This book analyses the waves of protests, from spontaneous uprisings to well-organized forms of collective action, which have shaken European cities over the last decade. It shows how analysing these protests in connection with the structural context of neoliberal urbanism and its crises is more productive than standard explanations. Processes of neoliberalisation have caused deeply segregated urban landscapes defined by deepening social inequality, rising unemployment, racism, securitization of urban spaces and welfare state withdrawal, particularly from poor peripheral areas, where tensions between marginalized youth and police often manifest in public spaces. Challenging a conventional distinction made in research on protest, the book integrates a structural analysis of processes of large scale urban transformation with analyses of the relationship between 'riots' and social movement action in nine countries: France, Greece, England, Germany, Spain, Poland, Denmark, Sweden and Turkey.

An illustrated account of one of the most pivotal events in modern history - the Russian revolution of 1917. In the early years of the twentieth century, Imperial Russia was an ethnically diverse empire, stretching from Ukraine and Belarus in the west to the Bering Sea and the Sea of Okhotsk in the Far East. At the head of this profoundly dysfunctional polity was Tsar Nicholas II, whose Romanov successors had ruled Russia since the start of the seventeenth century with a lethal mixture of domestic cruelty, expansionist energy and reactionary incompetence - interspersed with occasional reformist spasms. By early 1917, Russia was unreformable, and the tsar's authority irreparably damaged. In March of that year, Nicholas II abdicated and the tsarist system was overthrown. The provisional government installed in its stead to organise democratic elections lasted just eight chaotic months before being ousted by Lenin's Bolsheviks in the October Revolution. Writing with crisp immediacy, Sebastyen narrates an unprecedented era of political and social convulsion. The Russian Revolutions changed the course of history, and, more than a century later, their backwash continues to be deeply felt across the world.

This comparative historical sociology of the Bolshevik revolutionaries offers a reinterpretation of political radicalization in the last years of the Russian Empire. Finding that two-thirds of the Bolshevik leadership were ethnic minorities - Ukrainians, Latvians, Georgians, Jews and others - this book examines the shared experiences of assimilation and socioethnic exclusion that underlay their class universalism. It suggests that imperial policies toward the Empire's diversity radicalized class and ethnicity as intersectional experiences, creating an assimilated but excluded elite: lower-class Russians and middle-class minorities universalized particular exclusions as they disproportionately sustained the economic and political burdens of maintaining the multiethnic Russian Empire. The Bolsheviks' social identities and routes to revolutionary radicalism show especially how a class-universalist politics was appealing to those seeking secularism in response to religious tensions, a universalist politics where ethnic and geopolitical insecurities were exclusionary, and a tolerant 'imperial' imaginary where Russification and illiberal repressions were most keenly felt.

World History FullText combines the indexing and abstracts from America: History and Life and Historical Abstracts with the full text of appropriate journals from EBSCO's library, and now covers more than 180 journals. Built for libraries with general history research needs, the database focuses on historical writing from 1990 to the present and contains content from Africa, Asia, North and South America, Europe, and the Middle East. It covers a wide range of historical topics, including anthropology, art, culture, economics, government, heritage, military, politics, psychology, sociology and more.

World History FullText is an ideal resource for all libraries with general history research needs and is affordably priced.

These informative entries examine the full range of modern separatist movements and insurgencies in the world today, including coverage of related organizations, parties, campaigns, political events, and leaders.

Present-day Basques want independence from Spain, Kurds from Turkey, and Quebec from Canada, to name just a few. On the other hand, Somalia seeks to unite Somalis under one flag, and Inner Mongolia seeks to unite with Outer Mongolia. Discover the world's main ethnic separatist and unification crusades in this first-of-its-kind reference.
-- An introductory essay defines and explains ethnic separatist and unification movements, including causes and outcomes
-- A chronology places events in historical perspective
-- Illustrations and original maps
-- Includes coverage of Kosovo, Northern Ireland, Switzerland, Katanga, and more

Crowd Actions in Britain and France from the Middle Ages to the Modern World explores the lively and often violent world of the crowd, examining some of the key flashpoints in the history of popular action. From the Peasants' Revolt of 1381 to the Paris riots in 2005 and 2006, this volume reveals what happens when people gather together in protest.

