Political violence in Northern Ireland began in the late 1960s and has been part of life there and to a lesser extent in the Republic of Ireland and Great Britain for nearly three decades. The crisis has perplexed politicians, strained democratic institutions, and has placed British policies under the microscope of international scrutiny. The volume of up-to-date essays places recent developments in context. It looks at the ideology of republicans and unionists, the impediments to peace, problems of gender and citizenship, the impact of partition on the island's economy, how The Troubles have been filtered through the press, and the impact of overspill violence in the Republic of Ireland and Great Britain. This study adds an important fresh texture to the ongoing discussion of political violence and the problems in Northern Ireland.

'One the foremost writers and participants in the Kurdish women's movement' - Harsha Walia The Kurdish women's movement is at the heart of one of the most exciting revolutionary experiments in the world today: Rojava. Forged over decades of struggle, most recently in the fight against ISIS, Rojava embodies a radical commitment to ecology, democracy and women's liberation. But while striking images of Kurdish women in military fatigues proliferate, a true understanding of the women's movement remains elusive. Taking apart the superficial and Orientalist frameworks that dominate, Dilar Dirik offers instead an empirically rich account of the women's movement in Kurdistan. Drawing on original research and ethnographic fieldwork, she surveys the movement's historical origins, ideological evolution, and political practice over the past forty years. Going beyond abstract ideas, Dirik locates the movement's culture and ideology in its concrete work for women's revolution in the here and now. Taking the reader from the guerrilla camps in the mountains to radical women's academies and self-organised refugee camps, readers around the world can engage with the revolution in Kurdistan, both theoretically and practically, as a vital touchstone in the wider struggle for a militant anti-fascist, anti-capitalist feminist internationalism.

Robert J. Sierakowski's Sandinistas: A Moral History offers a bold new perspective on the liberation movement that brought the Sandinista National Liberation Front to power in Nicaragua in 1979, overthrowing the longest-running dictatorship in Latin America. Unique sources, from trial transcripts to archival collections and oral histories, offer a new vantage point beyond geopolitics and ideologies to understand the central role that was played by everyday Nicaraguans. Focusing on the country's rural north, Sierakowski explores how a diverse coalition of labor unionists, student activists, housewives, and peasants inspired by Catholic liberation theology came to successfully challenge the legitimacy of the Somoza dictatorship and its entrenched networks of power. Mobilizing communities against the ubiquitous cantinas, gambling halls, and brothels, grassroots organizers exposed the regime's complicity in promoting social ills, disorder, and quotidian violence while helping to construct radical new visions of moral uplift and social renewal. Sierakowski similarly recasts our understanding of the Nicaraguan National Guard, grounding his study of the Somozas' army in the social and cultural world of the ordinary soldiers who enlisted and fought in defense of the dictatorship. As the military responded to growing opposition with heightened state terror and human rights violations, repression culminated in widespread civilian massacres, stories that are unearthed for the first time in this work. These atrocities further exposed the regime's moral breakdown in the eyes of the public, pushing thousands of previously unaligned Nicaraguans into the ranks of the guerrilla insurgency by the late 1970s. Sierakowski's innovative reinterpretation of the Sandinista Revolution will be of interest to students, scholars, and activists concerned with Latin American social movements, the Cold War, and human rights.

Until the publication of this book in 1974, the leaders of the October Revolution remained very badly known. This book exhumes the autobiographies written by the men whose actions and ideas have moulded events. Unique as sources of documentation on the Bolsheviks, these autobiographies, encompassing personal and political information up to 1917 add an important historical dimension. They allow the reader to appreciate more accurately the role played by each of the protagonists in preparing and carrying out the Revolution and beyond this they put the Bolsheviks of 1917 in the context of their social milieu and of the circumstances that shaped their minds.

One of the tools often used by a rhetor to motivate, solidify, and manage his constituency is the authorizing figure. While the referencing to historical figures is a common practice and frequently employed in the political realm, it takes on a special role in the inception, activation, and maintenance of social movements. This study analyzes the rhetorical uses of the authorizing figure during the Cuban revolution and Fidel Castro's use of Jose Marti, the civilian leader of the 1890s independence wars from Spain. Donald Rice discusses how the authorizing figure defines and unifies the emerging revolutionary movement, contributes to the application of the sanctioning authority of the state, and legitimizes the revolutionary vision over time.

