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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political activism > Revolutions & coups
The Confederate surrender at Vicksburg on the 4th July 1863 was a
disaster for the South during the American Civil War, because it
caused the loss of control of the Mississippi River Valley.
President Jefferson Davis was ultimately responsible, not because
the Union had superior resources, but because of his own
shortcomings, chief of which were: not providing a co-ordinated
defence plan for the West, incorrectly assessing the capabilities
of his western generals, failing to understand the deficiencies in
his own capabilities, and not reacting to the change needed, as the
North developed new tactics to prosecute the war. In early 1863,
the Confederate geographical command structure was split along the
line of the Mississippi River, but the Union attacked using both
banks. General Joseph E. Johnston had Vicksburg within his in
command, but he was based in Chattanooga. His subordinate,
Lieutenant-General John C. Pemberton was left in isolation at
Vicksburg, but he did enjoy the direct support of Davis. They
agreed on the wrong defensive strategy, contrary to Johnston's
wishes, which left him in an impossible position. This work has
studied the interaction between these Southern leaders, as they
lost the supposedly impregnable city of Vicksburg.
Educated and aspirational, with dreams of becoming a teacher,
George Omona would seem an unlikely recruit for the Lord's
Resistance Army; a group which for many has the become the
embodiment of evil, reviled for its use of child soldiers, sexual
slavery, and for waging a decades long campaign of terror across a
large swathe of Eastern and Central Africa. But drawn in by the
charismatic pull of its messianic leader, and by the group's claims
to speak for the long marginalized Acholi people, George came to
regard the group as the best chance for rebuilding his life after
his expulsion from high school. George's education and fluent
command of English allowed him to rapidly rise through the ranks,
eventually becoming a bodyguard to the group's now notorious
leader, Joseph Kony. Having spent almost three years with the group
before deserting, George's story - as told to acknowledged LRA
expert Ledio Cakaj - provides a unique, unsettling and often
astonishing insight into the inner workings of the LRA.
This thought-provoking Handbook provides a theoretical overview of
the wide variety of anti-environmentalisms and offers an
integrative research agenda for future research on the topic.
Probing the ways in which groups have organized to oppose
environmental movements and pro-environmental policies in recent
decades, it examines those involved in these countermovements and
studies their motivations and support systems. International
contributors investigate the ways in which anti-environmentalism
differs across regions and by the nature of the issue, alongside
unique coverage of the critiques of environmental movements coming
from sources that are not anti-environmental. This Handbook
explores core topics in the field, including contestation over
climate change, wind power, mining, forestry, food sovereignty, oil
and gas pipelines and population issues. Chapters also analyse our
understanding of countermovements, the effect of public opinion on
environmental policy, and original empirical case studies from
North America, Oceania, Europe and Asia. Taking a multidisciplinary
approach, the Handbook of Anti-Environmentalism will be a key
resource for scholars and students of environmental politics and
policy, environmental sociology, environmental governance and
social movements.
Die Herero-opstand 1904–1907 is ’n heruitgawe van ’n boek wat ses
keer tussen 1976 en 1979 deur HAUM gepubliseer is. Die lotgevalle
van die Hererovolk word in hierdie boek geskets, ’n stuk
geskiedenis wat ’n sentrale plek in Namibie se kleurryke
geskiedenis beklee. Die opstand van die Herero’s in 1904 teen
Duitse koloniale gesag kan beskou word as die enkele gebeurtenis
wat die gebied se volksverhoudinge die ingrypendste verander het.
Die Herero-opstand 1904–1907 vertel van die geleidelike opbou na
die konflik, die skielike uitbarsting van geweld en die tragiese
afloop vir die Herero’s toe duisende verhonger het en hulle grond
en politieke seggenskap verloor het.
In 1909, young William F. Buckley Sr. (1881-1958), who grew up in
the dusty South Texas town of San Diego, graduated from the
University of Texas law school and headed for Mexico City. Fluent
in Spanish, familiar with Mexican traditions, and soon fit to
practice law south of the border, Buckley was headed up the aisle
to vast wealth and cultural power. On the way, he took a front-row
seat at the Mexican Revolution and played a key role in steering
the nascent oil industry through tumultuous and dangerous times.
This book for the first time tells the story of the man behind the
family that would become nothing short of a conservative
institution, reaching its apogee in the career of William F.
