America is fighting a Civil War today. Between the Citizen and the State. On one side are the Patriots, people who support the Constitution and our system of government: limited in its power over your life. A system of checks and balances and small government where the important decisions are made by the States, not Washington. A system where 'We the People' has real meaning, where Rights apply to individuals, and where the Government has only duties. Patriots trust the people. On the other side are the Progressives, people who believe that ethics and morality and law come not from God but from the Government. Their vision is for a system where the Government becomes the Nanny State, and in the process Big Brother, taking care of them from Cradle to Grave. All you have to give up for this Utopia is your personal freedom and all your Rights - which turn out to be not so inalienable after all. Progressives trust the State. Refounding America is about fighting this Patriotic War against the Progressives who would have their State take over every aspect of our lives. Their prescription for "hope" and "change" is Socialism, the first step on the slippery slope to Marxism. Over 60 years ago, George Orwell warned us about this coming totalitarian dystopia in his works 1984 and Animal Farm. In the latter, all the animals were equal - except the elitist Pigs, who were more equal. Sound familiar? Refounding America is the field manual for the other animals in the barnyard who want their own personal freedoms back and are sick and tired of the Pigs telling them what to do. Refounding America is the handbook loaded with practical, tactical strategies to "Take Back America Now," and win the battle against the Progressives.

This book provides a fresh and even-handed account of the newly modernized AARP (formerly the American Association of Retired Persons) - the 40-million member insurance giant and political lobby that continues to set the national agenda for Medicare and Social Security. Frederick R. Lynch addresses AARP's courtship of 78 million aging baby boomers and the possibility of harnessing what may be the largest ever senior voting bloc to defend threatened cutbacks to Social Security, Medicare, and under-funded pension systems. Based on years of research, interviews with key strategists, and analyses of hundreds documents, "One Nation under AARP" profiles a largely white generation, raised in the relatively tranquil 1950s and growing old in a twenty-first century nation buffeted by rapid economic, cultural, and demographic change. Lynch argues that an ideologically divided boomer generation must decide whether to resist entitlement reductions through its own political mobilization or, by default, to empower AARP as it tries to shed its 'greedy geezer' stereotype with an increasingly post-boomer agenda for multigenerational equity.

Delivering Aid examines local welfare practices, policies, and debates during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in a diverse collection of western communities including Protestant cash-crop homesteaders, Catholic Hispanic subsistence farmers, miners in a dying mining center, residents in a dominant regional city, Native Americans on an Indian reservation, and farmers and workers in a stable mixed economy. Krainz investigates how communities used poor relief, mothers' pensions, blind benefits, county hospitals, and poor farms, as well as explains the roles that private charities played in sustaining needy residents. Delivering Aid challenges existing historical interpretations of the development of America's welfare state. Most scholars argue that the Progressive Era was a major transformation in welfare practices due to new theories about poverty and charity. Yet drawing on evidence from local county pauper books, Krainz concludes that by focusing on implementation welfare practices show little change. Still, assistance varied widely since local conditions--settlement patterns, economic conditions, environmental factors, religious practices, existing relief policies, and decisions by local residents--shaped each community's welfare strategies and were far more important in determining relief practices than were new ideas concerning poverty.