These three uses provide the framework for the detailed analysis of Castro's discourse over the course of the revolution and its institutionalization, both representing and describing Castro's rehetorical strategy of using the past for present purposes. Chapter 1 is a discussion of the theoretical concepts of authority and authorization, which includes an explanation of the three-tiered approach used in the analysis. Chapter 2 gives a short history of Marti and a review of relevant Marti studies. Chapters 3, 4, and 5 contain the analyses of discourses relevant to Rice's established uses. Chapter 6, the concluding chapter, provides a synthesis of the preceding analyses and suggests areas of future research. These three uses provide the framework for the detailed analysis of Castro's discourse over the course of the revolution and its institutionalization, both representing and describing Castro's rhetorical strategy of using the past for present purposes.

The throngs at Woodstock, Jane Fonda in Hanoi, I Have a Dream, burning draft cards, fire in the streets--these images of the 1960s are still very much alive today. What happened to the people and principles that dominated that decade? Which leaders from those turbulent years had the most lasting effect on our lives today? How well have the principles for which those leaders fought so strongly withstood the test of time? This thought-provoking biographical dictionary allows the reader to study the leaders, both conservative and liberal, their ideals, and their enduring influence.

With major sections on racial democracy, peace and freedom, sexuality and gender, the environment, radical culture, and visions of alternative societies, Leaders from the 1960s includes entries on a wide selection of nationally prominent activists of the 1960s. In addition to those who dominated only the sixties, the volume includes earlier activists who came into prominence in the 1960s and activists of the era who came into prominence since the 1960s. Each entry provides a biographical sketch, but the focus of the entries is on the person's basic concepts or the essence of his or her work and the public response it generated. Included are extensive bibliographies on the individuals and the period.

The book reflects upon the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the ensuing developments in Russia, the rest of the former Soviet Union, Central and Eastern Europe and elsewhere in the world. It discusses the impact of the legacies of the Russian Revolution on political systems, ideologies, economic and social structures and culture. The book answers some pertinent questions: To what extent are these legacies relevant today for the contextualisation of memory politics, social institutions, and international relations? How does an analysis of 1917 and its legacies contribute to the comparative study of revolutions and social change?

In January 1829, an angry mob in Tehran murdered Russian poet and diplomat Alexander Griboedov, author of the verse comedy Woe from Wit and architect of the Russian annexation of the north Caucasus from Persia after the Russo-Persian War. A century later, the Russian formalist writer Yury Tynianov wrote a historical novel about the event entitled The Death of Vazir-Mukhtar. In this wide-ranging study, Anna Aydinyan posits that The Death of Vazir-Mukhtar conceptualizes Orientalism fifty years before Edward Said coined the term. She argues that Tynianov parodied historical works on the Caucasus in his novel in order to critique the ways in which exoticizing the East enabled imperialism and colonization. Analysing literary and non-literary texts on Russia's relationship with Iran, along with the economic and cultural development of Transcaucasia after the Russo-Persian War, Formalists against Imperialism studies Russian culture within the framework of comparative colonialisms and examines the twentieth-century Russian reconsideration of the country's imperial past.

This book, first published in 1983, is a valuable corrective to the lack of academic research on the events of 1830 - a year of revolutions across the continent of Europe. Social protests and political changes are examined to note the causes of the political turmoil and revolution in 1830, and then the results of the revolutions' developments are analysed, as general European social, political and diplomatic crises as well as a series of individual outbreaks. The book also turns to comparative study to look at the hows and wherefores of the revolutions, as the dynamics, participants and effects of revolution are examined in turn.

