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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political activism > Pressure groups & lobbying
"I wish I had Jim Shultz's The Democracy Owners' Manual when I
started organizing and lobbying nearly 40 years ago. Shultz adds a
distinctive voice to why citizens who take the initiative and
organize will thwart and best the powerful. He engages the reader
with language that is simple, wise, perceptive, and
profound."-David Cohen, codirector, Advocacy Institute "A concise,
thorough, and very practical book . . . Shultz equips his reader
with the tools they need to understand the challenges of governance
and economic growth and how to influence them
effectively."--Harvard Political Review The Democracy Owners'
Manual is a unique, hands-on guide for people who want to change
public policy at the local, state, or national level. A combination
of policy and advocacy basics, the book offers a clear presentation
of the issues and debates activists are likely to encounter as well
as a lucid, example-rich guide to effective strategies and actions.
Newcomers and veteran activists alike will find this book an
invaluable treasure chest of ideas and stimulating stories to help
them tackle the issues they care about. The Democracy Owners'
Manual also lends itself for university courses in political
science, public administration, social work, public health,
environmental studies, and other disciplines that touch on public
policy and political change. Jim Shultz is the executive director
of The Democracy Center. Formerly an assistant to the California
Legislature and a California lobbyist with Common Cause and
Consumers Union, Shultz has trained thousands of civic advocates in
the United States, Latin America, and Africa.
Legislatures have one core defining function: that of giving assent
to measures that, by virtue of that assent, are to be binding on
society. In practice, they have usually performed other roles as
well, such as debating measures or the conduct of public affairs.
They have existed for centuries. They span the globe. Most
countries have one; federal states have several. Commentators
throughout the 20th century have bemoaned the decline of
legislatures, yet the number shows no sign of declining; if
anything, the reverse and their prominence has increased in the
1990s because of developments in central and eastern Europe.
This book provides an accessible account of popular political,
social and economic movements in the Third World. Focusing on poor
and marginalized groups within developing countries, it shows how
these groups have been stimulated into action by recent demands for
political and economic change.
Haynes describes the growing interest in democratic change in the
Third World during the 1980s and 1990s, and argues that demands for
democracy, human rights and economic change were a widespread
catalyst for the emergence of hundreds of thousands of popular
movements in Latin America, Africa and Asia. Sometimes these took
the form of demands for more political representation and greater
economic development; others were concerned with environmental
protection, the broad position of women and the establishment of
Islamic states and societies.
Haynes argues that these emerging popular organizations are best
regarded as building blocks of civil society that, in time, will
enhance the democratic nature of many political environments in the
Third World.
The book will be welcomed by students and researchers in
development studies, politics and sociology.
Drawing on case studies of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)
in West Bengal and Shramik Sangathana in Maharashtra, this
ground-breaking new work examines Indian women's political
activism. Investigating institutional change at the state level and
protest at the village level, Amrita Basu traces the paths of two
kinds of political activism among these women. With insights
gleaned from extensive interviews with activists, government
officials, and ordinary men and women, she finds that militancy has
been fueled by pronounced sexual and class cleavages combined with
potentially rancorous ethnic division. Thorough in its fieldwork,
incisive in its political analysis, Two Faces of Protest offers a
richly textured and sensitive view of women's political activism in
the Third World. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived
program, which commemorates University of California Press's
mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them
voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893,
Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship
accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title
was originally published in 1992.
Originally published as a pamphlet in 1979 and again by Pluto in
1980, In and Against the State brought together questions of
working-class struggle and state power, exploring how revolutionary
socialists might reconcile working in the public sector with their
radical politics. Informed by autonomist political ideas and
practices that were central to the protests of 1968, the book's
authors spoke to a generation of activists wrestling with the
question of where to place their energies. Forty years have passed,
yet the questions it posed are still to be answered. As the eclipse
of Corbynism and the onslaught of the global pandemic have
demonstrated with brutal clarity, a renewed socialist strategy is
needed more urgently than ever. This edition includes a new
introduction by Seth Wheeler and an interview with John McDonnell
that reflect on the continuing relevance of In and Against the
State and the questions it raises.
The Soweto crisis of 1976 marked a watershed in South African
political and social history. It focused the attention of the world
on the injustice of South African society and started the long and
tortuous process that has led to the dismantling of Apartheid. This
book examines the role and increasing impotence of English-speaking
intellectuals and liberals in South African politics from the 19th
century until the Soweto crisis.
Q. What's worth GBP2,000,000,000, answers to no-one and operates
out of public sight? A. Britain's influence industry The corporate
takeover of democracy is no conspiracy theory - it's happening, and
it affects every aspect of our lives: the food we eat, the places
we live, the temperature of our planet, how we spend our money and
how our money is spent for us. And much more. A Quiet Word shows
just how effectively the voice of public interest is being drowned
out by the word in the ear from the professional persuaders of the
lobbying industry. And if you've never heard about them, that's
because the most effective lobbying goes unnoticed. A Quiet Word
shines the brightest of lights into one of the darkest and
least-understood corners of our political culture. It is essential,
urgent, authoritative reading for anyone interested in our
democracy and where this country is heading. And by showing how
influence is constructed, it puts power back in your hands.
