A new assessment of the debates about Just War in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, from the imperial wars of the nineteenth century through the age of total war, the evolution of human rights discourse and international law, to proportionality during the Cold War and the redefinition of authority with the ascendancy of terror groups.

Of all of Soviet cultural myths, none was more resilient than the belief that the USSR had the world's greatest readers. This book explains how the 'Russian reading myth' took hold in the 1920s and 1930s, how it was supported by a monopolistic and homogenizing system of book production and distribution, and how it was challenged in the post-Stalin era; first, by the latent expansion and differentiation of the reading public, and then, more dramatically, by the economic and cultural changes of the 1990s.

"This book has no scholarly equivalent in English." . Choice

The Nazis saw film as a major vehicle for both indoctrination and escapist pacification of the "masses"; in fact, Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels tried to create a German counter-Hollywood. This highly acclaimed study, by one of Germany's leading commentators and authors on cultural policy, analyses the pictorial and spoken language of the various film genres in the Third Reich, including news reels, documentaries, feature and "cultural" films. It shows how a powerful and sinister propaganda machine emerged which, by deploying a wide range of psychological techniques, exerted a strong fascination on the masses. These methods were so successful that they continue to serve as models for totalitarian regimes to this day.

The Nazis saw film as a major vehicle for both indoctrination and escapist pacification of the "masses"; in fact, Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels tried to create a German counter-Hollywood. This highly acclaimed study, by one of Germany's leading commentators and authors on cultural policy, analyses the pictorial and spoken language of the various film genres in the Third Reich, including news reels, documentaries, feature and "cultural" films. It shows how a powerful and sinister propaganda machine emerged which, by deploying a wide range of psychological techniques, exerted a strong fascination on the masses. These methods were so successful that they continue to serve as models for totalitarian regimes to this day.

"The Thought War" is the first book in English to examine the full extent of Japan's wartime propaganda. Based on a wide range of archival material and sources in Japanese, Chinese, and English, it explores the propaganda programs of the Japanese government from 1931 to 1945, demonstrating the true scope of imperial propaganda and its pervasive influence, an influence that is still felt today. Contrary to popular postwar rhetoric, it was not emperor worship or military authoritarianism that led an entire nation to war. Rather, it was the creation of a powerful image of Japan as the leader of modern Asia and the belief that the Japanese could and would guide Asia to a new, glorious period of reform that appealed to imperial subjects. Kushner analyzes the role of the police and military in defining socially acceptable belief and behavior by using their influence to root out malcontents. His research is the first of its kind to treat propaganda as a profession in wartime Japan. He shows that the leadership was not confined to the crude tools of sloganeering and government-sponsored demonstrations but was able instead to appropriate the expertise of the nation's advertising firms to "sell" the image of Japan as Asia's leader and modernizer. In his exploration of the propaganda war in popular culture and the entertainment industry, Kushner discloses how entertainers sought to bolster their careers by adopting as their own pro-war messages that then filtered down into society and took hold. Japanese propaganda frequently conflicted with Chinese and American visions of empire, and Kushner reveals the reactions of these two nations to Japan's efforts and the meaning of their responses.

Written by a group of distinguished security experts, these eight previously unpublished papers focus on the hostile actions of the Soviet Union against the West in the form of psychological operations, power politics, and blackmail. Addressing military professionals, strategists, and international security specialists, the contributors examine the most effective measures the United States and its allies can take to counteract such measures. This is particularly important in the Gorbachev era, when Western security is perhaps more than ever dependent upon knowledge of Soviet psychological operations and political warfare. The book also explores the background of East European resistance to Soviet dominance and the subsequent Soviet countermeasures. Wide-ranging in coverage, the papers explore psychological operation in the United States, Poland, West Germany, France, and Latin America.

Following the editor's introduction to psychological operations, the contributors address such topics as the history and future of U.S. military psychological operations, new thinking and influence activities in the Gorbachev era, terrorism as a political strategy, and contemporary insurgent political and psychological warfare. A case study of the Polish experience illustrates communist regimes' psychological warfare against their own societies. The remaining papers discuss psychological operations and political warfare in long-term U.S. strategic planning, the French experience with Soviet hostile actions, and the argument that psychological warfare is no longer necessary in the age of perestroika and glasnost. The contributors are united in their belief that psychological operations and political warfare will not be eliminated by the sweeping changes affecting the Soviet Union and that the Western democracies are by their very nature particularly vulnerable to such operations. However, given the changing nature of external threats to the West, the contributors call for a reevaluation of strategy in the area of psychological operations, political warfare, and low intensity conflict.

