The 1980s have witnessed increased concern over the impact of ethnic interest groups on foreign policy, particularly in the case of Jewish lobbying efforts in behalf of the state of Israel. In this study, Professor Goldberg presents a detailed comparison of American and Canadian Jewish lobbying organizations over the past fifteen years, offering a careful assessment of their influence on foreign policy decisions affecting the Middle East. Professor Goldberg focuses primarily on the two most prominent Jewish foreign policy interest groups: the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and the Canada-Israel Committee (CIC). He examines the response of these organizations to a series of crisis issues, beginning with the Arab-Israeli war of 1973 and including the current Palestinian uprising. Using a set of analytical criteria, he correlates their responses with the conduct of U.S. and Canadian foreign policy during the same period. His analysis shows how the variable successes and failures of the two interest groups have been influenced both by differences in the political systems in which they operate and their own internal political and organizational characteristics. In addition to presenting significant new information on the Israel lobby, this analysis provides a groundwork for future studies of ethnic foreign policy interest groups operating in varying political systems and cultures. This volume is a valuable resource for the Jewish community as well as scholars and professionals in Middle East studies, ethnic studies, foreign policy, and related fields.

This book provides a nuanced picture of how governmental advocates develop their lobbying strategies. Through in-depth analysis of context specific data from surveys of and interviews with California lobbyists, the author explores how context, targets, and tactics interact as lobbyists try to influence legislative decision making.

This is a significant contribution to the worldwide discussion of political self-determination as a source of socio-cultural and political hope, conflict and confusion. Inspired by Martin Ennals, long the quietly visionary Director-General of Amnesty International, the book consists of cases and penetratingly definitive analyses, culminating in trenchant recommendations for action by world bodies. With self-determination intensely at issue so widely, from the former Yugoslavia to Kashmir to Quebec, this distinguished book by a global group of experts is particularly timely.

Nationalist movements in the South have been superseded by a plethora of different social movements. This book examines these new movements and considers emerging paradigms of organization and mobilization, which are related to the role movements play in economic and political development. The book analyzes a number of cases and their context and discusses the implications for social movement theory. The focus is on social movements among underprivileged and middle class groups, and the book is global in scope.

Who should provide food, and through what relationships? Whose livelihoods should be protected? For over 20 years the peasant farmers of La Via Campesina have been engaged in the fight against injustice, hunger and poverty under the banner of food sovereignty, 'the right of peoples to healthy and culturally appropriate food produced through ecologically sound and sustainable methods, and their right to define their own food and agriculture systems'. They campaign for healthy, sustainable alternatives to an industrial food system controlled by agribusiness companies and the architects of unfair trade agreements. This book draws on grounded case studies of agrarian movements in the Americas and Europe as exemplars of a 'power shift,' as local opposition scales up to global action in an effort to wrest control of our food away from transnational corporations and back to communities.

This is the first scholarly study of late Victorian and Edwardian peace activism, the precursor to the pacifism of the 1930s and later. The movement's activists included Richard Cobden, Herbert Spencer, Keir Hardie, J. A. Hobson, and Norman Angell, and it made a significant impact on public debate over issues such as the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1 and the international crisis leading up to the First World War.

Explores the need for political science to pay more attention to complex interactions involving politically relevant groups. Distinguished contributors report on data from around the world and at different levels of political decision making - from 'below the radar' in local communities to global negations at the World Trade Organization.

After a landslide electoral victory in 2006, Evo Morales became the first indigenous President of Bolivia. Morales's stunning ascent was mirrored by the rising fortunes of his political party, the leftist Movimiento al Socialismo, which today continues to challenge the status quo in Bolivian politics and implement ambitious social reforms. This study examines how the state and social movements have impacted democratization in Bolivia, along with other sectors such as NGOs and the media. Soledad Valdivia Rivera's analysis helps us to understand how the movement's relationships have come to transform the Bolivian political process as we know it.

The Arab Spring put non-governmental public action centre-stage in the drive for greater social justice. Governments, politicians and international institutions increasingly court non-governmental public actors, engaging them in policy dialogue, inviting them to participate in the delivery of social services, and looking to them to re-invigorate democratic politics. This unique collection explores the different organizational forms, strategies and tactics that activists adopt to pursue social justice goals and analyses how histories of resistance impinge on contemporary activism in both positive and negative ways. The authors examine how established corporatist trades unions struggle to reform as new forms of labour resistance challenge their legitimacy and proximity to government. They analyse how non-governmental public actors negotiate various 'civil society dilemmas' that emerge in the new spaces for collaboration opened up by government, focusing particularly on threats to their values, autonomy and legitimacy. They also explore the efforts of non-governmental public actors to secure greater justice in the sphere of production and distribution, be that through co-operatives or through consumer rights activism around access to essential drugs.

