessments of the consequences of China's rise are formed, and how and why these understandings change. Providing an important challenge to scholars and policy makers who seek to engage with China, the book demonstrates just how far starting assumptions can influence the questions asked, evidence sought and conclusions reached.

Why do activist groups get stuck in routine ways of talking and acting? And why are these so hard to change? Kathleen Blee provides a provocative answer: that the way grassroots groups start can hamper their ability to invigorate political life and change society for years to come. Important for both scholars and activists, it shows how grassroots activism can better live up to its potential, and pinpoints the pitfalls that activist groups should avoid. Based on observing more than 60 grassroots groups in Pittsburgh for three years, Democracy in the Making is an unprecedented look at how ordinary people come together to change society. It gives a close-up look at the deliberations of activists on the left and right as they work for animal rights, an end to the drug trade in their neighbourhood, same-sex marriage, global peace, and more. It shows how grassroots activism can provide an alternative to civic disengagement and a forum for envisioning how the world can be transformed. At the same time, it documents how activist groups become mired in dysfunctional and undemocratic patterns that their members dislike but can't fix. By following grassroots groups from their very beginnings, Blee traces how their sense of what is possible and appropriate shrinks over time as groups develop a shared sense of who they are that forecloses options that were once open. At the same time, she charts the turning points at which options re-open and groups widen their sense of possibility.

Using a key religious freedom Act, the book analyzes legislative process, Supreme Court jurisprudence, and discusses the role of religion in public life. "Religious Free Exercise and Contemporary American Politics" explains why the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA) had to undergo a major metamorphosis in order to win approval. The book uses this episode as a window onto the dynamics of modern constitutional politics, specifically the constitutional politics of free exercise. The book argues that, although free exercise of religion remains an important value in American politics, it has been severely buffeted by both liberal individualism and identity politics. The former equates religious 'choice' with all other types of choices one makes in life, the latter sees religious identity as equivalent to racial, ethnic, gender, or sexual orientation identities. These two views coalesced in the late 1990s to force major modifications in the proposed Religious Liberty Protection Act, succeeding in limiting its reach only to prisoners and land use disputes. Written in an accessible manner for students of politics and religion as well as constitutional politics and law, the book offers a unique perspective on religious freedom in American politics.

La lucha por el poder en Mexico, es encarnizada y suele estar sazonada con descalificaciones, vituperios, infundios, y calumnias de la mas variada especie. Las trampas de cualquier indole, se ponen en juego y son tantos los artilugios utilizados, que es muy dificil encontrar el hilo de la madeja a tiempo para detenerlos u obstaculizarlos con la ley en la mano. Cuando se logran detectar las violaciones a la ley, es muy tarde para intentar, siquiera, revertir un resultado electoral emanado de actos delictivos, pues el tiempo requerido para documentarlos y evaluarlos es exageradamente largo. Un individuo cualquiera, inmiscuido en un proceso electoral en Mexico, puede violar la reglamentacion electoral de todas las formas que su imaginacion le dicte, tomar posesion de su cargo y despues enfrentar las acusaciones que se le imputen, desde la seguridad del fuero constitucional, pero nunca estara en riesgo el puesto obtenido de manera ilegal. Los expertos en cuestiones politicas, solo pueden mesarse los cabellos en actitud de impotencia y verter sus opiniones y sus puntos de vista en escritos dirigidos, por lo comun, a un restringido nucleo de lectores, que casi siempre es el mismo, porque a la mayoria de la gente no le interesa mayormente lo que ocurra despues de unas elecciones, ya sean locales o federales. Es un circulo vicioso muy dificil de romper; pero los analistas politicos raras veces se han preocupado porque sus opiniones lleguen al grueso de la poblacion. No tienen tiempo y tampoco les interesa demasiado, aunque ellos digan lo contrario. Una caracteristica comun, en la mayoria de los trabajos ensayisticos, es la frialdad de sus textos, derivada, en gran medida, de la rigidez tecnica con la que son abordados los temas que intenta retratar. Esta frialdad, esta rigidez, los hace poco atractivos a los ojos del lector impaciente, o del lector que no busca tanto el dato tecnico, preciso, sino la simple informacion que pueda servirle de referencia para enriquecer su propio punto de vista. " Por que perdimos?" Intenta conjugar el dato duro y la calidez de un texto, escrito con la unica finalidad de hacernos pasar un momento agradable, mientras nos invita a reflexionar sobre asuntos que nos afectan directamente y de los cuales, tal vez por falta de tiempo, no hacemos mucho caso. El escritor mexicano, F. Rubi, avecindado en la ciudad de Manzanillo por mas de treinta anos, se ha preocupado desde sus inicios, por ofrecernos trabajos literarios que nos ayuden a comprender nuestro entorno, pero adornados con esa dificil mezcla de rigor y jocosidad que hacen de sus libros un divertimento. Ojala que esten de acuerdo con nosotros

Native scholars offer clearly written coverage of the relationship between political parties and democracy in the Arab World and neighboring states. Political Parties and Democracy: Volume V: The Arab World is the fifth volume in this five-volume set. It offers clearly written, up-to-date coverage of the political parties of this diverse region from the unique perspective of distinguished indigenous scholars who have lived the truths they tell and, thus, write with unique breadth, depth, and scope. Presented in two parts, this volume overviews parties in the Arab states, then discusses the realities on the ground in Egypt, Lebanon, Mauritania, Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria. This is followed by two chapters on political parties in Israel and Turkey, neighboring states with important Arab political organizations. Throughout, contributors explore the relationship between political parties and democracy (or democratization) in their respective nations, providing necessary historical, socioeconomic, and institutional context, and clarifying the balance of power among parties—and between them and competing agencies of power—today.

