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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political activism > Pressure groups & lobbying
This book traces the history of a campaign that took place over nearly half a century, from the last years of the Victorian era to the new world of post-World War II Britain. It was a campaign that started with the simple aim of spreading the idea of the garden city - a concept dating from the 1890s -, and of encouraging others to build these settlements as a humane response to the slum housing of the industrial cities. Within a few years of the start of the campaign, the first garden city was built at Letchworth. The author records the history of the campaign and sets out to assess the political influence of the Garden City Association as an environmental pressure group. In the 20th century, the association was drawn into wider debates about the role of the State as opposed to the kind of private and voluntary initiatives that had led to the foundation of Letchworth. In this book, the campaign is set in the wider context of the social, political and economic change of the 20th century. The last stages of the campaign saw the introduction of a national programme for new towns in 1946 and the author argues that the campaigners had to accept that these new towns were of a different g
Power, Policy and Profit investigates the many ways in which corporate actors attempt to influence political activities. Through the intensified globalization of markets, the restructuring of welfare services and the accumulation of private capital, opportunities for corporate influence in politics affairs are shown to have multiplied. Bringing together different fields of global governance studies, this book addresses the rising political influence of corporate actors both nationally and internationally. Corporate influence on policy is now commonplace through lobbying, advocacy and campaign contributions; funding analysis and research; creating or adopting standards for social responsibility and shaping transparency guidelines. Key chapters show how corporations can now have leverage in broad political affairs: an activity central to the organization of markets. Power, Policy and Profit will be of great interest to students and academics of business and management, politics and governance studies. Policy professionals will find this a timely read on the complexities of corporate engagement in politics and governance. Contributors include: F. Aggeri, E. Boxenbaum, J.-Y. Caneill, M. Cartel, M.L. Djelic, H. Dumez, M. Flyverbom, C. Garsten, A. Jeunemaitre, A. Nyqvist, M. Perezts, X. Philippe, S. Picard, B. Rothstein, A. Soerbom, V. Steyer, R. Thedvall, A. Tyllstroem, D.A. Westbrook
This is a significant book that investigates how the French internal resistance and external Free French movement were financed during the Second World War. It brings together the secretive financial aspects of resistance inside France with those under the control of the Free French movement in London. To date, there have been a number of studies that have followed the Gaullist movement, but none have studied how they were funded. This exploration also demonstrates the global scale of the war. It shows how the Free French were not simply a European, Atlantic-based movement, but were, in fact, colonial and operated on a global scale, shedding light on French relations with their colonies in Africa and the Pacific. It underlines the role played by expatriates, those belonging to the French diaspora and third-country nationals, in Allied nations and neutral countries, including Central and South America. Through the combination of digital humanities methods, including social network analysis and GIS (Geographic Information Systems), the Allied funding for de Gaulle's movement and the internal resistance will be unveiled, for the first time, in its entirety. The painstaking reconstruction of the financial records of the Free French and their lines of subsidy is a novel approach that sheds new light onto the financial networks between French, British and American officials who made this financing possible. This illuminates the complexity of international relations in a time of war. Using a combination of economic and accounting analysis, as well as primary-sourced historical research, this book distinctively applies sociological methodologies to this long-held question. This book will be of interest to those in economics, economic history, finance, accounting, digital humanities, modern history, international relations, political science and war studies.
This first-of-its kind encyclopedia based on original research offers in-depth profiles showing how a broad spectrum of 121 important nongovernmental organizations in the health field work to affect the development of federal legislation and policy. A brief introduction provides a historical context for current action and an analysis of the various types of groups concerned with health. Arranged A to Z, the entries give the latest information about organizations that provide, consume, finance, and research services and products-employers, insurance companies, those in the health industry itself, labor unions, consumer advocates, public policy and medical research organizations, among others. Each profile gives data about the origin and development of the group, its organization and funding, policy concerns and tactics, electoral activity, and sources for further research. This one-volume reference details group positions on all types of federal health policies, national health care reform proposals, and exemplifies the roles that the organizations have played in historical and contemporary reform efforts. A chronology points to major federal health and health-related legislation, and appendices include the questionnaire that was sent to the groups and a directory of the organizations profiled and of additional organizations that are active in health care. An index also makes the volume user-friendly for students, teachers, policymakers, activists, and all concerned with health care issues today.