Higher education has long been contested terrain. From student
movements to staff unions, the fight for accessible, critical and
quality public education has turned university campuses globally
into sites of struggle. Whether calling for the decommodification
or the decolonisation of education, many of these struggles have
attempted to draw on (and in turn, resonate with) longer histories
of popular resistance, broader social movements and radical visions
of a fairer world. In this critical collection, Aziz Choudry, Salim
Vally and a host of international contributors bring grounded,
analytical accounts of diverse struggles relating to higher
education into conversation with each other. Featuring
contributions written by students and staff members on the
frontline of struggles from 12 different countries, including
Canada, Chile, France, India, Mexico, Nigeria, Occupied Palestine,
the Philippines, South Africa, Turkey, the UK and the USA, the book
asks what can be learned from these movements' strategies, demands
and visions.
France is a bellwether for the postcolonial anxieties and populist
politics emerging across the world today. This book explores the
dynamics and dilemmas of the present moment of crisis and hope in
France, through an exploration of recent moral panics. Taking stock
of the tensions as they have emerged over the last quarter of a
century, Paul Silverstein looks at urban racial violence, female
Islamic dress and male public prayer, anti-system gangster rap, and
sporting performances in and around which debates over France's
multicultural future have arisen. It traces these conflicts to the
unresolved tensions of an imperial project, the present-day effects
of which are still felt by many. Despite the barriers, which
include neo-nationalist racism and Islamophobia, French citizens of
various backgrounds have found ways to build flourishing lives.
Silverstein shows how they have responded to urban marginalisation,
police violence and institutional discrimination in remarkably
creative ways.
This book examines the rhetoric of various "exemplars" who advocate
for causes and actions pertaining to human rights in particular
contexts. Although some of these exemplars champion human rights,
others are human rights antagonists. Simply put, the argument here
is that concern for how particular individuals advocate for human
rights causes-as well as how antagonists obstruct such
initiatives-adds significant value to understanding the successes
and failures of human rights efforts in particular cultural and
national contexts. On one hand, we can grasp how specific
international organizations and actors function to develop norms
(for example, the rights of the child) and how rights are
subsequently articulated in universal declarations and formal
codes. But on the other, it becomes apparent that the actual
meaning of those rights mutate when "accepted" within particular
cultures. A complementary facet of this argument relates to the
centrality of rhetoric in observing how rights advocates function
in practice; specifically, rhetoric focuses upon the art of
argumentation and the various strategies and techniques enlisted
therein. In that much of the "reality" surrounding human rights
(from the standpoints of advocates and antagonists alike) is
fundamentally interpretive, rhetorical (or argumentative) skill is
of vital importance for advocates as competent pragma-dialecticians
in presenting the case that a rights ideal can enhance life in a
culture predisposed to reject that ideal. This book includes case
studies focusing on the rhetoric of the following individuals or
groups as either human rights advocates or antagonists: Mary B.
Anderson, Rwandan "hate radio" broadcasters, politicians and
military officials connected with the Kent State University and
Tiananmen Square student protest tragedies, Iqbal Masih, Pussy
Riot, Lyndon Johnson, Julian Assange, Geert Wilders, Daniel
Barenboim, Joe Arpaio, and Lucius Banda.
During the early 1880s a continual interaction of events, ideas,
and people in Ireland and the United States created a ""Greater
Ireland"" spanning the Atlantic that profoundly impacted both Irish
and American society. In A Greater Ireland: The Land League and
Transatlantic Nationalism in Gilded Age America, Ely M. Janis
closely examines the Irish National Land League, a transatlantic
organization with strong support in Ireland and the United States.
Founded in Ireland in 1879 against the backdrop of crop failure and
agrarian unrest, the Land League pressured the British government
to reform the Irish landholding system and allow Irish political
self-rule. The League quickly spread to the United States, with
hundreds of thousands of Irish Americans participating in branches
in their local communities. As this ""Greater Ireland"" flourished,
new opportunities arose for women and working-class men to
contribute within Irish-American society. Exploring the complex
interplay of ethnicity, class, and gender, Janis demonstrates the
broad range of ideological, social, and political opinion held by
Irish Americans in the 1880s. Participation in the Land League
deeply influenced a generation that replaced their old county and
class allegiances with a common cause, shaping the future of
Irish-American nationalism.
This latest volume in the CQ Press series on vital statistics in
American politics tackles interest groups and lobbying. This book
builds from data that has been collected and organized from
disclosure forms now required to be filed by registered lobbyists.
After providing background about the Lobbying Disclosure Act, the
book explores such questions as: When do organizations register to
lobby? What are the characteristics of lobbying organizations
(varying from professional and trade associations to businesses,
coalitions, public interest groups, and intergovernmental groups)?