The 1994 Rwandan genocide, in which more than 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu were massacred in just 100 days, was an unparalleled modern-day slaughter. How does a nation pick up the pieces after the killing has stopped? In a gripping narrative that examines the power of the press and sheds light on how the media turned tens of thousands of ordinary Rwandans into murderers, award-winning author and journalist Dina Temple-Raston traces the rise and fall of three media executives -- Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, and Hassan Ngeze. From crime to trial to verdict, Temple-Raston explores the many avenues of justice Rwanda pursued in the decade after the killing. Focusing on the media trial at the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, she then drops down to the level of the hills, where ordinary Rwandans seek justice and retribution, and examines whether politics in the East African nation has set the stage for renewed violence. In the months leading up to the killing, two local media outlets, Radio Television Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) and the tabloid newspaper Kangura, warned that a bloody confrontation was brewing. No one would be spared, they said. Observers said later that fearmongering from RTLM and Kangura played a key role in igniting the genocide, so much so that the three men behind the media outlets became the first journalists since Nuremberg to be tried in an international court for crimes against humanity. Drawing on extensive interviews with key players, Dina Temple-Raston brings to life a cast of remarkable characters: the egotistical newspaper editor Hassan Ngeze; hate radio cofounders, the intellectual Ferdinand Nahimana and the defiant legal scholar Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza; an American-led prosecution team wary of a guilty verdict that might bring a broadly written judgment muzzling the press the world over; the bombastic American defense attorney John Floyd; heroic Damien Nzabakira, who risked his life to drive forty orphans to safety only to spend eight years in prison accused of their murder; and Bonaventure Ubalijoro, a Rwandan diplomat and politician who believed in miracles. An extraordinary feat of reporting and narrative, Justice on the Grass reveals a Rwanda few have seen. A searing and compassionate book, Justice on the Grass illustrates how, more than a decade later, a country and its people are still struggling to heal, to forgive, and to make sense of something that defies credibility and humanity."

Practical guidance how to prepare for and meet with elected officials and staff, how to write effective letters and emails to elected officials, strategies for influencing legislators face-to-face, best practices for communicating with Congress and state legislatures, and how to write persuasive "letters to the editor."

This book is one part research studies, one part interviews and focus groups, and one part experience. It uses available research on Congress and its decision making. Dozens of elected officials, including members of Congress, and their staff agreed to off-the-record interviews and discussed the factors that contribute to their decision-making process.

Strategies for Influencing Legislators Face-to-Face

Best Practices for Communicating with Congress and State Legislatures

Practical Guidance How to Prepare for and Meet with Elected Officials

How to Write Effective Letters and Email to Members of Congress

How to Write Persuasive Letters to the Editor that Get Published

Summary Table of Contents
Part I. How Government Really Works
Ch. 1. How Congressional Offices Work
Ch. 2. Congressional Culture
Ch. 3. How Legislators Make Decisions
Ch. 4. People Who Can (and Can't) Influence Legislators and How They Do It
Part II. How to Influence a Legislator
Ch. 5. Strategies for Influencing Legislators
Ch. 6. Face-to-Face Meetings
Ch. 7. Communications
Appendices
A. The Advocate's Pledge
B. US Constitution and Amendments
C. Declaration of Independence
D. Information about Congress and Washington, DC Index

Complete Table of Contents online at www.CitizensHandbook.com

The Young Lords, who originated as a Chicago street gang fighting gentrification and unfair evictions in Puerto Rican neighborhoods, burgeoned into a national political movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s, with headquarters in New York City and other centers in Philadelphia, Boston, Los Angeles, and elsewhere in the northeast and southern California. Part of the original Rainbow Coalition with the Black Panthers and Young Patriots, the politically radical Puerto Ricans who constituted the Young Lords instituted programs for political, social, and cultural change within the communities in which they operated. The Young Lords offers readers the opportunity to learn about this vibrant organization through their own words and images, collecting an array of their essays, journalism, photographs, speeches, and pamphlets. Organized topically and thematically, this volume highlights the Young Lords' diverse and inventive activism around issues such as education, health care, gentrification, police injustice and gender equality, as well as self-determination for Puerto Rico. In recovering these rare written and visual materials, Darrel Enck-Wanzer has given voice to the lost chorus of the Young Lords, while providing an indispensable resource for students, scholars, activists, and others interested in learning about this influential grassroots "street political" organization.