A timely exploration of the political history, growth, and impact of one of the most powerful religious groups in America. Internet pornography. School prayer. Gay days at Walt Disney World. The War on Iraq. These are among the hot-button issues for the burgeoning coalition of Conservative Christians in America-a group so influential that many believe the fortunes of the Republican and Democratic parties rest on their political views. How have they coalesced into such a formidable force? Conservative Christians and Political Participation examines the involvement and influence of the growing number of Conservative Christians in America. colonial times to today sets the stage for a deeper exploration into the demographics of this group, the concerns they share, and the creative methods they employ to achieve their goals through protests, political activity, leadership, and group organization. Case studies tackle highly emotional issues like same-sex marriage, decency in the mass media, school prayer, euthanasia, and American foreign policy toward Israel. The book also covers leaders such as Pat Buchanan and Ralph Reed, and discusses how they have been effective in their lobbying efforts through organizations like the Christian Action Network and the American Family Association.
This book examines the federal judiciary in light of political science research on the role of interests and interest groups in the making of public policy. The author finds that efforts of federal judges to shape court administration are guided, in part, by self-interest which consequently affects the development and results of judicial policies. He argues that we must recognize judges as self-interested political actors whose motivation and behavior patterns are comparable to other political and administrative actors. By examining the actions of federal judges on a series of illustrative issues--civil justice reform, judicial salaries, habeas corpus reform, and judicial bureaucratization--the book illuminates the ways in which the judges' self-interested actions affect the courts and society. Judicial self-interest is not portrayed here as bad or even unexpected, but as a motivational factor of significance for government, law, and society that should be recognized and harnessed appropriately.
Drawing from the field of political sociology, geography, anthropology, and peace studies, Routledge explores how peasant communities in rural India form effective resistance movements against displacement, dislocation, and cultural destruction engendered by the development process. He shows how the Baloapal movement--resisting a missile base--and the Chipko movement--resisting a program of deforestation--offer rich lessons in development strategies, nonviolent sanctions, and grassroots social change. The sanctions chosen by the movements are shown to be of particular importance and to have emerged from the participants' profound sense of place. Core beliefs, traditional values, and common goals are summoned to inspire beleaguered communities and are employed to resist outside domination and despoliation. Terrains of Resistance, accordingly, marks sites of conflict in specific times and places at the essential levels of belief and culture. They juxtapose the state's coercive power in support of development against the ingenuity and tenacity of grassroots movements. A highly informed, well written work showing the potential for nonviolent sanctions throughout the developing world, and the possible implications of continued grassroots mobilizations. This book will be of particular interest to students of social movements and Indian politics and to political scientists, sociologists, geographers, and anthropologists.
This compilation of 29 country studies could not be more timely. Recent student unrest in El Salvador, Czechoslovakia, and West Germany, a national student forum held in Moscow, and China's Tiananmen Square student tragedy all suggest a worldwide upsurge in students' efforts to participate in political life. . . . Each chapter presents historical analyses of key events, with emphasis on the past three decades. . . . Altbach has assembled a strong international team in a landmark work. "Choice" Providing a global perspective on student political activism in 29 countries, this reference work features in-depth essays by specialists who bring multidisciplinary insights to student movements, programs, and motivations and to the historical, political, social, and educational contexts in which these movements exist. Altbach defines student political activism and outlines the rationale behind this important collection of essays--why student political activism should be studied and who can benefit most from knowledge of this historically important force. He elaborates on how an understanding of the workings of student politics can benefit political leaders, members of the academic community, and the activists themselves. The historical role played by student political movements in the development of nationalism in Germany and in colonial nations in Asia and Africa is described, and the powerful university reform movements of Latin America are reviewed. Student activism is revealed to be a significant, perennial, and accepted factor in many Third World political arenas. However, in most parts of the world, student movements as a political force, whether right-wing, left-wing, liberal, or radical are characteristically sporadic but often very influential phenomena. The impossibility of a permanent revolution in the university is explained as are the sociological factors that tend to undermine sustained student movements. The impact and longevity of student movements depend to a certain extent, on the responses to activism by the mass media, by key social groups outside the universities, by the university authorities themselves, and by other extra-campus entities such as governments, and these factors are thoroughly investigated. Who Are the Activists considers activist leadership in a comparative context using available sociological research data to present a fascinating portrait of the students--their numbers, political and ideological characteristics, their major areas of study, and the socioeconomic backgrounds of their families of origin. United States student political activism is addressed in three separate chapters that cover the period from 1905 to 1960, the volatile 1960s, and the post-sixties, an era of transformation. Twenty-nine other essays survey activism in major countries in Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, and Canada. An important reference tool and the first compilation on the topic in a decade, "Student Political Activism" will be extremely useful to specialists in international relations, political science, comparative education, and higher education as well as to students, college and university administrators, and librarians.