This book analyzes the unique psychological appeal of the airship worldwide and shows how this appeal was exploited for ulterior political purposes. They were used by Count Zeppelin to advance German militarism, American Admiral Moffett to fight US Army aviation ambitions, British Lord Thomson to foster Socialism and strengthen Empire ties, Mussolini to promote Italian Fascism, Stalin to foster world Communism, and Hitler to promote Nazi ideology. As airships roamed worldwide, they carried these political influences with them.

This text investigates the relationship between the Chinese Communist Party's crucial goal of using the propaganda system to consolidate its power within the domestic political environment and its prominent recent attempts to use propaganda overseas to increase China's international power.

Propaganda is thousands of years old. But it came of age in the 20th century, when the development of mass media (and later multimedia communications) offered a fertile ground for its dissemination, and the century's global conflicts provided the impetus needed for its growth. Put simply, propaganda is the dissemination of ideas intended to convince people to think and act in a particular way and for a particular persuasive purpose. But it takes many forms, is fluid and indeed is constantly developing, most fervently in our own digital era. Terms such as 'fake news', 'post-truth', 'gate-keepers' and 'asymmetrical warfare' were unknown a decade ago yet today are now commonplace, and often cynically derided, in daily media communications. In this timely and fully international book, David Welch has selected fifty images to highlight the continuities and dis-continuities of mass-communication throughout history, be they via images, events, films or by 'propaganda by deed'. Such an approach demonstrates how changing technological innovations (such as television and the internet) have continued to shape the propaganda narrative but also demonstrate how tried and trusted forms of propaganda - such as the humble leaflet - can still prove highly effective. The fifty images included are not all necessarily the most striking - rather they have been chosen because they illustrate recurring themes and devices (such as humour) and different mediums employed by propagandists - from early Egyptian coins eulogizing Alexander the Great to the psychological warfare used in the war against terrorism following the destruction of the Twin Towers in New York, and the use of social media employed so widely in the current Covid pandemic.

With a historical sweep that recent events have made definitive, the authors examine the influence of Soviet ideology on the presentation of social reality in films produced in the Soviet Union between the October Revolution and the final days of glasnost. Within the framework of an introduction that lays out the conceptual terminology used to describe that shifting ideological landscape, the authors analyze both the social groups appearing in the films and the relations of film directors and other film makers to state censorship and ideological control.

One of Vanity Fair's 21 Best Books of 2020 Winner, 2020 Richard Wall Memorial Award Special Jury Prize, Theatre Library Association The shocking and significant story of how the White House and Pentagon scuttled an epic Hollywood production. Soon after atomic bombs exploded over Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, MGM set out to make a movie studio chief Louis B. Mayer called "the most important story" he would ever film: a big budget dramatization of the Manhattan Project and the invention and use of the revolutionary new weapon. Over at Paramount, Hal B. Wallis was ramping up his own film version. His screenwriter: the novelist Ayn Rand, who saw in physicist J. Robert Oppenheimer the model for a character she was sketching for Atlas Shrugged. Greg Mitchell's The Beginning or the End chronicles the first efforts of American media and culture to process the Atomic Age. A movie that began as a cautionary tale inspired by atomic scientists aiming to warn the world against a nuclear arms race would be drained of all impact due to revisions and retakes ordered by President Truman and the military-for reasons of propaganda, politics, and petty human vanity (this was Hollywood). Mitchell has found his way into the lofty rooms, from Washington to California, where it happened, unearthing hundreds of letters and dozens of scripts that show how wise intentions were compromised in favor of defending the use of the bomb and the imperatives of postwar politics. As in his acclaimed Cold War true-life thriller The Tunnels, he exposes how our implacable American myth-making mechanisms distort our history.

Political Warfare against the Kremlin provides a comparative study and holistic review of American and British propaganda policy toward the Soviet Union during the first fifteen years of the Cold War, ranging from the role senior policymakers played in setting propaganda policy to the West's radio broadcasts to the Soviet Union.