The Russian Revolution of 1917 was an event of the greatest importance, but the social groups which were crucial to its development and outcome have been little written about. This book brings together a number of prominent British researchers whose work focusses on the connections among politics, social aspirations and economics, and offers new insights into the reasons why, only months after the last tsar fell from power in February 1917, it was the Bolsheviks who seized control and established a communist regime.

Putting Greece back on the cultural and political map of the "Long 1960s," this book traces the dissent and activism of anti-regime students during the dictatorship of the Colonels (1967-74). It explores the cultural as well as ideological protest of Greek student activists, illustrating how these "children of the dictatorship" managed to re-appropriate indigenous folk tradition for their "progressive" purposes and how their transnational exchange molded a particular local protest culture. It examines how the students' social and political practices became a major source of pressure on the Colonels' regime, finding its apogee in the three day Polytechnic uprising of November 1973 which laid the foundations for a total reshaping of Greek political culture in the following decades.

The mass protests that shook France in May 1968 were exciting, dangerous, creative and influential, changing European politics to this day. Students demonstrated, workers went on general strike, factories and universities were occupied. At the height of its fervour, it brought the entire national economy to a halt. The protests reached such a point that political leaders feared civil war or revolution. Fifty years later, here are the eye-opening oral testimonies of those young rebels. By listening to the voices of students and workers, as opposed to those of their leaders, May '68 appears not just as a mass event, but rather as an event driven by millions of individuals, achieving a mosaic human portrait of France at the time. This book reveals the legacy of the uprising: how those explosive experiences changed both those who took part, and the course of history. May Made Me will record these moments before history moves on yet again.

This path-breaking book uncovers the important, under-appreciated role of armed opposition groups turned political parties in shaping long-term patterns of politics after war. Based on an empirically grounded and theoretically informed retrospective on nearly thirty years of post-conflict democratic state-building efforts, it examines whether this practice has contributed to peace and finds that engaging post-rebel parties in electoral politics has proven to be a viable long-term strategy for bringing political stability, that disparate post-rebel parties from different political contexts invest heavily in electoral politics and that few post-rebel parties actively seek return to civil conflict as a solution after becoming a political party. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners in democracy, governance, elections, political parties, post-conflict peacebuilding, and more broadly to international relations, comparative politics, and regional politics.

This book, first published in 1984, provides a wealth of original evidence that explores not only the impact of the Vietnam War on the beliefs of American leaders - the 'lessons' they believed had been learnt by Americans from the conflict in Vietnam.

The voices of the children and teenagers who witnessed the events that transformed the colonies to an independent nation have seldom been heard in historical accounts of the American Revolution. This book tells the story of the "forgotten" youngsters who engaged in the boycott of British goods and the battles that led up to the Declaration of Independence: the story of their courageous exploits in eight years of warfare on land and sea, and the story of the social forces that shaped and transformed their post-war lives. The Revolution challenged the notions of patriarchal authority. It introduced serious risks and disruptions in the lives of the young, but it also gave them an unprecedented degree of autonomy and a sense of responsibility that allowed them to seize the opportunities that they gained with their independence. The book is based on the eye-witness accounts of one hundred children and teenagers who were between the ages of five and sixteen when they first observed the events recorded in their diaries, journals, letters, or memoirs. One-third of the accounts are from girls, most of whom lived in cities; two-thirds are from boys, most of whom lived rural areas. They include reports from black as well as white boy soldiers, from teenagers imprisoned on land and on prison ships, from slave children and youngsters held hostage by Indians, and from children of loyalists and pacifists who opposed the war with Britain for political or religious reasons. Also included are the viewpoints of Hessian teenagers who fought in the American Revolutionary War for the British. The book follows the chronology of the American Revolution across two decades from 1770, when the boycott of Britishgoods throughout the American colonies gained momentum, to 1789, when George Washington was sworn in as the first president of a new and independent nation. It sets the experiences of the children and teenagers who lived and wrote in that time in a historical context. It focuses on the major milestones of the American Revolution, and the contribution of young people to its progress and ultimate success.