Nonviolent action, well planned and implemented, is shown in this lucid, timely, and compelling work to effect dramatic outcomes against opponents utilizing violence. Ackerman and Kruegler recognize that not all nonviolent efforts meet with success, and they are careful to stress that a nonviolent approach involves great risks as well as opportunities. It is the effectiveness of the strategies employed which will determine whether or not those using nonviolent means can prevail against opponents who rely on violence in pursuit of objectives. Twelve strategic principles are established in this book which serve as a conceptual foundation to enhance the prospects of success in nonviolent campaigns. The authors also develop six twentieth-century examples of nonviolent action from the early Russian Revolution of 1904-1906 through the Solidarity movement in 1980-1981. Each campaign narrative constitutes a fascinating reading experience and illustrates common themes, strategies, and important aspects of behavior on the part of major participants in nonviolent encounters. This is a singularly important book. It offers more than a mere plea for nonviolence. Ackerman and Kruegler introduce their work by noting the surprising extent to which nonviolent sanctions are currently employed to pressure adversaries in the international political arena. They go onto provide hard lessons based on important, and often painful, historical efforts; principles to govern the choice and implementation of strategies when nonviolent action is the determined response; and insightful analysis to guide assessment and policy. A work which will focus analysis, inform decision-making, stimulate policy consideration, andinvigorate research, this volume will well serve professionals and students in international relations and numerous related fields.
Moshe Shokeid narrates his experiences as a member of AD KAN (NO MORE), a protest movement of Israeli academics at Tel Aviv University, who fought against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories, founded during the first Palestinian Intifada (1987-1993). However, since the assassination of Prime Minister Rabin and the later obliteration of the Oslo accord, public manifestations of dissent on Israeli campuses have been remarkably mute. This chronicle of AD KAN is explored in view of the ongoing theoretical discourse on the role of the intellectual in society and is compared with other account of academic involvement in different countries during periods of acute political conflict.
The Midwest experienced an upheaval over labor rights beginning in the winter of 2011. For most commentators, the fallout in the Midwest and unions' weak showing in the 2016 presidential election a few years later was just more evidence of labor's emaciated state. In Heartland Blues, Marc Dixon provides a new perspective on union decline by revisiting the labor movement at its historical peak in the late 1950s. Drawing on social movement theories and archival materials, he analyzes campaigns over key labor policies as they were waged in the heavily unionized states of Indiana, Ohio and Wisconsin-the very same states at the center of more recent battles over labor rights. He shows how many of the key ingredients necessary for less powerful groups to succeed, including effective organization and influential political allies, were not a given for labor at the time, but instead varied in important ways across the industrial heartland. Thus, the labor movement's social and political isolation and their limited responses to employer mobilization became a death knell in the ensuing decades, as unions sought organizational and legislative remedies to industrial decline and the rising anti-union tide. Showing how labor rights have been challenged in significant ways in the industrial Midwest in the 1950s, Heartland Blues both identifies enduring problems for labor and forces scholars to look beyond size when seeking clues to labor's failures and successes.
Long-term social and demographic changes - and the conflicts they create - continue to transform British politics. In this accessible and authoritative book Sobolewska and Ford show how deep the roots of this polarisation and volatility run, drawing out decades of educational expansion and rising ethnic diversity as key drivers in the emergence of new divides within the British electorate over immigration, identity and diversity. They argue that choices made by political parties from the New Labour era onwards have mobilised these divisions into politics, first through conflicts over immigration, then through conflicts over the European Union, culminating in the 2016 EU referendum. Providing a comprehensive and far-reaching view of a country in turmoil, Brexitland explains how and why this happened, for students, researchers, and anyone who wants to better understand the remarkable political times in which we live.
