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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political activism > Revolutions & coups
'Utterly gripping and consistently witty' Damian Thompson, Literary Review 'An absolutely splendid book' A. N. Wilson, The Spectator The story of Catholic Emancipation begins with the violent Anti-Catholic Gordon Riots in 1780, fuelled by the reduction in Penal Laws against the Roman Catholics harking back to the sixteenth century. Some fifty years later, the passing of the Emancipation Bill was hailed as a 'bloodless revolution'. Had the Irish Catholics been a 'millstone', as described by an English aristocrat, or were they the prime movers? While the English Catholic aristocracy and the Irish peasants and merchants approached the Catholic Question in very different ways, they manifestly shared the same objective. Antonia Fraser brings colour and humour to the vivid drama with its huge cast of characters: George III, who opposed Emancipation on the basis of the Coronation Oath; his son, the indulgent Prince of Wales, who was enamoured with the Catholic Maria Fitzherbert before the voluptuous Lady Conyngham; Wellington and the 'born Tory' Peel vying for leadership; 'roaring' Lord Winchilsea; the heroic Daniel O'Connell. Expertly written and deftly argued, The King and Catholics is also a distant mirror of our times, reflecting the political issues arising from religious intolerance.
"Revolutionary Ireland, 1912-25" analyses the main events in Ireland from the initial crisis over the Third Home Rule Bill in 1912 to the consolidation of partition Ulster with the settling of the boundary issue in 1925.Written with particular reference to the needs of students in further and higher education, each chapter contains an easy to follow narrative, guides to key reading on the topic, sample essay and examination questions and links to web resources.The main text is supported by an appendix of contemporary sources and a range of additional information including a chronology of significant events, maps, a glossary of key terms and an extensive bibliography. This comprehensive text will allow students to get to grips with this turbulent and fascinating period of modern Irish history.
In 2000 a beheaded journalist was found in a remote forest near Kyiv. The corpse led to a scandal when it was revealed that it was that of a journalist critical of the authorities. The President was heard on tapes, made covertly in his office, ordering violence to be undertaken against the journalist. The scandal led to the creation of a wide protest movement that culminated in the victory of democratic opposition parties in 2002. The democratic opposition, led by its presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko, fought a bitter and fraudulent election campaign in 2004 during which he was poisoned. Widespread election fraud led to Europe's largest protest movement since the Cold War which became known as the Orange Revolution, known after the campaign colour of the democratic opposition. This book is the first to provide a collection of studies surveying different aspects of the rise of the Ukraine's democratic opposition from marginalization, to protest against presidential abuse of office and culminating in the Orange Revolution. It integrates the Kuchmagate crisis of 2000-2001 with that of the Orange Revolution four years later providing a rich, detailed and original study of the origins of the Orange Revolution. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics.
The spectre of revolution and the nature of radicalism in Britain from the late eighteenth century through to the age of the Chartists has for some time engaged the interest of scholars and been the topic of much debate. This book honours one of the subject's most renowned and respected historians, Professor Malcolm I. Thomis. In a collection distinguished by its formidable range of contributors, a series of stimulating essays explores and re-examines the threats and ideas of revolution and the byzantine networks and character of British radical culture in the turbulent and intriguing years between 1775 and 1848.
The Balkans has long been a place of encounter among different
peoples, religions, and civilizations, resulting in a rich cultural
tapestry and mosaic of nationalities. But it has also been burdened
by a traumatic post-colonial experience. The transition from
traditional multinational empires to modern nation-states has been
accompanied by large-scale political violence that has resulted in
the deaths of hundreds of thousands and the permanent displacement
of millions more.
Dynamite on the Tropic of Cancer is the radical, explosive retelling of the first decade of the 'Father of Modern China' Dr Sun Yatsen's globally shaped formation as a professional revolutionist, and of the impact of the adult Sun's revolutionary relationship with Hawai'i and with his varied communities of supporters there during its own most turbulent political decade, the 1890s, years in which this remote island nation transformed from native monarchy, via sovereign independent republic, to become the USA's first overseas territory. Drawn from neglected primary sources, Dynamite reveals the hitherto untold story of the secret revolutionary alliance forged in Honolulu's backstreets between Sun's Xingzhonghui and the idiosyncratic italophile soldier Robert Wilcox, "Hawai'i's Garibaldi" and leader of the Kanaka/Native Hawaiian counterrevolution of January 1895. This failed uprising to restore Hawai'i's tragic last Queen, witnessed firsthand by Sun Yatsen, became the archetype upon which ten months later Sun would base his own first attempt at armed insurrection in China: the Canton uprising of 26 October 1895. With an epic sweep across the Pacific's Tropic of Cancer, Dynamite is the most important study yet written on the origins of Sun Yatsen's Chinese Revolution and its dynamic interface with Hawaiian history.