In Arab Revolution in the 21st Century?, Nader Fergany presents a compassionate analysis of the Arab popular uprisings in the 21st century, with particular reference to the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. Under authoritarian rule, relentless injustice creates the objective conditions for expressions of popular protest which may culminate in popular uprisings, as witnessed in many Arab countries at the end of the first decade of the 21st century. Unsurprisingly, the slogans of the Arab Liberation Tide (ALT) popular revolts centered around freedom, implying sound democratic governance, social justice, and human dignity for all. In reality, the short-lived governance arrangements which followed the January 2011 popular revolt in Egypt, for example, were little more than extensions of the authoritarian governance system the revolt set out to overthrow. There were differences, of course, between the three short-lived regimes that took power since then, but in form, rather than substance. This book uses a structuralist political economy framework rather than a detailed historical account as it considers how the ALT may prove to be an historic opportunity for human renaissance in the Arab World - or alternatively a disaster of epic proportions.

Marie-Louis-Adolphe Thiers (1797 1877) was a prominent figure in a turbulent period in French history. Described by Karl Marx as a 'monstrous gnome' and condemned by the left for suppressing the Paris Commune of 1871, he enjoyed a controversial political career, but it is for his epic Histoire de la R volution Fran aise that he is chiefly remembered today. It was first published in French in ten volumes between 1823 and 1827, and in 1838 Frederic Shoberl's English translation made it a staple of British bookshelves. Consolidated into five volumes and illustrated with an array of engravings, this edition presents readers with a history of events spanning more than a decade of revolution and war, and remains one of the most comprehensive accounts of the French Revolution. Volume 1 leads readers from the 'cringing assemblies' of Louis XIV to the storming of the Tuileries in August 1792.

Marie-Louis-Adolphe Thiers (1797 1877) was a prominent figure in a turbulent period in French history. Described by Karl Marx as a 'monstrous gnome' and condemned by the left for suppressing the Paris Commune of 1871, he enjoyed a controversial political career, but it is for his epic Histoire de la R volution Fran aise that he is chiefly remembered today. It was first published in French in ten volumes between 1823 and 1827, and in 1838 Frederic Shoberl's English translation made it a staple of British bookshelves. Consolidated into five volumes and illustrated with an array of engravings, this edition presents readers with a history of events spanning more than a decade of revolution and war, and remains one of the most comprehensive accounts of the French Revolution. Volume 5 concludes the narrative with accounts of military campaigns abroad, political in-fighting at home, and Napoleon's coup d' tat of November 1799.

Histories of Portugal's transition to democracy have long focused on the 1974 military coup that toppled the authoritarian Estado Novo regime and set in motion the divestment of the nation's colonial holdings. However, the events of this "Carnation Revolution" were in many ways the culmination of a much longer process of resistance and protest originating in universities and other sectors of society. Combining careful research in police, government, and student archives with insights from social movement theory, The Revolution before the Revolution broadens our understanding of Portuguese democratization by tracing the societal convulsions that preceded it over the course of the "long 1960s."

Telling West Indian Lives: Life Narrative and the Reform of Plantation Slavery Cultures 1804-1834 draws historical and literary attention to life story and narration in the late plantation slavery period. Drawing on new archival research, it highlights the ways written narrative shaped evangelical, philanthropic, and antislavery reform projects.