This book investigates the Communist political phenomenon, including the origins and development of Communism as well as the revolutions that led to the rise of the major Communist states around the world. Written for high school students, undergraduates, and general readers, this book surveys the global rise of Communism. It begins with a timeline and narrative overview, which are followed by reference entries, primary source documents, and original argumentative essays on enduring issues related to Communism. The book first covers the earliest phases of the "Utopian Socialist" movement and the beginnings of Marxist theory. It then discusses the Russian Revolution of 1917; the creation of the Soviet Union; the regime of terror instituted by Stalin; the expansion of Communism during the years of the Cold War, particularly in Asia; and the Cuban Revolution and the regime of Fidel Castro. It also discusses the progression toward revolution among the European Satellite countries as it included the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, the Czech revolution of 1968, and the multiple revolutions from 1989-1991 that saw the collapse of the Soviet system and the Cold War. Includes a timeline to help students identify key events related to the rise of Communism and their relation to one another Examines the rise of Communism around the world, its causes, and its significance in a narrative overview Provides fundamental information about key topics through alphabetically arranged reference entries Presents primary source historical documents to give students first-hand accounts of the development of Communist thought and its legacy Offers original argumentative essays to help students critically consider major issues and debates related to Communism

Generations of scholars have debated why the Union collapsed and descended into civil war in the spring of 1861. Turning this question on its head, Brian C. Neumann's Bloody Flag of Anarchy asks how the fragile Union held together for so long. This fascinating study grapples with this dilemma by reexamining the nullification crisis, one of the greatest political debates of the antebellum era, when the country came perilously close to armed conflict in the winter of 1832-33 after South Carolina declared two tariffs null and void. Enraged by rising taxes and the specter of emancipation, 25,000 South Carolinians volunteered to defend the state against the perceived tyranny of the federal government. Although these radical Nullifiers claimed to speak for all Carolinians, the impasse left the Palmetto State bitterly divided. Forty percent of the state's voters opposed nullification, and roughly 9,000 men volunteered to fight against their fellow South Carolinians to hold the Union together. Bloody Flag of Anarchy examines the hopes, fears, and ideals of these Union men, who viewed the nation as the last hope of liberty in a world dominated by despotism-a bold yet fragile testament to humanity's capacity for self-government. They believed that the Union should preserve both liberty and slavery, ensuring peace, property, and prosperity for all white men. Nullification, they feared, would provoke social and political chaos, shattering the Union, destroying the social order, and inciting an apocalyptic racial war. By reframing the nullification crisis, Neumann provides fresh insight into the internal divisions within South Carolina, illuminating a facet of the conflict that has long gone underappreciated. He reveals what the Union meant to Americans in the Jacksonian era and explores the ways both factions deployed conceptions of manhood to mobilize supporters. Nullifiers attacked their opponents as timid "submission men" too cowardly to defend their freedom. Many Unionists pushed back by insisting that "true men" respected the law and shielded their families from the horrors of disunion. Viewing the nullification crisis against the backdrop of global events, they feared that America might fail when the world, witnessing turmoil across Europe and the Caribbean, needed its example the most. By closely examining how the nation avoided a ruinous civil war in the early 1830s, Bloody Flag of Anarchy sheds new light on why America failed three decades later to avoid a similar fate.

The 21st century has witnessed a considerable and increasing number of political revolutions around the world. This contradicts the popular belief of many experts in the 1970s that revolutions occurred mainly in monarchies and empires. Instead, the revolutions of this century have several new characteristics, which call for a renewed analysis of the subject. This handbook offers a comparative perspective on the new wave of revolutions of the last decade. Presenting case studies on the color revolutions, the Arab revolutions of 2010-2011, and the global wave of revolutions in 2013-2018 that spanned regions ranging from Africa to the Caucasus, it offers a better understanding of the varied forms, features, and historical backgrounds of revolutions, as well as their causes. Accordingly, it highlights recent revolutions in their historical and world-systems contexts. The handbook is divided into seven parts, the first of which examines the history of views on revolution and important aspects of the theory of revolution. The second part analyzes revolutions within long-term historical trends and in their world-system contexts. In turn, the third part explores specific major revolutionary waves in history. The fourth part analyzes the first revolutionary wave of the 21st century (2000-2009), the so-called color revolutions, while the fifth discusses the second wave - the Arab Spring (2010-2013) - as an important turning point. The sixth part is dedicated to analyzing revolutions and revolutionary movements beyond the Arab Spring and some revolutionary events from the third wave that began in 2018. The seventh and final part offers forecasts on the future of revolutions. Given its scope, the book will appeal to scholars and students from various disciplines interested in historical trends, sociopolitical change, contentious politics, social movements, and revolutionary processes involving both nonviolent campaigns and political violence. "Once again, this volume demonstrates the kind of open-minded, systematic analysis that the field of revolutionary studies requires." (Prof. George Lawson, Department of International Relations, Australian National University Canberra)