This book offers a timely and multifaceted reanalysis of student radicalism in postwar Japan. It considers how students actively engaged the early postwar debates over subjectivity, and how the emergence of a new generation of students in the mid-1950s influenced the nation's embrace of the idea that 'the postwar' had ended. Attentive to the shifting spatial and temporal boundaries of 'postwar Japan,' it elucidates previously neglected histories of student and zainichi Korean activism and their interactions with the Japanese Communist Party. This book is a key read for scholars in the field of Japanese history, social movements and postcolonial studies, as well as the history of student radicalism.
Zhang Shenfu, a founder of the Chinese Communist party, participated in all the major political events in China for four decades following the Revolution of 1919. Yet Zhang had become a forgotten figure in China and the West--a victim of Mao's determined efforts to place himself at the center of China's revolution--until Vera Schwarcz began to meet with him in his home on Wang Fu Cang Lane in Beijing. Now Schwarcz brings Zhang to life through her poignant account of five years of conversations with him, a narrative that is interwoven with translations of his writings and testimony of his friends. Moving circuitously, Schwarcz reveals fragments of the often contradictory layers of Zhang's character: at once a champion of feminism and an ardent womanizer, a follower of Bertrand Russell who also admired Confucius, and a philosophically inclined political pragmatist. Schwarcz also meditates on the tension between historical events and personal memory, on the public amnesia enforced by governments and the "forgetfulness" of those who find rememberance too painful. Her book is not only a portrait of a remarkable personality but a corrective to received accounts and to the silences that abound in the official annals of the Chinese revolution.
Robespierre and the Festival of the Supreme Being provides an exciting new study of an important event in the French Revolution and a defining moment in the career of its principal actor, Maximilien Robespierre, the Festival of the Supreme Being. This day of national celebration was held to inaugurate the new state religion, the Cult of the Supreme Being, and whilst traditionally it has been dismissed as a compulsory political event, this book redefines its importance as a hugely popular national event. Hitherto unused or disregarded source material is used to offer new perspective to the national reaction to Robespierre's creation of the Festival and of his search for a new republican morality. It is the first ever detailed study in English of this area of French Revolutionary history, the first in any language since 1988 and will be welcomed by scholars and students of this period. -- .
This book, first published in 1970, examines significant protest movements of the twentieth century and looks at the similarities and differences between the various dissents and rebellions. Beginning with the mood of weariness and dissatisfaction with the old regimes at the turn of the century, it discusses the emergence of protest as an ideal, a viable force for reform. From radical unionism, it traces the thread through bohemianism, international communism and anticolonialism in the twenties; fascism and Nazism and protest as a way of life up to 1945; the Afro-Asian and early civil rights movements of the fifties; and the agitating students and revolutionary movements of the sixties.
This book presents rich empirical analyses of the most important movements in Chile's post-transition era: the Student Movement, the Mapuche Movement, the Labor Movement, the Feminist Movement, and the Environmental Movement. The chapters illuminate the processes that led to their emergence, and detail how actors developed new strategies, or revisited old ones, to influence the political arena. The book also offers contributions that situate these cases both in terms of the general trends in protest in Chile, as well as in comparison to other countries in Latin America. Emphasizing various facets of the debate about the relationship between "institutional" and "non-institutional" politics, this volume not only contributes to the study of collective action in Chile, but also to the broader social movement literature.