Arming Americans to defend the truth from today's war on facts.Disinformation. Trolling. Conspiracies. Social media pile-ons. Campus intolerance. On the surface, these recent additions to our daily vocabulary appear to have little in common. But together, they are driving an epistemic crisis: a multi-front challenge to America's ability to distinguish fact from fiction and elevate truth above falsehood. In 2016 Russian trolls and bots nearly drowned the truth in a flood of fake news and conspiracy theories, and Donald Trump and his troll armies continued to do the same. Social media companies struggled to keep up with a flood of falsehoods, and too often didn't even seem to try. Experts and some public officials began wondering if society was losing its grip on truth itself. Meanwhile, another new phenomenon appeared: "cancel culture." At the push of a button, those armed with a cellphone could gang up by the thousands on anyone who ran afoul of their sanctimony. In this pathbreaking book, Jonathan Rauch reaches back to the parallel eighteenth-century developments of liberal democracy and science to explain what he calls the "Constitution of Knowledge" our social system for turning disagreement into truth. By explicating the Constitution of Knowledge and probing the war on reality, Rauch arms defenders of truth with a clearer understanding of what they must protect, why they must do so and how they can do it. His book is a sweeping and readable description of how every American can help defend objective truth and free inquiry from threats as far away as Russia and as close as the cellphone.

This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International licence. It is free to read at Oxford Scholarship Online and offered as a free PDF download from OUP and selected open access locations. Is social media destroying democracy? Are Russian propaganda or "Fake news" entrepreneurs on Facebook undermining our sense of a shared reality? A conventional wisdom has emerged since the election of Donald Trump in 2016 that new technologies and their manipulation by foreign actors played a decisive role in his victory and are responsible for the sense of a "post-truth" moment in which disinformation and propaganda thrives. Network Propaganda challenges that received wisdom through the most comprehensive study yet published on media coverage of American presidential politics from the start of the election cycle in April 2015 to the one year anniversary of the Trump presidency. Analysing millions of news stories together with Twitter and Facebook shares, broadcast television and YouTube, the book provides a comprehensive overview of the architecture of contemporary American political communications. Through data analysis and detailed qualitative case studies of coverage of immigration, Clinton scandals, and the Trump Russia investigation, the book finds that the right-wing media ecosystem operates fundamentally differently than the rest of the media environment. The authors argue that longstanding institutional, political, and cultural patterns in American politics interacted with technological change since the 1970s to create a propaganda feedback loop in American conservative media. This dynamic has marginalized centre-right media and politicians, radicalized the right wing ecosystem, and rendered it susceptible to propaganda efforts, foreign and domestic. For readers outside the United States, the book offers a new perspective and methods for diagnosing the sources of, and potential solutions for, the perceived global crisis of democratic politics.

How do governments that do not enjoy formal diplomatic relations use propaganda? When a government is denied recognition by the international community, it must explore every avenue of publicity available to project its image and policies. For such actors, propaganda can become diplomacy out of necessity. The Republic of China on Taiwan is such a government, and its predicament is the subject of this book. It discusses the relationship between diplomacy and propaganda from an exciting new perspective, illustrated by a fascinating case-study.

Using recently declassified sources, this book provides the first detailed analysis of British and American propaganda, targeting the countries of the Middle East, during the years of increasing international tension and regional instability, immediately following the end of the Second World War. Considering British and American propaganda within the framework of the Cold War crusade against Communism and the Soviet Union, and the developing confrontations between Arab nationalism and the West, the book investigates the central questions of Anglo-American partnership and rivalry in the period when primary responsibility for 'policing' the Middle East passed from one to the other.

This book examines the idea of fake news through an analysis of the work of early to mid-twentieth century press critic George Seldes. By examining fake news - also known as propaganda and misinformation - from this period it becomes evident that it is a phenomenon that emerges in response to particular social, political and economic conditions. It is, therefore, not a new process but always a feature of the media ecosystem. Seldes' work makes evident that contemporary anxieties about the role, function, future and credibility of journalism were expressed in the 1930s and 1940s. The same fears were circulated about the consequences of fake news and propaganda on democratic debate. The same concerns were also expressed about how technology extends the circulation of propaganda and fake news, and affects journalism practices. An analysis of Seldes' media criticism of the fake news, lies and propaganda in daily newspapers in the 1930s and 1940s exposes the historical nature and impact of fake news on public debate, and affirms the critical role of journalists in exposing fake news.