An unabridged edition to include: Political Ideals - Capitalism and the Wage System - Pitfalls in Socialism - Individual Liberty and Public Control - National Independence and Internationalism

The New South Wales club gaming industry is a multi-billion dollar business with some of the largest registered clubs in the world operating more poker machines than many casinos - but not subject to the same scrutiny. Their status as 'mutuals' allows them to pay little, if any, corporate income tax and low state tax rates on gaming profits. Casino Clubs NSW describes how big clubs have attained and retained a dominant position in the gaming industry. While recognising the positive role of small mutual clubs, it questions the continuing government support of big clubs through tax and regulatory concessions, and refutes claims that the bulk of gaming profits are spent on community contributions and sports sponsorship. Casino Clubs NSW presents the story of public campaigns, private lobbying and back-room machinations aimed at blocking a 2003 decision by Premier Bob Carr and Treasurer Michael Egan to increase taxes on the gaming profits of big clubs. Carr and Egan resisted these campaigns but incoming Premier Iemma backed down in order to obtain the support of some disaffected backbenchers. Hundreds of millions of dollars are being lost in state taxes. And the price is rising. 'An excellent, original piece of academic social science research into a major public policy issue. It is a shame that this was not written ten years ago to provide the evidence to prevent some misguided, self-interested and costly policy decisions taken by successive governments in NSW.' - Professor Michael Johnson, University of NSW 'An original contribution to knowledge and to public policy in Australia (and in the sector of gambling studies). It tells a story of policy intrigue and behind the scenes manoeuvring to preserve privileged positions.' - Professor John Wanna, Australian National University Tags: Betty Con Walker, Business and economics

This book was written with the specific purpose of finding out why President Joseph "Erap" Estrada was convicted of plunder by the Republic of the Philippines Sandiganbayan which imposed a sentence of reclusion perpetua. He was accused of bribery, graft and corrupt practices, betrayal of trust and culpable violation of the Constitution. There are always two sides to every story. This book presents the side of trying to find out what caused his fall from grace by highlighting his misdeeds and underscoring his abuse of power as President of the Republic of the Philippines.

What happened to the usage of common sense in the decision making process? In "The Invisible Man" writer James Leonard Nobles offers some new perspectives on and insightful resolutions for the challenges confronting modern society in the 21st century. And he refuses to submit to the political correctness being forced upon us by the "Powerbrokers of Hypocrisy." Through persuasive arguments and satire, Mr. Nobles takes on the "Institutions" that have betrayed the American people. He says, ""The history that is written is not always the history that was, and the truth is often hidden beneath ideological propaganda."" With candor seldom shown today, Jim openly discusses the controversial issues tearing at the hearts and souls of most decent men and women. "The Invisible Man" examines the declining social values and the consequences of our choices. For we stand at the fork of fate. One path is the end and the other path is a new beginning. Choose wisely for there is no going back.

About the Author:
Author James Leonard Nobles is a new voice from a section of the population often forgotten by society. But he represents the majority of Americans who are fed up with their government, both political parties, irresponsible corporations, and the greed of a few. Born with congenital cataracts in 1960, he knows firsthand how difficult the struggles in life can be. After dropping out of college, Jim returned at the age of 40, where he became the first college graduate in his family. Graduating in August of 2005 with a B.S. in Communications and Information Technology ("New Media"), he has been working tirelessly on "The Invisible Man" for close to four years (first year writing; last three years editing and publishing).

A revised, updated and expanded edition of this classic feminist account of British labour history Critical and iconoclastic, Comrade or Brother? traces the history of the British Labour Movement from its beginnings at the onset of industrialisation through its development within a capitalist society, up to the end of the twentieth-century. Written by a leading activist in the labour movement, the book redresses the balance in much labour history writing. It examines the place of women and the influence of racism and sexism as well as providing a critical analysis of the rival ideologies which played a role in the uneven development of the labour movement.

From the world's largest nonprofit networking website?a resource that gives readers the tools they need to make a difference.
Part career guide, part activist's handbook, "The Idealist.org Handbook to Building a Better World" provides tools and inspiration for anyone who wants to make a difference but doesn?t know where to start. Inspired by Idealist.org's 600,000-member online community and their ongoing search for work that gives back to the world, this practical reference walks readers through the different ways they can get involved and the range of possibilities for applying one's interests and skills to meet their community's needs.
Idealist.org's staff gives a comprehensive understanding of the issues, options, organizations, and resources so readers can be proactive, whether it's through one's current job, volunteering, donating, personal spending, board service, starting an organization, or changing careers.