The Fascist Revolution is the culmination of George L. Mosse's groundbreaking work on fascism. Originally published posthumously in 1999, the volume covers a broad spectrum of topics related to cultural interpretations of fascism from its origins through the twentieth century. In a series of magisterial turns, Mosse examines fascism's role in the French Revolution, its relationship with nationalism and racism, its use by intellectuals to foment insurrection, and more as a means to define and understand it as a popular phenomenon on its own terms. This new edition features a critical introduction by Roger Griffin, professor emeritus of modern history at Oxford Brookes University, contextualizing Mosse's research as fascism makes a global resurgence.

This book examines the rapidly evolving relationship between the British Labour Party and the emerging Irish nationalist forces, from which was formed the first government of the Irish Free State as both metamorphosed from opposition towards becoming the governments of their respective states.

The notion of a "Springtime of European Peoples," the concept of a universal republic and the awareness of a European dimension to revolutionary events all had an important impact on the ideas of 1848 and were reflected in songs, pamphlets, and political statements. However, the meanings of 1848--its historical and memories--changed over time. In most commemorations, the revolution has appeared as a national event, a perspective which changed only in 1998, on the occasion of the 150th anniversary. This book analyzes the dichotomy between the international dimension of the revolution's ideas and the nationalization of its memories.

Prussian discipline is legendary. Central to debates about modern German history is the view that an oppressive Prussian state cast a shadow on the development of civil society. In particular, historians have seen the absence of a revolution in the eighteenth century as a symptom of a delayed and incomplete emancipation of the Prussian bourgeoisie. Prussia's urban dwellers have often been portrayed as poor relations of the self-reliant and assertive bourgeois of Western Europe and the Atlantic world. Economically backward and politically oppressed, they were allegedly in no position to challenge the iron grip of the state and question the authority of the Hohenzollern dynasty. Drawing from extensive and original research, Florian Schui challenges the accepted view and argues that Prussians in the eighteenth century were much more willing to challenge the state than has been recognised. Schui explores several instances where urban Prussians successfully resisted government policies and forced Frederick the Great and his successors to give in to their demands. Rebellious Prussians thus sheds light on a little-known historical reality in which weak Hohenzollern monarchs - and a still weaker Prussian bureaucracy - were confronted with prosperous, fearless, argumentative, and occasionally violent Prussian burghers. Such conflicts between state and citizens were by no means unique to Prussia. Rather the events in Prussia were, on many levels, connected to similar contemporary developments in other parts of Europe and North America. Florian Schui systematically explores these links and thus develops a new European and Atlantic perspective on Prussian history in the eighteenth century.

An examination of the portrayal of one of the most important uprisings in the middle ages in subsequent history writing. The revolt of Owain Glyndwr (1400-c.1415) was a remarkable event in both English and Welsh contexts, and as such was narrated by a number of chroniclers, including Adam Usk, John Capgrave, Thomas Walsingham and Edward Halle. Theyoffer a range of perspectives on the events, as well as portrayals of the main characters (especially, of course, Glyndwr himself), the communities involved, and Wales. This book studies the representations of the revolt in English chronicles, from 1400 up to1580. It focuses on the narrative strategies employed, offers a new reading of the texts as literary constructs, and explores the information they present. Alicia Marchant is a ResearchAssociate in the ARC Centre of Excellence for the History of Emotions at the University of Western Australia.

This book explores the preaching and printing of sermons by royalists during the English Revolution. While scholars have long recognised the central role played by preachers in driving forward the parliamentarian war-effort, the use of the pulpit by the king's supporters has rarely been considered. The Lord's battle, however, argues that the pulpit offered an especially vital platform for clergymen who opposed the dramatic changes in Church and state that England experienced in the mid-seventeenth century. It shows that royalists after 1640 were moved to rethink earlier attitudes to preaching and print, as the unique potential for sermons to influence both popular and elite audiences became clear. As well as contributing to our understanding of preaching during the Civil Wars therefore, this book engages with recent debates about the nature of royalism in seventeenth-century England. -- .

