The volume New Politics of Decisionism aims to add a new dimension to the literature of populism. It deals with what Carl Schmitt famously coined as 'decisionism' - a form of politics based on the rule of a personal will, which is opposed to the rule of impersonal norms of constitutional law. The new politics of decisionism has gained a new form of populism, and it is equally noticeable in old and new constitutional democracies. The contributions follow the Schmittian idea of legally unbounded politics, usually justified with reference to exceptional circumstances - be that global financial crisis, transnational terrorist threats or massive immigration inflows - which require exceptional measures, and address the following issues: what is populism; how do the new politics of decisionism affect democratic processes and institutions; are constitutional democracies equipped to deal with these sort of challenges; can these politics be curtailed by the involvement of other political actors? New Politics of Decisionism consists of three parts. The first part offers theoretical explanations of the concept of populism and the challenges it poses to liberal democracy. The case studies included in the second part serve to explore the origins, forms, and dynamics of populism in contemporary societies. The third part consists of case studies that explore the general issue of whether courts can confront populism.

In the transition from apartheid rule to democratic governance in South Africa, what has been the impact on South African society at its base-on the people in the country's cities, towns, villages, and farms? Louis Picard and Thomas Mogale offer answers to this fundamental question, tracing historical trends and measuring change (or the lack of it) in the dynamic between the promise of local participatory governance and the realities of a hierarchical state. They examine the human dynamics of governance: The legacy of urban apartheid townships and rural homelands (or Bantustans) and its impact on local governance; intergovernmental relationships; and civil society. Their concern is with the state-centric manner in which the apartheid regime controlled black South Africans and the implications of this control for post apartheid South Africa. At the subnational government level they identify two trends: (1) A promise of-or at least the demand for - local participatory governance and (2) Local political elites trying to impose political structures and processes on society. This book examines the clash between those two historical trends and addresses the concern that South Africans may one day share the fate of many in the rest of Africa, particularly those who reside in its urban slums and in its rural areas.

This open access book provides an updated and fully revised 4th edition of this authoritative analysis of Swiss democracy. It particularly explains the institutions of federalism and consensus government through political power sharing. In this new edition, the authors also address several important changes and challenges that have affected Swiss democracy, including the country's relationship with the EU, fiscal equalisation, direct democracy and the legitimacy of national referendums, territorial conflict, as well as the polarisation of party politics.

Democratization in Indonesia has altered the political decision-making processes in many ways. It has also brought about tremendous change to the role of the Indonesian parliament in the country's political system. Once characterized as a powerless rubber stamp, the parliament has developed into a comprehensive and more representative body able to fulfil its functions more adequately. In the literature on democratic transition, the impact of parliaments on regime changes and on the democratic reorganization of the most important state institutions and regulations is usually neglected. In the Indonesian case, however, the national parliament was one of the most decisive actors and is therefore the focus of this book. The author analyses the parliament's contribution towards the process of democratization. Thus, this book contributes not only to research on the Indonesian democratization process, but also to the comparative research on parliaments in transition processes in general.

This work is a unique single source for information on the foreign policy-wars, treaties, initiatives, and doctrines-of all 43 presidents of the United States. From George Washington's isolationism to the Monroe Doctrine of hemispheric right to domination to Teddy Roosevelt's imperialism through George W. Bush's global war against terror, U.S. foreign policy has charted a varied course. As the area where the president has the most freedom of action, foreign policy can, and often does, change precipitously, according to the incumbent's view of the world. No other branch of government rivals the president's role in America's rise from liberal republic to global superpower. This work brings together the scholarship of leading historians and political scientists to present in-depth examination of the foreign policy of each president of the United States. This thorough presentation covers all aspects of international relations; although the work is not primarily interpretive, it does not shy from pointing out both notable successes and failures. The book's 43 essays present quick access to the whole of the history of American foreign policy. 42 essays-one per president-from leading historians and political scientists Primary source documents such as Abraham Lincoln's first inaugural address, John L. O'Sullivan on manifest destiny, and James K. Polk's war message A detailed chronology provides a convenient overview of the whole history of American foreign policy A bibliography following each section gives access to additional resources for more extensive research