"Political Power in Alabama" is the sequel to Anne Permaloff and Carl Grafton's "Big Mules and Branchheads," a biography of the populist governor "Big Jim" Folsom. Encompassing the years from 1958 to 1970 and the gubernatorial terms of John Patterson, George Wallace, Lurleen Wallace, and Albert Brewer, the present volume offers a full account of the breakup of the Big Mule Alliance, the elite coalition of Alabama's largest industrial and agricultural interests, and the subsequent effects on the state's political environment.

Dominating Alabama politics for most of the century through disenfranchisement and control of the legislature, the "Big Mules" wanted low taxes, a minimally effective school system, no effective labor unions, a small electorate, and racial segregation. By 1958, however, the Big Mules' urban and rural elements had grown disaffected with one another, and outside forces were driving them apart. In a few years, the legislature and the electorate would be drastically restructured. Although this period could have been a time to set new policy directions for the state, say Permaloff and Grafton, many opportunities for change were squandered, establishing the politics of Alabama today and the problems facing the state.

"Political Power in Alabama" covers an extraordinarily complex set of issues and events, including the civil rights struggle, urban-rural disparities, the lack of party competition, the structure of the tax system, and the economic and cultural gaps separating Alabama and the rest of the South from the nation.

Long-time Forward columnist David Klinghoffer argues in a new book that "God commands you to be a conservative." This book begs to differ, offering deeper readings of the Torah and Talmud to make the case for voting liberal this election. Controversial issues addressed include gay marriage, abortion, drug policy, taxation and capital punishment.

America spends more than any other developed nation on healthcare--$2.1 trillion in 2007 alone. But 47 million Americans remain uninsured, and of those Americans who are insured, many suffer from poor health. In his ground-breaking proposal, Dr. Ezekiel Emanuel offers up a plan to comprehensively restructure the delivery and quality of our healthcare. By eliminating employer-healthcare and establishing an independent program to evaluate healthcare plans and insurance companies, he offers a no-nonsense guide to how government can institute private insurance options that will allow each of us a choice of doctor and plan. With the rate of healthcare costs rapidly outpacing our gross domestic product, we can no longer afford to maintain our fragmented delivery of care, or entertain reforms that seek to patch, rather than cure, a fractured system. Accessible, straightforward, and revolutionary in its approach, "Healthcare, Guaranteed" is an inarguable guide to lasting healthcare reform.

From stem cell research to intelligent design to global warming, political conflict over science is heating up. In his 2005 bestseller, The Republican War on Science, journalist Chris Mooney made the case that, again and again, even overwhelming scientific consensus has met immovable political obstacles. And, again and again, those obstacles have arisen on the right-from the Bush administration, from coalitions of Republicans and from individually powerful Republicans. As the new paperback edition announces, Mooney's book, "brings this whole story together for the first time, weaving the disparate strands of the attack on science into a compelling and frightening account of our government's increasing unwillingness to distinguish between legitimate research and ideologically driven pseudoscience." Looking for a Fight, Is There a Republican War on Science? started life as a 'book event'-an online, roundtable-style critical symposium on Mooney's work, hosted at Crooked Timber (crookedtimber.org). Eight contributors offered reviews, discussion and critical commentary. And Mooney responded to his critics. Now the event is a book, available here in print for the first time and online (for free download at parlorpress.com). "Man, you guys worked me hard ." - Chris Mooney