In November 1918 a revolution overthrew the old imperial system in Germany and inaugurated a republic. The revolution was formally completed in August 1919 when the social democrat Friedrich Ebert was sworn in as president. By this time, however, many of the revolution's original aims and intentions had been swallowed up by new political concerns and lived experiences. For contemporaries the meaning of '9 November' changed, becoming increasingly contested between rival parties, military experts and scholars. This book examines how the debate on the revolution has evolved from August 1919 to the present day. It takes the reader through the ideological battles of the 1920s and 30s into the equally politicised historical writing of the cold war period. It ends with a consideration of the marginalisation of the revolution in academic research since the 1980s, and its revival from 2010. -- .

"Riveting . . . There is a wealth of new information here that adds considerable texture and nuance to his story and helps to set Russia apart from previous works."-The Wall Street Journal An epic new account of the conflict that reshaped Eastern Europe and set the stage for the rest of the twentieth century. Between 1917 and 1921 a devastating struggle took place in Russia following the collapse of the Tsarist empire. The doomed White alliance of moderate socialists and reactionary monarchists stood little chance against Trotsky's Red Army and the single-minded Communist dictatorship under Lenin. In the savage civil war that followed, terror begat terror, which in turn led to ever greater cruelty with man's inhumanity to man, woman and child. The struggle became a world war by proxy as Churchill deployed weaponry and troops from the British empire, while contingents from the United States, France, Italy, Japan, Poland, and Czechoslovakia played rival parts. Using the most up to date scholarship and archival research, Antony Beevor assembles the complete picture in a gripping narrative that conveys the conflict through the eyes of everyone from the worker on the streets of Petrograd to the cavalry officer on the battlefield and the doctor in an improvised hospital.

Based on award-winning research, Love and revolution brings classical and contemporary anarchist thought into a mutually beneficial dialogue with a global cross-section of ecological, anti-capitalist, feminist and anti-racist activists - discussing real-life examples of the loving-caring relations that underpin many contemporary struggles. Such a (r)evolutionary love is discovered to be a common embodied experience among the activists contributing to this collective vision, manifested as a radical solidarity, as political direct action, as long-term processes of struggle, and as a deeply relational more-than-human ethics. This book provides an essential resource for all those interested in building a free society grounded in solidarity and care, and offers a timely contribution to contemporary movement discourse. -- .

This book applies a multiparadigmatic philosophical frame of analysis to the topic of social revolution. Crossing two disciplines and lines of literature-social philosophy and social revolution-this book considers different aspects of social revolution and discusses each aspect from four diverse paradigmatic viewpoints: functionalist, interpretive, radical humanist, and radical structuralist. The four paradigms are founded upon different assumptions about the nature of social science and the nature of society. Each paradigm generates theories, concepts, and analytical tools that are different from those of other paradigms. An understanding of different paradigms leads to a more balanced understanding of the multi-faceted nature of the subject matter. In this book, the first chapter reviews the four paradigms. Using the Iranian Revolution as exemplar, the next few chapters provide paradigmatic explanations for a particular aspect of revolution: culture, religion, ideology. With this background, the book introduces a comprehensive approach to the understanding of revolution. The final chapter concludes by recommending further paradigmatic diversity. This book will be of particular interest to students and researchers interested in social revolution, political sociology, and political theory.

From the end of the thirteenth century to the first decades of the sixteenth century, Guyart des Moulins's Bible historiale was the predominant French translation of the Bible. Enhancing his translation with techniques borrowed from scholastic study, vernacular preaching, and secular fiction, Guyart produced one of the most popular, most widely copied French-language texts of the later Middle Ages. Making the Bible French investigates how Guyart's first-person authorial voice narrates translation choices in terms of anticipated reader reactions and frames the biblical text as an object of dialogue with his readers. It examines the translator's narrative strategies to aid readers' visualization of biblical stories, to encourage their identification with its characters, and to practice patient, self-reflexive reading. Finally, it traces how the Bible historiale manuscript tradition adapts and individualizes the Bible for each new intended reader, defying modern print-based and text-centred ideas about the Bible, canonicity, and translation.

The relation of revolutions to international relations is central to modern history. Revolutions have, as much as war or nationalism, shaped the development of world politics. Equally, revolutions have been, in cause, ideology and consequence, international events. By putting the international politics of revolution centre stage, Fred Halliday's book makes a major contribution to the understanding of both revolution and world politics.