This book- which features a foreword by Jean-Claude Juncker and Preface by Professor Harold James- examines the European vocation and achievements of Pierre Werner (1913-2002), former Prime Minister, Finance Minister and Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, unanimously recognized as one of the architects of Economic and Monetary Union. The author makes extensive use of Pierre Werner's previously unpublished archives belonging to the Werner family, opened for the first time for research purposes. The book analyses the Werner Report, negotiations within the Werner Committee, the emergence of the Committee's views on EMU, their political commitment to a European currency, the similarities and differences between their ideas, their personal networks, the influence of the states they represented, their theoretical and methodological input and their contribution to the political consensus. Chapters shed new light on various aspects of the European integration process and also on the role of Luxembourg and its European policy. In addition, the author has carried out a series of original interviews with Luxembourg and European figures who share their memories and thoughts concerning Pierre Werner, his achievements and his views on the European integration process, and also other topics such as Economic and Monetary Union and Luxembourg's European policy. This book will be of interest and value to researchers, EU policy makers and students in the fields of political economy, political science, economic history and history of economic thought.

El Diccionario de la Democracia contiene la teor a y la ideolog a de los reg menes democr ticos: sus antecedentes; or genes; principios; modalidades de deliberaci n y leyes; sus instituciones clave y variedades, acorde con la clase social que los dirija y el arreglo institucional correlativo. Asimismo compara sus principios, leyes e instituciones con otros reg menes, particularmente con sus opuestos, las oligarqu as o gobiernos de pocos, pero tambi n con la rep blica, la tiran a y la realeza; las razones de Estado que permiten su conquista, conservaci n y estabilidad; las fuentes internas y externas que los amenazan; las maneras de corromperse y las revoluciones que los afectan. Trata tambi n de los usos, costumbres y caracteres democr ticos; inventar a los rasgos ticos de la vida democr tica, por s mismos y comprobados con los de los ricos, las clases medias y los tiranos, hasta detallar las relaciones que sostienen entre s dirigentes y dirigidos, hombres y mujeres, viejos, j venes, maestros y alumnos, ciudadanos y animales..., por el impacto que la libertad e igualdad popular tienen en la vida p blica y privada de sus pueblos. Parte medular del mismo es la exposici n de las doctrinas, dogmas, leyes e instituciones del modelo liberal moderno de la democracia; un credo que se analiza en calidad de justificaci n del nouveau r gime por parte de sus ide logos modernos m s destacados y l cidos, quienes desv an el significado de las palabras democracia y liberal atribuidas sin m s a los Estados modernos.

This original and ambitious work looks anew at a series of intellectual debates about the meaning of democracy. Clive Barnett engages with key thinkers in various traditions of democratic theory and demonstrates the importance of a geographical imagination in interpreting contemporary political change. Debates about radical democracy, Barnett argues, have become trapped around a set of oppositions between deliberative and agonistic theories - contrasting thinkers who promote the possibility of rational agreement and those who seek to unmask the role of power or violence or difference in shaping human affairs. While these debates are often framed in terms of consensus versus contestation, Barnett unpacks the assumptions about space and time that underlie different understandings of the sources of political conflict and shows how these differences reflect deeper philosophical commitments to theories of creative action or revived ontologies of "the political." Rather than developing ideal theories of democracy or models of proper politics, he argues that attention should turn toward the practices of claims-making through which political movements express experiences of injustice and make demands for recognition, redress, and re pair. By rethinking the spatial grammar of discussions of public space, democratic inclusion, and globalization, Barnett develops a conceptual framework for analyzing the crucial roles played by geographical processes in generating and processing contentious politics.

Women in Power profiles 22 world leaders who have held the top positions of political power since 1960. Each chapter is devoted to a region of the world. In addition to providing an overview of the political careers of the women who emerged as leaders in these regions, the authors examine the political systems of each region in terms of the involvement of women in politics. Biographies of these political leaders are embedded within regional analyses that reveal not only the personal circumstances that each woman faced in her quest for power but also the political milieu from which she emerged. We learn about the obstacles as well as the advantages these women faced, and we derive insights into the structures that exist in our own societies regarding the power relations between men and women. Women in Power also devotes a chapter to differing theories of women's leadership and various theories of feminism around the world. Finally, in an effort to understand how the United States can appear to be the bastion of women's liberation around the world and yet have only 15 percent representation of women in power and no female president to date, the authors explore prospects for the upcoming 2008 U.S. presidential election and discuss potential candidates.