For those interested in continuing the struggle for decolonization, the word "multiculturalism" is mostly a sad joke. After all, institutionalized multiculturalism today is a managerial muck of buzzwords, branding strategies, and virtue signaling that has nothing to do with real struggles against racism and colonialism. But Decolonize Multiculturalism unearths a buried history. Decolonize Multiculturalism focuses on the story of the student and youth movements of the 1960s and 1970s, inspired by global movements for decolonization and anti-racism, who aimed to fundamentally transform their society, as well as the violent repression of these movements by the state, corporations, and university administrations. Part of the response has been sheer violence-campus policing, for example, only began in the 1970s, paving the way for the militarized campuses of today-with institutionalized multiculturalism acting like the velvet glove around the iron fist of state violence. But this means that today's multiculturalism also contains residues of the original radical demands of the student and youth movements that it aims to repress: to open up the university, to wrench it from its settler colonial, white supremacist, and patriarchal capitalist origins, and to transform it into a place of radical democratic possibility.

A generation ago, achieving the American dream was possible. But for today's working middle class citizens, achieving or even envisioning the American dream is becoming almost impossible. How have we lost this integral part of our national identity? Can we recapture it?

Author Thomas W. Forbes thinks so, and he outlines his plan in America's Walls. Forbes believes that the way to reclaim America is to shrink the size of the US government, control spending, and create a financially independent country. In so doing, the middle class of America can also find financial independence and begin thriving once more.

Forbes suggests incorporating the values used to make this country great, including hard work, discipline, and innovation. He details some of the major issues facing the United States of America today and provides honest, straightforward commentary on ways to solve these issues. Topics covered include illegal immigration, war on terrorism, entitlements, term limits, healthcare, education, and much more.

It's time for us all to embrace President John F. Kennedy's words: "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." America's Walls leads the way.

Reza Shah's authoritarian and modernising reign transformed Iran, but his rule and Iran's independence ended in ignominy in 1941. In this book, Shaul Bakhash tells the full story of the Anglo-Soviet invasion which led to his forced abdication, drawing upon previously unused sources to reveal for the first time that the British briefly, but seriously, toyed with the idea of doing away altogether with the ruling Pahlavis and considered reinstalling on the throne a little-regretted previous dynasty. Bakhash charts Reza Shah's final journey through Iran and into his unhappy exile; his life in exile, his reminiscences; his testy relationship with the British in Mauritius and Johannesburg; and the circumstances of his death. Additionally, it reveals the immense fortune Reza Shah amassed during his years in power, his finances in exile, and the drawn-out dispute over the settlement of his estate after his death. A significant contribution to the literature on Reza Shah and British imperialism as it played out in the case of one critical country during World War II, the book reveals the fraught relationship between a once powerful ruler in his final days and the British government at a critical moment in recent history.

This volume gives students, professors, and the general public a single, comprehensive source on the key themes in the historical development of the presidency from America's founding era through the presidency of George W. Bush. How has the role of the president changed since George Washington? How does the president interact with Congress? The courts? The states? Other nations? These are just a few of the overarching questions addressed in this volume in ABC-CLIO's About Federal Government set devoted to the president and the executive branch he manages. The Executive Branch of the Federal Government provides a brief history of the presidency, then looks at the constitutional powers of the office, the day-to-day functions of the federal bureaucracy, general elections, and presidential relationships with Congress and the courts. But perhaps most compelling are the insights into the officeholders themselves, the individuals who have served as president, each fashioning a term reflective of his own personality. Special features include edited and annotated texts of the presidents' inaugural addresses, a timeline of presidential elections and terms of office, and insightful portraits of all the major presidents A reference section includes lists of executive branch personnel and legislation aimed at granting or curtailing presidential power

Barack Obama splashed onto the political scene with an inspirational, rousing speech at the Democratic National Convention in July 2004. From that night on, Obamamania was very real. He is bold and audacious; his rhetoric fiery, convincing and very compelling. He encourages cross-over appeal, discourse, affiliation, and has drawn many Americans, including today's youth, into politics. This is the story of a man of mixed race heritage who inspires, listens, compromises, and is often bipartisan. With a charismatic smile and a cadre of change we can believe in, many believe that he embodies the American dream. Thousands have turned out to hear the dynamic senator from Illinois speak as he campaigns to become the next President of the United States. Barack Obama says that his story could only take place in America, and this revealing biography traces the events of his remarkable life thus far. From his upbringing in humble circumstances in Hawaii and Indonesia to becoming the fifth African American senator in U.S. history, and later, a presidential candidate, this well-researched volume highlights the hardships and successes, the people who most influenced his career, his personal life, and his meteoric rise to pop icon status. Rounded out with photos, a timeline, a bibliography, and an index, this volume is a must-read for high school and undergraduate students of current events and political science.