The first study to examine psychological warfare in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict, this book presents a rational analysis of the Arab and Israeli struggles to gain the world's sympathy and support, tracing these struggles from the British Mandate to the more recent HAMAS abduction of IDF soldier Gilad Shalit.

Hasbara (explaining), the Israeli variant of public diplomacy, is the subject of endless domestic debate. Israel in the 1960s and 1970s saw many changes in its political and military international stage. This was a period of unusually intensive attention to the problems of hasbara, beginning with the appointment of Yisrael Galili as minister with responsibility for government communications and ending with the dismantling of the Ministry of Information in 1974, less than a year after it had been created. Israel had only been able to "muddle through," and, at the end, there was no greater sophistication in Israeli thinking and no stronger administrative structure in spite of many organizational changes. Accessible to anyone interested in the history of Israel as well as political history and diplomacy, the book serves as a case study of how entrenched political culture can limit policy options and casts light on the emergence of public diplomacy as a feature of foreign policy.

From the French and Indian War in 1754, with Benjamin Franklin's "Join or Die" cartoon, to the present Iraqi conflict, propaganda has played a significant role in American history. The Historical Dictionary of American Propaganda provides more than 350 entries, focusing primarily on propaganda created by the U.S. government throughout its existence. Two specialists, one a long-time research librarian at the U.S. Information Agency (the USIA) and the State Department's Bureau of Diplomacy, and the other a former USIA Soviet Disinformation Officer, Martin J. Manning and Herbert Romerstein bring a profound knowledge of official U.S. propaganda to this reference work. The dictionary is further enriched by a substantial bibliography, including films and videos, and an outstanding annotated listing of more than 105 special collections worldwide that contain material important to the study of U.S. propaganda. Students, researchers, librarians, faculty, and interested general readers will find the Historical Dictionary of American Propaganda an authoritative ready-reference work for quick information on a wide range of events, publications, media, people, government agencies, government plans, organizations, and symbols that provided mechanisms to promote America's interests, both abroad and domestically, in peace and in war. Almost all entries conclude with suggestions for further research, and the topically arranged bibliography provides a further comprehensive listing of important resources, including films and videos.

This is a study of government publicity activities in Britain between the wars. Mariel Grant focuses on the development of public relations bureaux and information services in Whitehall. She shows how during the inter-war period publicity came to be regarded as a legitimate and necessary task of democractic government, and that although government departments pursued propaganda activities with different motives and divergent persepectives, they adopted a similar approach to both the tool and their audience. Dr Grant explores a variety of different issues and campaigns, including the Post Office's attempts to make the public "telephone conscious", the Ministry of Health's sexual education efforts and the multi-departmental and protracted "Drink More Milk" campaign. She shows how the experiences and developments of the 1920s and 1930s contributed to the decision in 1939 to establish the propaganda ministry designed to manage wartime publicitiy and shape public opinion. The book offers valuable insights into the nature of propaganda and its management, and contributes to our understanding of the changing role of the state in modern British society.

Communist Propaganda at School is based on an analysis of reading primers from the Soviet bloc and recreates the world as presented to the youngest schoolchildren who started their education between 1949 and 1989 across the nine Eastern European countries. The author argues that those first textbooks, from their first to last pages, were heavily laden with communist propaganda, and that they share similar concepts, techniques and even contents, even if some national specificities can be observed. This volume reconstructs the image of the world presented to schoolchildren in the first books they were required to read in their school life, and argues that the image was charged with communist propaganda. The book is based on the analysis of over sixty reading primers from nine countries of the Soviet bloc: Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia from the period. Written with simplicity and straightforwardness, this book will be a valuable resource, not only to international academics dealing with the issues of propaganda, censorship, education, childhood and everyday life under communism in Eastern and Central Europe, but can also academics dealing with education under communism or with the content of primary education. It also brings educational experiences of the Soviet bloc to international researchers, in particular to researchers of education under totalitarian and authoritarian regimes.