Current Events / Political Activism Take Action in 2004...
With the 2004 Presidential election right around the corner, it is time for every American disillusioned by President Bush and his administration to take action. Whether you're a first time activist or a professional campaigner, "Stop Bush in 2004: How Every Citizen Can Help" is every citizen's comprehensive action handbook. Within its pages you will learn all the effective ways of taking action during the Presidential Campaign including activism directed to hinder the Bush Campaign, aid the Democratic Campaign, improve media coverage, engage students, and affect the economy. You will learn how to choose the actions that are best for you and which actions are the most effective. "Stop Bush in 2004" provides a complete overview of all aspects necessary for taking effective action: What to know and do prior to taking action, how to successfully organize, highlights of Bush's record, and a full list of resources. It's time to participate and take responsibility for our government. Join the citizen's campaign to stop Bush and Company before four more years of harm are thrust upon us. They can be beaten. We must all take action

Richard Falk has dedicated much of his life to the study of the Israel/Palestine conflict. In Palestine's Horizon, he brings his experiences to bear on one of the most controversial issues of our times. After enduring years of violent occupation, the Palestinian movement is exploring different avenues for peace. These include the pursuit of rights under international law through the UN and International Criminal Court, and the new emphasis on global solidarity and non-violent militancy embodied by the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Campaign (BDS). In focusing on these new tactics of resistance, Falk refutes the notion that the Palestinian struggle is a 'lost cause'. He also reflects on the legacy of Edward Said and the importance of his humanist thought in order to present a vision of peace that is mindful of the formidable difficulties of achieving a just solution to the long conflict.

The federal government wastes your tax dollars worse than a drunken sailor on shore leave. The 1984 Grace Commission uncovered that the Department of Defense spent $640 for a toilet seat and $436 for a hammer. Twenty years later things weren't much better. In 2004, Congress spent a record-breaking $22.9 billion dollars of your money on 10,656 of their pork-barrel projects. The war on terror has a lot to do with the record $413 billion in deficit spending, but it's also the result of pork over the last 18 years the likes of:
- $50 million for an indoor rain forest in Iowa
- $102 million to study screwworms which were long ago eradicated from American soil
- $273,000 to combat goth culture in Missouri
- $2.2 million to renovate the North Pole (Lucky for Santa )
- $50,000 for a tattoo removal program in California
- $1 million for ornamental fish research
Funny in some instances and jaw-droppingly stupid and wasteful in others, "The Pig Book" proves one thing about Capitol Hill: pork is king

Founded in May 1783 at Steuben's headquarters near Newburg, N.Y., by officers of the Continental army and navy, the Society of the Cincinnati was at one time one of America's most controversial organizations. In Liberty without Anarchy, Minor Myers relates how the officers, who had not been paid for four years, began to circulate rumors of a military coup. The society, with Washington as President-General, was formed to exert political pressure on Congress to guarantee payment in response to the angry men.

Many Americans, Thomas Jefferson principal among them, viewed the new organization with suspicion, as a seedbed for a hereditary American aristocracy. As Myers points out, the fears were well-founded: many society members were monarchists, and in 1786 Steuben himself wrote to Prince Henry of Prussia inquiring whether he might be interested in becoming king of the United States. Prince Henry declined.

The interest in monarchy ended with the adoption of the federal Constitution in 1787, with many society members as delegates to the Convention, but it was not until 1827 that the original pay dispute was resolved and the officers awarded a pension. With unprecedented access to the society's papers and documents, Minor Myers has produced a highly readable history of this fascinating organization, in which he concludes that the Society is an important reminder of the road the American revolutionaries avoided--the road that led from revolution to army coup to military dictatorship--a road taken by most of the armed revolutions of the last two hundred years.

tag: The history of how a powerful and potentially subversive group of officers made the choice for liberty during the Revolutionary War