The biggest contemporary challenge to democratic legitimacy gravitates around the crisis of democratic representation. To tackle this problem, a growing number of established and new democracies included direct democratic instruments in their constitutions, enabling citizens to have direct influence on democratic decision-making. However, there are many different empirical manifestations of direct democracy, and their diverse consequences for representative democracy remain an understudied topic. Let the People Rule? aims to fill this gap, analysing the multifaceted consequences of direct democracy on constitutional reforms and issues of independence, democratic accountability mechanisms, and political outcomes. Chapters apply different methodological approaches to study the consequences of direct democracy on democratic legitimacy. These range from single in-depth case studies, like the Scottish independence referendum in 2014, to cross-national comparative studies, such as the direct democratic experience within the European Union.

Based on a decade of research in Indonesia, this book provides an in-depth account of the military's struggle to adapt to the new democratic system after the downfall of Suharto's authoritarian regime in 1998. Unlike other studies of the Indonesian armed forces, which focus exclusively on internal military developments, Mietzner's study emphasizes the importance of conflicts among civilians in determining the extent of military involvement in political affairs. Analysing disputes between Indonesia's main Muslim groups, Mietzner argues that their intense rivalry between 1998 and 2004 allowed the military to extend its engagement in politics and protect its institutional interests. The stabilization of the civilian polity after 2004, in contrast, has led to an increasing marginalization of the armed forces from the power centre. Drawing broader conclusions from these events for Indonesia's ongoing process of democratic consolidation, the book shows that the future role of the armed forces in politics will largely depend on the ability of civilian leaders to maintain functioning democratic institutions and procedures.

Access to government information faces many roadblocks in developing and emerging economies due to lack of appropriate legal frameworks and other requisite information laws. However, there is hope that many countries are now recognizing the importance of providing access to public information resources. Digital Access and E-Government: Perspectives from Developing and Emerging Countries explores the relationships that exist between access to information laws and e-government. It shares the strategies used in encouraging access to information in a variety of jurisdictions and environments, to be of use to e-government designers and practitioners, policymakers, and university professors.

Events in the post Cold War era have challenged the notions of realism and realpolitik, with an upsurge in intrastate conflicts involving other actors than just the state. During this period, the international community has witnessed the limitations of the tenets of realism for addressing disastrous civil wars or ethno-political conflicts internal to the states. Largely because of this, and alongside the emerging field of conflict resolution in western countries, transitional conflict resolution mechanisms emerged with characteristic multi-track diplomacy orientations for solving national problems within African countries. By the end of the 1980s and early 1990s, several African countries, including South Africa, Burundi and Sierra Leone resorted to either a Truth and Reconciliation Commission or an international tribunal to handle violence and restore peace and justice. In the same period, other African countries opted for what was called 'national conference' to solve their national problems and transform conflict into an opportunity for structural change. In February 1990, the Republic of Benin, a small nation-state in West Africa, achieved peace through a national conference. The national conference in Benin was a national gathering for crisis resolution through social debates on critical issues facing the nation, and political decision making for constructive changes. As a pioneer, Benin led the political change movement of the national conference and was later followed by eight other African countries namely, Chad, Congo-Brazzaville, Gabon, Mali, Niger, Togo, the Central African Republic, and the former Zaire, now known as the Democratic Republic of Congo. To date, most of the existing literature on the subject explores the phenomenon of national conference as something of a prelude to political transition to multipartyism and democracy. Part of the literature depicts the national conference as a civil coup d'etat, and recommends its institutionalization as a system for democratic transitions. This book takes a different approach by conceptualizing the national conference phenomenon as a multi-track diplomacy tool or as a process for conflict transformation and peacemaking. Building upon theories of conflict and conflict resolution, the author analyzes the national conference as a unique diplomatic approach to transforming national crisis, which expands the scope of strategies for peacemaking. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Jacques KOKO is an Adjunct Professor in the Whitehead School of Diplomacy and International Relations at Seton Hall University, New Jersey, USA, where he teaches "Peacemaking and peacekeeping," "Conflict and Displacement in Africa," and "Ethnopolitical conflict." A Beninois, Professor Koko has worked as a Senior Social Analyst with the Institut Africain pour le Developpement Economique et Social (INADES) in Abidjan (Ivory Coast) and as an Associate Researcher with the Universite Nationale d'Abomey Calavi in Cotonou (Benin). Correlatively with his teaching position at Seton Hall University, he currently serves as a Senior Political Analyst for Americans for Informed Democracy. He publishes in both English and French.