'Bridging European and gender studies, this volume deserves a great welcome to the literature. It not only offers a feminist reading of Europeanisation in general, but also discusses the process of Europeanisation and de-Europeanisation of Turkey with regard to changes in gender policy. The book demonstrates that the EU is the leading body to advocate gender equality, and also proves that it is a firm gender actor compared to other international organisations. However, as the volume also shows, the EU is not yet a normative gender actor due to the absence of a feminist rationale in promoting gender equality abroad. The contributions offer significant insights into EU-Turkey relations from a gender studies perspective.' Ayhan Kaya, Professor of Politics and Jean Monnet Chair for European Politics of Interculturalism, Istanbul Bilgi University, Turkey 'Su leymanoglu-Ku ru m and Cin have curated a timely volume that applies a feminist lens to the well-known Europeanisation framework. Using the case of Turkey, the book extends the focus of European studies scholarship that analyses the adaptation of non-member states to EU policies and practices to setting a new feminist agenda in the adaptation to the EU. Beyond the new insights offered on the Turkish case study, the volume provides a powerful critique, and highlights the limits of the EU's reach outside of its current border.' Toni Haastrup, Senior Lecturer in International Politics, University of Stirling, UK 'This pioneering volume, which extends feminist perspectives to the study of EU toward candidate countries, is a must-read for scholars of EU integration and gender studies.' Bahar Rumelili, Professor and Jean Monnet Chair at the Department of International Relations, Koc University, Turkey This book explores the Europeanisation of gender policies and addresses some of the challenges of the debates surrounding the EU's impact on domestic politics. Using Turkey as a case study, it illustrates that Europeanisation needs a feminist agenda and perspective. The first part of the book critically engages with the literature on Europeanisation, the EU's gender policies and gender policymaking, and the interaction between Europeanisation and gender policies to argue that the Europeanisation framework falls short in devising sustainable gender policies due to a lack of feminist rationale and theory. Subsequently, the book develops a feminist framework of Europeanisation by drawing on the work of key feminist philosophers (Carole Pateman, Onora O'Neill, Nancy Fraser, Anne Phillips, Iris Young) and uses this framework to offer a critique of the Europeanisation of gender policies in various areas where the EU has prompted changes to domestic policies, including in civil society, political representation, private sector, violence against women, education, and asylum policy.

"United We Fall" argues that today's harmful levels of polarization in American politics can be ratcheted down only by giving up the twin notions that the center is the sweet spot for political efficiency and that all differences deserve equal weight in the democratic balance. The American people need instead to embrace a political credo of civic engagement, confrontation with open ears, and spirited debate. The commonplace United We Stand must be supplanted by the insight that democracy is strongest where it acknowledges and formalizes real division. But surely bipartisan rancor in America and extremist violence around the world are symptoms of too much disagreement--not too little? No, asserts the author: The root cause of political violence of all stripes is the failure of opposing camps to engage each other openly and persuasively on their genuine and irreconcilable differences.

In making the case for principled disagreement, "United We Fall" reviews the history of good and bad disagreement practices in American politics, analyzes our mass media through a pro-disagreement lens, and draws on studies of conformist group behavior to expose the manipulative dynamics of contemporary dialog initiatives. Neisser assesses best practices for conducting public debate at all civic levels on the most vexed issues in America today: terrorism, multiculturalism, religion in politics, social and family values, race, the media, education, and the environment.

This book analyzes a range of new developments in various fields concerning the concepts of chaos and complexity theory. The proceedings of the 7th International Symposium on Chaos, Complexity and Leadership feature newly developed concepts involving various research methodologies for identifying chaos and complexity in different fields of the sciences and leadership. In addition, it explores chaotic and complex systems from all fields of knowledge in order to stake a claim of prevalence of compatibility between knowledge fields. Particular emphasis is placed on exploring non-linearity in order to open a discussion on new approaches to and perspectives on chaos, complexity and leadership. Readers will find coverage of important events that have recently taken place in our world, regardless of whether they were social, political, economic or scientific in nature. The book explores diverse aspects of and issues related to the effects of chaos and complexity in the world; discusses the application of nonlinear dynamics in order to arrive at transformational policies; and offers projections of tomorrow's world using an interdisciplinary approach. Though primarily intended for readers with an interest in nonlinear science, thanks to its focus on the application of chaos and complexity to other disciplines, the book appeals to a broad readership.

This book explores the conflict between the Catalan project to become independent and the Spanish state's opposition to any attempt of secessionism. The volume addresses some of the key political and academic issues of contemporary European societies: nationalism, separatism and sovereignty. The banned referendum in Catalonia in October 2017 unveiled the existence of multiple crises, from territorial to economic and political. Indeed, the Catalan issue is about the crisis of sovereignty: who holds legitimacy to make decisions, and who is in power legally and politically? The book is structured according to three themes: sovereignty and its people, where the realignment to independence, populism and the definition of the demos are discussed; collective identities and actions, to account for the shaping of 'us', the importance of collective memory and the cross-alliances forged during the referendum; and internationalization, focusing on Europeanisation, international media and comparative constitutional perspectives.