Buckley Jr., arguably the most prominent conservative commentator
of the twentieth century. Buckley witnessed the overthrow and exit
of President Porfirio DIaz, the rise of Madero, and the coup of
General Victoriano Huerta, all while building the Pantepec Oil
Company, the most profitable small petroleum producer in Mexico. He
faced down Pancho Villa, survived encounters with hired assassins,
evaded snipers in the streets of Veracruz, gambled and won in many
a business venture-and ultimately was expelled from the country. As
the narrative follows Buckley from his small-town Texas beginnings
to the founding of a family dynasty, the streak of independence and
distrust of government that would become the Buckley hallmark can
be seen in the making. An eventful chapter in the life and career
of a singular character, this dramatic account of a man and his
moment is a document of political and historical significance-but
it is also a remarkable story, told with irresistible brio.
In Twelver Shi'a Islam, the wait for the return of the Twelfth
Imam, Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Mahdi, at the end of time,
overshadowed the value of actively seeking martyrdom. However, what
is the place of martyrdom in Twelver Shi'ism today? This book shows
that the Islamic revolution in Iran resulted in the marriage of
Shi'i messianism and extreme political activism, changing the
mindset of the Shi'a worldwide. Suddenly, each drop of martyrs'
blood brought the return of al-Mahdi one step closer, and the
Islamic Republic of Iran supposedly became the prelude to the
foretold world revolution of al-Mahdi. Adel Hashemi traces the
unexplored area of Shi'i discourse on martyrdom from the 1979
revolution-when the Islamic Republic's leaders cultivated the
culture of martyrdom to topple the Shah's regime-to the dramatic
shift in the understanding of martyrdom today. Also included are
the reaction to the Syrian crisis, the region's war with ISIS and
other Salafi groups, and the renewed commitment to the defense of
shrines. This book shows the striking shifts in the meaning of
martyrdom in Shi'ism, revealing the real relevance of the concept
to the present-day Muslim world.
This book examines the role of artists in Egypt during the 2011
revolution, when street art from graffiti to political murals
became ubiquitous facets of revolutionary spaces. Through
interviews, personal testimonies, and accounts of the lived
experience of 25 street artists, the book explores the meaning of
art in revolutionary political contexts, specifically by focusing
on artistic production during 'liminal' moments as the events of
the Egyptian revolution unfolded. The author privileges the
perspective of the actors themselves to examine the ways that
artists reacted to events and conceived of their art as means to
further the goals of the revolution. Based on fieldwork conducted
in the years since 2011, the book provides a narrative of Egyptian
artists' participation in and representations of the revolution,
from hopeful beginnings to the subsequent crackdown and election of
al-Sisi.
In the early modern period, images of revolts and violence became
increasingly important tools to legitimize or contest political
structures. This volume offers the first in-depth analysis of how
early modern people produced and consumed violent imagery, and
assesses its role in memory practices, political mobilization, and
the negotiation of cruelty and justice. Critically evaluating the
traditional focus on Western European imagery, the case studies in
this book draw on evidence from Russia, China, Hungary, Portugal,
Germany, North America, and other regions. The contributors
highlight the distinctions among visual cultures of violence, as
well as their entanglements in networks of intensive transregional
communication, early globalization, and European colonization.
Contributors: Monika Barget, David de Boer, Nora G. Etenyi, Fabian
Fechner, Joana Fraga, Malte Griesse, Alain Hugon, Gleb Kazakov,
Nancy Kollmann, Ya-Chen Ma, Galina Tirnanic, and Ramon Voges.
Much has been written about the French Revolution and especially
its bloody phase known as the Reign of Terror. The actions of the
leaders who unleashed the massacres and public executions,
especially Maximilien Robespierre and Georges Danton, are well
known. They inspired many soldiers in the Revolutionary cause, who
did not survive, let alone thrive, in the post-Revolutionary world.
In this work of historical reconstruction, Jeff Horn recounts the
life of Alexandre Rousselin and narrates the history of the age of
the French Revolution from the perspective of an eyewitness. From a
young age, Rousselin worked for and with some of the era's most
important men and women, giving him access to the corridors of
power. Dedication to the ideals of the Revolution led him to accept
the need for a system of Terror to save the Republic in 1793-94.