The past half-century has produced a mass of information regarding slave resistance, ranging from individual acts of disobedience to massive uprisings. Many of these acts of rebellion have been studied extensively, yet the ultimate goals of the insurgents remain open for discussion. Recently, several historians have suggested that slaves achieved their own freedom by resisting slavery, which counters the predominant argument that abolitionist pressure groups, parliamentarians, and the governmental and anti-governmental armies of the various slaveholding empires were the prime movers behind emancipation. Marques, one of the leading historians of slavery and abolition, argues that, in most cases, it is impossible to establish a direct relation between slaves' uprisings and the emancipation laws that would be approved in the western countries. Following this presentation, his arguments are taken up by a dozen of the most outstanding historians in this field. In a concluding chapter, Marques responds briefly to their comments and evaluates the degree to which they challenge or enhance his view.

This book examines how community remembers one of the most gruesome acts of violence in the 20th century: the anti-communist violence in 1965 in Indonesia. Through a case study in a rural district in East Java, this research presents complexities of memory culture of violence. These memories are not exclusively determined by the state's repressive memory project, but are actually embedded in intricate social relations and local context where the violence occurred. What people remember, forget, or silenced is part of the continuous negotiation to claim one's right, to relate to the state, and to be Indonesian citizen. This book redefines the politics of memory - that it does not necessarily appear in formal arenas, but actually lies in the intricate web of local dynamics, often involving transactional and clientelistic practices.

This book investigates the conflict over control over the Western Mediterranean in the late eighteenth-century. The Western Mediterranean during the 1790s featured a constant struggle for control over the region. While most histories point to military events such as the Italian Campaign as descriptive of this struggle between the two competing ideological forces of Revolutionary France and the Counter-Revolutionary First Coalition led by Britain, this book takes a different approach. Rather than looking at the struggle between ideologies, this book looks at the struggle within those ideologies, arguing that the Western Mediterranean states were not simply the battlefields or the prizes of the struggle, but were active participants with goals of autonomy or neutrality. The focus stretches beyond conflict between France and Britain, into the adaptation of ideology for different uses in Tuscany, Toulon, Algiers, Spain, and especially Corsica.

This book, first published in 1967, examines the implications of a now-forgotten minor riot that occurred in 1833, a turbulent year with the working classes striving for recognition in a changing social order. A political meeting in London had been declared illegal, the police breaking up the crowd were met with resistance, and in the fracas a policeman was stabbed to death. A bad-tempered inquest followed, at which the jury returned a verdict of justified killing - for which a section of the public hailed them as heroes. This analysis sets the crime and verdict against the political protests of the time.

This book, first published in 1974, examines the diverse nature of popular protest in Britain. Movements varied immensely from one another in their objectives, their social composition, their tactics and the geographical milieu.

This book, first published in 1966, focuses on the stories of ordinary people who have stood up to tyrants around the world. A German opposes Hitler; a Rabbi in South Africa protests apartheid; an Algerian lawyer remains true to the law; a Polish writer fights the Nazis, and the Communists; an Irish playwright is caught up in the fight against the British; and a Hungarian Jewish poet recites poetry in concentration camps. Together they form an examination of political opposition, and a testimony.

This book, first published in 1979, presents a series of important investigations into the German Peasant War of 1525 - the last great peasant revolt and the first modern revolution. Previously under-studied by English-speaking historians, these essays provide a valuable analysis of the aims and extent of the Peasant War, and are representative of the various elements in the historiographical debate.

This book, first published in 1930 and reissued in 1961, examines the Western phenomenon of the rise of the 'mass-man'. Analysing the state of society before the Second World War, acclaimed philosopher Ortega y Gasset lays bare the problems that faced the countries of Europe in a book that resonates today in the imposition of direct action over discussion.

This book, first published in 1978, examines the independent political action by the thousands of working people in the town of Merthyr Tydfil, Wales. After a mass rally on the hills above the town, thousands of workers under a reg flag broke into insurrection - a detachment of Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders marched into the town to restore order. The rebels repulsed the soldiers and held the town, with at least two dozen workers killed. Within weeks of the Rising, trade unions began to appear in South Wales, and this book argues that these events were central to the emergence of a Welsh working class.