'Justice' and 'democracy' have alternated as dominant themes in political philosophy over the last fifty years. Since its revival in the middle of the twentieth century, political philosophy has focused on first one and then the other of these two themes. Rarely, however, has it succeeded in holding them in joint focus. This volume brings together leading authors who consider the relationship between democracy and justice in a set of specially written chapters. The intrinsic justness of democracy is challenged, the relationship between justice, democracy and impartiality queried and the relationship between justice, democracy and the common good examined. Further chapters explore the problem of social exclusion and issues surrounding sub-national groups in the context of democracy and justice. Authors include Keith Dowding, Richard Arneson, Norman Schofield, Albert Weale, Robert E. Goodin, Jon Elster, David Miller, Phillip Pettit, Julian LeGrand and Russell Hardin.

This book offers a ten-year perspective on ongoing and evolving digital activism practices across the Middle East and North Africa, drawing on interviews and ethnographic evidence collected between 2012 and 2020. It addresses the shifting narratives around digital activism and cultures in the region in the wake of the 2011 uprisings and the subsequent so-called second wave by considering the media environments in which local activists operate. Including in-depth analysis of three different political contexts - the 2011 Tunisian and Egyptian context and the 2019 political context in Lebanon - and focussing on case studies of the Tunisian blogosphere, online campaigning in the Egyptian presidential elections and interviews with social media activists, the book offers a critique of the increasing prevalence of a security perspective through which online activism has been viewed and its deleterious effect on digital political engagement in the region.

Building on a deep theoretical foundation and drawing on numerous examples, we examine how policies spread across the American states. We argue that for good policies to spread while bad policies are pushed aside, states must learn from one another. The three ingredients for this positive outcome are observable experiments, time to learn, and favorable incentives and expertise among policymakers. Although these ingredients are sometimes plentiful, we also note causes for concern, such as when policies are complex or incompatible with current practices, when policymakers give in to underlying political biases, or when political institutions lack the capacity for cultivating expertise. Under such conditions, states may rely on competition, imitation, and coercion, rather than learning, which can allow bad policies, rather than good ones, to spread. We conclude with lessons for reformers and policymakers and an assessment of our overall argument based on state responses to the COVID-19 pandemic.

This book examines the position and role of expertise in European policy-making and governance. At a time when the very notion of expertise and expert advice is increasingly losing authority, the book addresses these challenges by empirically examining specific administrative processes and institutional designs in the European Union. The first part of the volume theorizes expertise and its contestation by examining accounts of the legitimate institutional design of knowledge production processes and exploring the theoretical links of Europeanisation and expertise. The second part of the book delves into empirical institutionalist accounts of expertise and maps the role of experts in a variety of EU institutions but also explains the implications when EU bodies themselves are in an 'expert' position, such as agencies. The book offers insights into how individual experts deal with the challenge of producing reports that will be heard by policy-makers, while at the same time preserving their independence. Broadening its scope, the book then expands the analysis to the role of advisory committees in light of the shift from a reliance primarily on in-house expertise to including more external experts in advisory groups in the European Commission and European Parliament as well as at the European External Action. In the third part, the book opens the lens to developments beyond the EU by taking into account two highly pertinent fields: climate change and trade. These fields are highly complex, fast-developing, and politicised issues, and the book engages with them in order to provide an outside-in perspective on expertise. Chapter 6 is available open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via link.springer.com.

During the formative years of Dallas, Texas, the Hispanic population moved in circles that united and developed as a uniform society, building and molding the community to reach out and redefine themselves. But over the years, this trend slowly subsided. By uniting and bridging our differences, we can better appreciate today's increasingly misunderstood Hispanic culture.

From personal experiences in an impoverished and violent neighborhood to his political race for the House of Representatives, author Tony Aguilar details the political history of Dallas and the rising tide of Hispanic immigrants in Texas. He also discusses political trends and shifts, and customs in various Mexican communities, including:

* The birth of the Tejano
* The era of the dead horse
* The flashback movement
* Illegal immigration

Aguilar addresses the faults and possible short-comings that await political leaders with regard to the increasing Hispanic population. He also demonstrates the influence of family and tradition in modern politics. Texas Tide serves as a survival guide and road map to success for anyone interested in entering or continuing in politics in the American Southwest.