How extensively do organizations lobby on issues? What sorts of
efforts do they exert across Congress, the White House, and the
various federal agencies? What is involved in terminations of
lobbying firms and organizations? What sorts of issues and
organizations are most often targeted? And what sorts of moneys are
spent and how? Via narrative supported by extensive tables and
charts, Vital Statistics on Interest Groups provides a broad,
comprehensive, and informative view of lobbying, interest groups,
and campaign contributions and their impact on American national
politics.
The top one percent own about one-third of the assets in America
and 40 percent of assets around the world. This concentration of
financial resources in many countries gives the ultra-rich
extraordinary influence over elections, public policy, and
governance. In his new book, Darrell M. West analyzes the growing
political activism of billionaires and how they have created more
activist forms of politics and philanthropy based on their net
worth. With this "wealthification" of politics and society, it is
important to understand how this concentration of wealth affects
system performance as well as social and economic opportunity.
Through personal interactions and rich anecdotes, West takes us
inside the world of the super-wealthy through a balanced and
insightful analysis of U.S. billionaires such as Sheldon Adelson,
David and Charles Koch, George Soros, Michael Bloomberg, Bill
Gates, Peter Thiel, Donald Trump and Tom Steyer. And looking
abroad, West analyzes the billionaires who have run for office in
nations such as Austria, Australia, France, Georgia, India, Italy,
Russia, Thailand, and the Ukraine. From oligarchs in Russia and
Eastern Europe to princelings in China, tycoons raise important
questions about political influence, transparency, accountability,
and government performance. This book argues that countries need
policies that promote better transparency, governance, and
opportunity.
The Confederation Paysanne, one of France's largest farmers'
unions, has successfully fought against genetically modified
organisms (GMOs), but unlike other allied movements, theirs has
been led by producers rather than consumers. In Food, Farms, and
Solidarity, Chaia Heller analyzes the group's complex strategies
and campaigns, including a call for a Europe-wide ban on GM crops
and hormone-treated beef, and a protest staged at a McDonald's. Her
study of the Confederation Paysanne shows the challenges small
farms face in a postindustrial agricultural world. Heller also
reveals how the language the union uses to argue against GMOs
encompasses more than the risks they pose; emphasizing solidarity
has allowed farmers to focus on food as a cultural practice and
align themselves with other workers. Heller's examination of the
Confederation Paysanne's commitment to a vision of
alter-globalization, the idea of substantive alternatives to
neoliberal globalization, demonstrates how ecological and social
justice can be restored in the world.
Where politics is dominated by two large parties, as in the United
States, politicians should be relatively immune to the influence of
small groups. Yet narrow interest groups often win private benefits
against majority preferences and at great public expense. Why? The
"vulnerability thesis" is that the electoral system is largely to
blame, making politicians in two-party systems more vulnerable to
interest group demands than politicians in multiparty systems.
Political scientist Lorelei Moosbrugger ranks democracies on a
continuum of political vulnerability and tests the thesis by
examining agrochemical policy in Austria, Britain, Germany, Sweden,
and the European Union.
In carefully crafted official statements, the European Union
presents itself as an honest broker in the Middle East. In reality,
however, the EU's 27 governments have been engaged in a long
process of accommodating Israel's occupation of Palestinian
territories. Journalist David Cronin interrogates the relationship
and its outcomes. A recent agreement for "more intense, more
fruitful, more influential co-operation" between the EU and Israel
has meant that Israel has become a member state of the Union in all
but name. Cronin shows that rather than using this relationship to
encourage Israeli restraint, the EU has legitimized actions such as
the ill-treatment of prisoners and the Gaza invasion. Concluding
his revealing and shocking account, Cronin calls for a continuation
and deepening of international activism and protest to halt the
EU's slide into complicity.
Never before has the idea of democracy enjoyed the global dominance
it holds today, but neoliberalism has left the practice of
democracy finds itself in deep crisis. Marianne Maeckelbergh argues
that the most promising model for global democracy is not coming
from traditional political parties or international institutions,
but from the global networks of resistance to neoliberal economics,
known collectively as the Alter-globalization movement. Through
extensive ethnography of decision-making practices within these
movements, Maeckelbergh describes an alternative form of global
democracy in the making. Perfect for activists and students of
political anthropology, this powerful and enlightening book offers
radical changes.
A revised, updated and expanded edition of this classic feminist
account of British labour history Critical and iconoclastic,
Comrade or Brother? traces the history of the British Labour
Movement from its beginnings at the onset of industrialisation
through its development within a capitalist society, up to the end
of the twentieth-century. Written by a leading activist in the
labour movement, the book redresses the balance in much labour
history writing. It examines the place of women and the influence
of racism and sexism as well as providing a critical analysis of
the rival ideologies which played a role in the uneven development
of the labour movement.
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