The Federal Republic of Germany has long been held up as a 'model society' on account of its economic and social policy achievements. Largely ignored, however, has been the crucial part played by extra-parliamentary protest in the maturing of democracy in that society. In this, the first comprehensive study of the subject in English, the authors trace the rich history of political protest in West Germany and examine the political role of critical intellectuals. The book will give the reader a good understanding of the crucial changes that have taken place in the political culture of the Federal Republic since the mid 1960s.

Access Points develops a new theory about how democratic institutions influence policy outcomes. Access Point Theory argues that the more points of access that institutions provide to interest groups, the cheaper lobbying will be, and, thus, the more lobbying will occur. This will lead to more complex policy, as policymakers insert specific provisions to benefit special interests, and, if one side of the debate has a lobbying advantage, to more biased policy, as the advantaged side is able to better take advantage of the cheaper lobbying. This book then uses Access Point Theory to explain why some countries have more protectionist and more complex trade policies than other; why some countries have stronger environmental and banking regulations than others; and why some countries have more complicated tax codes than others. In policy area after policy area, this book finds that more access points lead to more biased and more complex policy. Access Points provides scholars with a powerful tool to explain how political institutions matter and why countries implement the policies they do.

Throughout the history of the USSR, groups of like-minded people have gathered, without official permission, to discuss issues of common interest. They had their predecessors in prerevolutionary voluntary associations and political parties. During the 1960s it became easier and less dangerous than in the previous period of Stalin's rule to engage in activities outside government control. Indeed, since the de-Stalinization campaign in the 1950s, Soviet society has been slowly asserting its independence, at least in areas nominally nonpolitical. Nevertheless, until Gorbachev's drive for liberalization achieved some momentum, the creation of unsanctioned groups often continued to provoke persecution of their members. In this book, Vera Tolz studies these unsanctioned groups and reveals the effect they are having on the Soviet political system. In 1990, primarily because of pressure from these unofficial movements, the Communist party was forced to relinquish its constitutionally guaranteed monopoly on power. In other words, a multiparty system had emerged in the USSR by the end of the period under observation in this book. From the time that voluntary associations of Soviet people were permitted to emerge from the underground and openly participate in official public life (1987), their role in the political and social life of the country has been rapidly expanding. By 1989, new sociopolitical groups, especially in the Baltic republics and Transcaucasia, started to pose not only a challenge but also a threat to the power of the Communist party. The emergence of a multiparty system in the Soviet Union, with various political groups pursuing different--and at times opposing--goals, is coinciding with a period during which the central authorities are being inconsistent in implementing democratic reforms. Representatives of new movements are often politically inexperienced, and the Communist party is facing a serious crisis, which makes the political situation in the Soviet Union highly unpredictable and highlights the difficulties that the country faces in moving toward a more democratic system

In recent years, popular media have inundated audiences with sensationalised headlines recounting data breaches, new forms of surveillance and other dangers of our digital age. Despite their regularity, such accounts treat each case as unprecedented and unique. This book proposes a radical rethinking of the history, present and future of our relations with the digital, spatial technologies that increasingly mediate our everyday lives. From smartphones to surveillance cameras, to navigational satellites, these new technologies offer visions of integrated, smooth and efficient societies, even as they directly conflict with the ways users experience them. Recognising the potential for both control and liberation, the authors argue against both acquiescence to and rejection of these technologies. Through intentional use of the very systems that monitor them, activists from Charlottesville to Hong Kong are subverting, resisting and repurposing geographic technologies. Using examples as varied as writings on the first telephones to the experiences of a feminist collective for migrant women in Spain, the authors present a revolution of everyday technologies. In the face of the seemingly inevitable dominance of corporate interests, these technologies allow us to create new spaces of affinity, and a new politics of change.