What does post-national identity mean for the control of migration? Katherine Tonkiss engages with the post-national theory of 'constitutional patriotism' and argues in favour of both post-national identity and relaxed migration controls. She explores the implications of such liberalised migration for the dynamics of identity and belonging in local communities, drawing on qualitative research on Eastern European migration to the UK. Illustrated with rich case study material, this book offers a novel contribution to the post-nationalism literature.
Lobbying has long been part of the political landscape. But in recent years links between big business and government have become stronger and more far-reaching than ever. Global corporations now demand control over decisions affecting labour laws, finance, public health, food and agriculture, safety regulations, taxes and international trade and investment. They even claim the right to private tribunals where they can sue governments for passing laws that could harm their present or future profits. These business elites don't want to govern directly. They operate behind the scenes - directing planning, setting standards and fashioning government to maximise their own profits. Thanks to the UN Global Compact they have extended their influence to the highest levels of multilateral decision-making and now, via the Davos-inspired Global Redesign Initiative, they are setting their sights on managing world-wide public policy. Elected by and accountable to no one, secretive and highly organized, these shadow sovereigns are destroying the very notion of the common good and making a mockery of democracy. It is high time we challenged this assault on our rights and our institutions. In this incisive and clear-sighted book Susan George provides us with the practical knowledge to do just that.
In recent years hundreds of high-profile 'free speech' incidents have rocked US college campuses. Jordan Peterson, Ben Shapiro, Ann Coulter and other right-wing speakers have faced considerable protest, with many being disinvited from speaking. These incidents are widely circulated as examples of the academy's intolerance towards conservative views. But this response is not the spontaneous outrage of the liberal colleges. There is a darker element manufacturing the crisis, funded by political operatives, and designed to achieve specific political outcomes. If you follow the money, at the heart of the issue lies the infamous and ultra-libertarian Koch donor network. Grooming extremist celebrities, funding media platforms that promote these controversies, developing legal organizations to sue universities and corrupting legislators, the influence of the Koch network runs deep. We need to abandon the 'campus free speech' narrative and instead follow the money if we ever want to root out this dangerous network from our universities.
Effective visual communication has become an essential strategy for grassroots political activists, who use images to publicly express resistance and make their claims visible in the struggle for political power. However, this "aesthetics of resistance" is also employed by political and economic elites for their own purposes, making it increasingly difficult to distinguish from the "aesthetics of rule." Through illuminating case studies of street art in Buenos Aires, Bogota , Caracas, and Mexico City, The Aesthetics of Rule and Resistance explores the visual strategies of persuasion and meaning-making employed by both rulers and resisters to foster self-legitimization, identification, and mobilization.
This book sheds new light on how lobbying works in the European Union. Drawing on the first-hand professional experience of lobbyists, policymakers, and corporate and institutional stakeholders, combined with a sound academic foundation, it offers insights into successful lobbying strategies, such as how alliances are formed by interest groups in Brussels. The authors present key case studies, e.g. on the shelved EU-US trade deal Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), lobbying scandals, and the role of specific interest groups and EU Think-Tanks. Furthermore, they highlight efforts to improve transparency and ethical standards in EU decision-making, while also underscoring the benefits of lobbying in the context of decision-making. Understanding the tools and techniques of effective lobbying, as well as the dynamics and trends in EU lobbying, will allow professionals involved in the lobbying process, such as policymakers and corporate and institutional stakeholders, to improve their performance and achieve better results when pursuing their respective interests.
This book looks at the new militant and radical forms of lobbying and activism and the ways in which companies and organizations can devise strategies to respond or create new communication strategies that will avoid conflict and confrontation. The book draws upon the work of practitioners working in this area and includes topical and relevant international cases and examples.
'Commendable - a book that prepares us to think about and react to system failures' - Peter Gelderloos Anarchists have been central in helping communities ravaged by disasters, stepping in when governments wash their hands of the victims. Looking at Hurricane Sandy, Covid-19, and the social movements that mobilised relief in their wake, Disaster Anarchy is an inspiring and alarming book about collective solidarity in an increasingly dangerous world. As climate change and neoliberalism converge, mutual aid networks, grassroots direct action, occupations and brigades have sprung up in response to this crisis with considerable success. Occupy Sandy was widely acknowledged to have organised relief more effectively than federal agencies or NGOs, and following Covid-19 the term 'mutual aid' entered common parlance. However, anarchist-inspired relief has not gone unnoticed by government agencies. Their responses include surveillance, co-option, extending at times to violent repression involving police brutality. Arguing that disaster anarchy is one of the most important political phenomena to emerge in the twenty-first century, Rhiannon Firth shows through her research on and within these movements that anarchist theory and practice is needed to protect ourselves from the disasters of our unequal and destructive economic system.