Rousselin personally utilized violent methods to accomplish the
state's goals in Provins and Troyes. This terrorism marked his
life. It led to his denunciation by its victims. He spent the next
five decades trying to escape the consequences of his actions. His
emotional responses as well as the practical measures he took to
rehabilitate his reputation illuminate the hopes and fears of the
revolutionaries. Across the first four decades of the nineteenth
century, Rousselin acquired a noble title, the comte de
Saint-Albin, and emerged as a wealthy press baron of the liberal
newspaper Le Constitutionnel. But he could not escape his past. He
retired to write his own version of his legacy and to protect his
family from the consequences of his actions as a terrorist during
the French Revolution. Rousselin's life traces the complex twists
and turns of the Revolution and demonstrates how one man was able
to remake himself, from a revolutionary to a liberal, to
accommodate regime change.
This groundbreaking comparative study rediscovers the socialists of
Russia's borderlands, upending conventional interpretations of
working-class politics and the Russian Revolution. Researched in
eight languages, Revolutionary Social Democracy challenges
long-held assumptions by scholars and activists about the dynamics
of revolutionary change.
In May 1776 more than two hundred Indian warriors descended the St.
Lawrence River to attack Continental forces at the Cedars, west of
Montreal. In just three days' fighting, the Native Americans and
their British and Canadian allies forced the American fort to
surrender and ambushed a fatally delayed relief column. In Down the
Warpath to the Cedars, author Mark R. Anderson flips the usual
perspective on this early engagement and focuses on its Native
participants - their motivations, battlefield conduct, and the
event's impact in their world. In this way, Anderson's work
establishes and explains Native Americans' centrality in the
Revolutionary War's northern theater. Anderson's dramatic, deftly
written narrative encompasses decisive diplomatic encounters,
political intrigue, and scenes of brutal violence but is rooted in
deep archival research and ethnohistorical scholarship. It sheds
new light on the alleged massacre and atrocities that other
accounts typically focus on. At the same time, Anderson traces the
aftermath for Indian captives and military hostages, as well as the
political impact of the Cedars reaching all the way to the
Declaration of Independence. The action at the Cedars emerges here
as a watershed moment, when Indian neutrality frayed to the point
that hundreds of northern warriors entered the fight between crown
and colonies. Adroitly interweaving the stories of diverse
characters - chiefs, officials, agents, soldiers, and warriors -
Down the Warpath to the Cedars produces a complex picture, and a
definitive account, of the Revolutionary War's first Indian
battles, an account that significantly expands our historical
understanding of the northern theater of the American Revolution.
Slagtersnek is een van die bekendste name in ons geskiedenis. Met sy grusame assosiasie was dit ‘n magtige propagandamiddel in die politieke ontwikkeling van die Afrikaner. Juis hierdeur het dit egter al gou ‘n volksmite geword waarna herondersoek dringend noodsaaklik geword het. Dit is wat dr. Heese in hierdie boek doen.
Deur deeglike navorsing van die voor- en nageslag van almal wat daarby betrokke was, vorm hy ‘n helder beeld van wat werklik plaasgevind het. Hy toon oortuigend aan dat die Slagtersnek-opstand verkeerd vertolk is. Daar is helde gesien waar geen helde was nie, en dit was juis die bekampers van die opstandelinge, asook die neutrales, wat later die Afrikaner volksbewussyn tydens die Groot Trek bevorder het.
Heese skilder talle kleurryke figure: die bywoners, die ryk patriarge, die sukkelende swerwers, die dwarstrekkers, skoolmeesters en nie-blanke bediendes. Met hierdie boek word ‘n belangrike en oorspronklike bydrae tot ons geskiedenis gemaak.
Historiographically this book rests on the fact that European
transitions to modern economic growth were obstructed and promoted
by the Revolution in France and 15 years of geopolitical conflict
sustained by Napoleon in order to establish French Hegemony over
the states and economies of Britain, France, Germany, the
Netherlands, Italy, Spain, Portugal and overseas commerce. The
chapters reveal that their authors concerns to analyse both the
nature and significance of connections between geopolitical and
economic forces lend coherence to a collaborative endeavour
utilising comparative methods to address a mega question. What
might be plausibly concluded about the economic costs and the
benefits of this protracted conjuncture of Revolutionary and
Napoleonic Warfare? Contributors are: Patrick Karl O'Brien, Loic
Charles, Guillaume Daudin, Silvia Marzagalli, Marjolein 't Hart,
Johan Joor, Mark Dincecco, Giovanni Federico, Leandro Prados de la
Escosura, Carlos Santiago-Caballero, Cristina Moreira, Jaime Reis,
Rita Martins de Sousa, and Peter M.Solar.
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