Finalist for the PEN/John Kenneth Galbriath Award for Nonfiction, the Gotham Book Prize, the ALA Stonewall Israel Fishman Nonfiction Award, and the Lambda Literary LGBTQ Nonfiction Award. A 2021 New York Times Book Review Notable Book and a New York Times Book Review Editors' Choice. Longlisted for the 2021 Brooklyn Public Library Literary Prize. One of NPR, New York, and The Guardian's Best Books of 2021, one of Buzzfeed's Best LGBTQ+ Books of 2021, one of Electric Literature's Favorite Nonfiction Books of 2021, one of NBC's 10 Most Notable LGBTQ Books of 2021, and one of Gay Times' Best LGBTQ Books of 2021. This is not reverent, definitive history. This is a tactician's bible. --Parul Sehgal, The New York Times Twenty years in the making, Sarah Schulman's Let the Record Show is the most comprehensive political history ever assembled of ACT UP and American AIDS activism In just six years, ACT UP, New York, a broad and unlikely coalition of activists from all races, genders, sexualities, and backgrounds, changed the world. Armed with rancor, desperation, intelligence, and creativity, it took on the AIDS crisis with an indefatigable, ingenious, and multifaceted attack on the corporations, institutions, governments, and individuals who stood in the way of AIDS treatment for all. They stormed the FDA and NIH in Washington, DC, and started needle exchange programs in New York; they took over Grand Central Terminal and fought to change the legal definition of AIDS to include women; they transformed the American insurance industry, weaponized art and advertising to push their agenda, and battled--and beat--The New York Times, the Catholic Church, and the pharmaceutical industry. Their activism, in its complex and intersectional power, transformed the lives of people with AIDS and the bigoted society that had abandoned them. Based on more than two hundred interviews with ACT UP members and rich with lessons for today's activists, Let the Record Show is a revelatory exploration--and long-overdue reassessment--of the coalition's inner workings, conflicts, achievements, and ultimate fracture. Schulman, one of the most revered queer writers and thinkers of her generation, explores the how and the why, examining, with her characteristic rigor and bite, how a group of desperate outcasts changed America forever, and in the process created a livable future for generations of people across the world.

"This new encyclopedia will be invaluable for political science and history reference collections. . . . Highly recommended." Library Journal

Lobbying, Pluralism and Democracy investigates lobbying on three levels. It describes how lobbying is being practiced in Washington, DC and focuses on its techniques, personnel, and also its forms of regulation. Although a recent phenomenon, lobbying also raises older dilemmas which are discussed in Part II with particular reference to the work of Montesquieu, Madison, Tocqueville, and contemporary pluralists. The study also analyzes "private" representation in the light of the special/public interests dichotomy, and the extent to which "public interest groups" may effectively secure a broader coverage of societal needs.

Pandemic policies have been the focus of fierce lobbying competition by different social and economic interests. In Viral Lobbying a team of expert authors from across the social and natural sciences analyse patterns in and implications of this 'viral lobbying'. Based on elite surveys and focus group interviews with selected groups, the book provides new evidence on the lobbying strategies used during the COVID 19 pandemic, as well as the resulting access to and lobbying influence on public policy. The empirical analyses reach across eight European countries (Austria, Denmark, Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden, United Kingdom), as well as the EU-level. In particular, the book draws on responses from approximately 1,600 interest organisations in two waves of a cross-country survey (in 2020 and 2021, respectively). This quantitative data is supplemented by qualitative evidence from a series of 12 focus groups with organised interests in Ireland, Denmark and the Netherlands conducted in spring 2021.

The Attac organisations in France and Germany are among the largest, best coordinated and most closely aligned bodies of the anti-globalisation movement that exist today yet there are glaring differences in the manner in which the organisations operate and in how individual members identify and engage with the movement. Through insightful interviews with Attac activists in France and Germany, Daniel Stockemer seeks to understand the significant divergences between the organisations despite their clear ideological parallels as well as the geographical, social and political similarities that exist between the two countries. In doing so this book provides a strong addition to the literature on activist movements on the national and international stage generally through the author's derivation of engagement patterns for various types of activists and development of a typology of social movement organisations that undercover possible trends in membership. The result is a book that will provide an informative and engaging read for students and scholars of activist movements at both an organisational and individual level.

This book presents 14 case studies of lobbying campaigns recently directed toward influencing policy and decisions in the EU, and illustrates the effects of recent wide-ranging change. Company lobbying has changed as cross-border mergers have concentrated their activity. The balance of power between member state governments and their devolved regions has shifted, and the regions are increasingly active players. The ability of NGOs to take a recognized part in policy formulation has increased and this change is accelerating. The included cases have been selected to illustrate the range of interest groups who lobby, and to broaden the coverage of lobbying cases in Europe.

The theory and practice of communism today does not adhere rigidly to the dogma of the Communist Party. This book provides a systematic comparison of Trotsyist and Maoist politics in theory and practice. Pulling together material from widely scattered sources into a comprehensive framework, "Trotskyism and Maoism" follows the development of the Trotskyist and Maoist movements in France and in the United States from the 1930s to the present. Scholars of political theory, Western European studies, and social history will applaud its publication.

The decision by multinational Shell not to dispose of the Brent Spar oil facility in the North Atlantic was taken after several occupations of the structure by Greenpeace, and as a result of large scale pro-Greenpeace protest in the UK, Germany and other countries. This case is often cited to show the power of single-issue groups to force big business to rethink the importance of environmental issues. However, research shows Shell changed its mind on the Brent Spar issue because of the corporate structure of the company and reluctance to bear the bad publicity. Grant Jordan considers the role of scientific advice in shaping governmental decisions on matters such as BSE, genetically modified foods, and global warming.