When he was only nine years old, Satish Kumar renounced the world and joined the wandering brotherhood of Jain monks. Dissuaded from this path by an inner voice at the age of eighteen, he became a campaigner for land reform, working to turn Gandhi's vision of a renewed India into reality. Fired by the example of Bertrand Russell, he undertook a peace pilgrimage, walking from India to America without any money, through mountains, deserts, storms and snow. It was an adventure during which he was thrown into jail in France, faced a loaded gun in America, and delivered packets of 'peace tea' to the leaders of the four nuclear powers. He settled in England, taking on the editorship of Resurgence magazine, and becoming the guiding light behind a number of ecological, spiritual and educational ventures, including Schumacher College.This edition of Satish Kumar's inspirational autobiography commemorates the foundation of Schumacher College, with new chapters about the college and bringing Satish's story up-to-date. Following Indian tradition, in his fiftieth year he undertook another pilgrimage: again without any money, he walked to the holy places of Britain - Glastonbury, Lindisfarne, and Iona. Written with a penetrating simplicity, No Destination is an exhilarating account of an extraordinary life.
Synthesizing theory, personal research, and prior studies on interest groups and other lobbies, William P. Browne offers a new, insightful overview of organized political interests and explains how and why they affect public policy. Drawing on his extensive experience researching interest groups, Browne assesses the impact that special interests have long had in shaping policy. He explains how they fit into the policymaking process and into society, how they exercise their influence, and how they adapt to changing circumstances. Browne describes the diversity of existing interests -- associations, businesses, foundations, churches, and others -- and explores the multidimensional tasks of lobbying, from disseminating information through making financial contributions to cultivating the media. He shows how organized interests target not just the public and policymakers but even other interest groups, and how they create policy niches as a survival strategy. He also looks at winnable issues, contrasts them with more difficult ones, and explains what makes the difference. "Groups, Interests, and U.S. Public Policy" is a serious study written in a lighthearted tone. It offers political scientists a new theory of how and why interest groups influence public policy while it enlightens students and general readers about how policy is actually shaped in America.
With the world changing at breakneck speed and workers at the whim of apps, bad bosses and zero-hours contracts, why should we care about unions? Aren't they just for white-haired, middle-aged miners anyway? The government constantly attacks unions, CEOs devote endless time and resources to undermining them, and many unions themselves are stuck in the past. Despite this, inspiring work is happening all the time, from fast food strikes and climate change campaigning to the modernisation of unions for the digital age. Speaking to academics, experts and grassroots organisers from TUC, UNISON, ACORN, IWGB and more, Eve Livingston explores how young workers are organising to demand fair workplaces, and reimagines what an inclusive union movement that represents us all might look like. Working together can change the course of history, and our bosses know that. Yes, you need a union, but your union also needs you!
The Anglo-Scottish union crisis is used to demonstrate the growing influence of popular opinion in this period. In the early modern period, ordinary subjects began to find a role in national politics through the phenomenon of public opinion: by drawing on entrenched ideological differences, oppositional leaders were able to recruit popularsupport to pressure the government with claimed representations of a national interest. This is particularly well demonstrated in the case of the Anglo-Scottish union crisis of 1699-1707, in which Country party leaders encouragedremarkable levels of participation by non-elite Scots. Though dominant accounts of this crisis portray Scottish opinion as impotent in the face of Court party corruption, this book demonstrates the significance of public opinion in the political process: from the Darien crisis of 1699-1701 to the incorporation debates of 1706-7, the Country party aggressively employed pamphlets, petitions and crowds to influence political outcomes. The government's changing response to these adversarial activities further indicates their rising influence. By revealing the ways in which public opinion in Scotland shaped the union crisis from beginning to end, this book explores the power and limitsof public opinion in the early modern public sphere and revises understanding of the making of the British union. Dr KARIN BOWIE lectures in History at the University of Glasgow. |
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