" Entre le Savoir et le Culte presente des etudes et documents originaux qui mettent a jour l'evolution de l'islam et du christianisme parmi les etudiants d'universites des pays du Sahel. Il revele les fissures et les conflits entre les groupes, et analyse leurs modes oraux, ecrits et vestimentaires d'affichage et de performance. Cet ouvrage apporte ainsi un puissant eclairage sur l'emprise du religieux sur l'elite en formation, et examine les deux interrogations qui alimentent l'activisme religieux universitaire la signification de la revendication d'une identite musulmane ou chretienne, et comment celle-ci faconne la modernite des deux religions et vice-versa. A lire pour comprendre le dynamisme des terribles crises qui amenent la region sahelienne a se tourner sur elle-meme. " - Mamadou Diouf, Leitner Family Professor of African Studies, Columbia University, Etats-Unis. " Quelquefois negligees ou mal comprises par les analystes etrangers, les universites saheliennes sont le theatre de debats profonds sur l'identite nationale, et d'importantes negociations autour de la religiosite et de l'ethnicite. Cette collection rassemble les travaux d'eminents specialistes dans ce domaine, et propose une perspective riche et comparative de leur travail collectif, ancree dans leur recherche sur le terrain. L'ouvrage sera indispensable a tous les chercheurs, analystes, et decideurs politiques qui travaillent sur le Sahel. Ces chapitres contribueront beaucoup a la comprehension des experiences et priorites d'une generation d'activistes et de leaders qui marqueront la region dans les annees a venir. " - Alex Thurston, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Universite de Cincinnati, Etats-Unis Contributeurs: Mamadou Ballo, Mamadou Bodian, Mamadou Lamine Dembele, Ladiba Gondeu, Koudbi Desire Kabore, Abakar Walar Modou, Elemine Ould Mohamed Baba Moustapha, Benjamin Soares, Magloire Some, Abdoulaye Sounaye, Leonardo A. Villalon.

Whether picketing outside abortion clinics, speaking out at school board meetings, or attending anti-death penalty vigils, many Americans have publicly opposed local, state, or federal government policies on the basis of their religious convictions. In The Fracture of Good Order , Jason Bivins examines the growing phenomenon of Christian protest against civil authority and political order in the United States. He argues that since the 1960s, there has been a proliferation of religious activism against what protesters perceive as government's excessive power and lack of moral principle. Calling this phenomenon ""Christian antiliberalism,"" Bivins finds at its center a belief that American politics is based on a liberal tradition that gives government too much social and economic influence and threatens the practice of a religious life. Focusing on the Catholic pacifism of Daniel and Philip Berrigan and the Jonah House resistance community, the Christian Right's homeschooling movement, and the evangelical Sojourners community, Bivins combines religious studies with political theory to explore the common ground shared by these disparate groups. Despite their vast ideological and institutional differences, Bivins argues, these activists justify their actions in overtly religious terms based on a rejection of basic tenets of the American political system. Analyzing the widespread dissatisfaction with the conventional forms of political identity and affiliation that characterize American civic life today, Bivins sheds light on the complex relations between religion and democratic society. |Bivins examines Christian activist groups not usually considered together, from the Berrigan brothers to the New Christian Right movement, to show that despite their differing agendas, all are opposed to the government's excessive power and lack of moral influence. Christian antiliberalism, as Bivins calls it, brings religious language and symbolic actions to bear on a political system whose authority is perceived as morally bankrupt.

No idea has captured the imagination or expressed the hopes of Arabs in the twentieth century as has Arab nationalism, and perhaps no subject has received so much attention from historians of the Middle East. But, while many historians have explored its intellectual sources, few have considered the social and political environment in which Arab nationalism evolved as an ideological movement. This study attempts to correct the imbalance and, in the process, provides a fascinating interpretation of the rise of the ideology of nationalism within the Arab world. The book focuses on the social and political life of the great notable families of Ottoman Damascus, who, before World War I, played a crucial part in translating the idea into political action. Dr Khoury explains how such long-term factors as the Ottoman reformation, European economic expansion and agrarian commercialization in Syria encouraged rival and socially differentiated networks of influential families to merge into a cohesive upper class. Under the umbrella of a reinvigorated Ottoman central authority, this class of landowners and bureaucrats produced a new urban leadership, which dominated local politics after 1860.