'A vastly entertaining tale, bursting with astonishing stories and extraordinary characters ... A fascinating read' Sunday Telegraph 'Brilliant ... An amazing story, one I hadn't heard too much about' Dan Snow IT IS THE DEPTHS OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR. The Germans like to boast that there is 'no escape' from the infamous fortress that is Colditz. The elite British officers imprisoned there are determined to prove the Nazis wrong and get back into the war. As the war heats up and the stakes are raised, the Gestapo plant a double-agent inside the prison in a bid to uncover the secrets of the British prisoners. Captain Julius Green of the Army Dental Corps and Sergeant John 'Busty' Brown must risk their lives in a bid to save the lives of hundreds of Allied servicemen and protect the secrets of MI9. Drawn from unseen records, The Traitor of Colditz brings to light an extraordinary, never-before-told story from the Second World War, an epic tale of how MI9 took on the Nazis and exposed the traitors in their midst.
This volume examines the French Revolution's relationship with and impact on religious communities and religion in a transnational perspective. It challenges the traditional secular narrative of the French Revolution, exploring religious experience and representation during the Revolution, as well as the religious legacies that spanned from the eighteenth century to the present. Contributors explore the myriad ways that individuals, communities, and nation-states reshaped religion in France, Europe, the Atlantic Ocean, and around the world.
The contributors to this book, first published in 1971, analyse as International Socialists the economic and social issues of modern society. Their findings were controversial, as was the alternative they proposed - the overthrow of the British system and its replacement by a society based on workers' control. A central theme of the book is the need for socialists to have a scientific view of the modern world - a socialist theory.
This book, first published in 1984, examines France's independent nuclear weapons programme of the 1980s alongside the French peace movement, which was almost totally absent - in contrast to the peace protests of the US and the rest of Europe. This book analyses this unusual pattern of defence and dissent, and assesses its likely development. It looks at the evolvement of French post-war defence policy, and discusses the French peace movement, attempting to explain why it was so weak.
This book, first published in 1978, examines the independent political action by the thousands of working people in the town of Merthyr Tydfil, Wales. After a mass rally on the hills above the town, thousands of workers under a reg flag broke into insurrection - a detachment of Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders marched into the town to restore order. The rebels repulsed the soldiers and held the town, with at least two dozen workers killed. Within weeks of the Rising, trade unions began to appear in South Wales, and this book argues that these events were central to the emergence of a Welsh working class.
This book analyses the waves of protests, from spontaneous uprisings to well-organized forms of collective action, which have shaken European cities over the last decade. It shows how analysing these protests in connection with the structural context of neoliberal urbanism and its crises is more productive than standard explanations. Processes of neoliberalisation have caused deeply segregated urban landscapes defined by deepening social inequality, rising unemployment, racism, securitization of urban spaces and welfare state withdrawal, particularly from poor peripheral areas, where tensions between marginalized youth and police often manifest in public spaces. Challenging a conventional distinction made in research on protest, the book integrates a structural analysis of processes of large scale urban transformation with analyses of the relationship between 'riots' and social movement action in nine countries: France, Greece, England, Germany, Spain, Poland, Denmark, Sweden and Turkey.
The definitive account of the superior fighting force that powered the English Revolution The New Model Army was one of the most formidable fighting forces ever assembled. Formed in 1645, it was crucial in overthrowing the monarchy and propelling one of its most brilliant generals, Oliver Cromwell, to power during the English Revolution. Paradoxically, it was also instrumental in restoring the king in 1660. But the true nature of this army has long been debated. In this authoritative history, Ian Gentles examines the full scope of the New Model Army. As a fighting force it engineered regicide, pioneered innovative military tactics, and helped to keep Cromwell in power as Lord Protector until his death. All the while, those within its ranks promoted radical political ideas inspired by the Levellers and held dissenting religious beliefs. Gentles explores how brilliant battlefield maneuvering and logistical prowess contributed to its victories-and demonstrates the vital role religion played in building morale and military effectiveness.
In November 1918 a revolution overthrew the old imperial system in Germany and inaugurated a republic. The revolution was formally completed in August 1919 when the social democrat Friedrich Ebert was sworn in as president. By this time, however, many of the revolution's original aims and intentions had been swallowed up by new political concerns and lived experiences. For contemporaries the meaning of '9 November' changed, becoming increasingly contested between rival parties, military experts and scholars. This book examines how the debate on the revolution has evolved from August 1919 to the present day. It takes the reader through the ideological battles of the 1920s and 30s into the equally politicised historical writing of the cold war period. It ends with a consideration of the marginalisation of the revolution in academic research since the 1980s, and its revival from 2010. -- .
Crowd Actions in Britain and France from the Middle Ages to the Modern World explores the lively and often violent world of the crowd, examining some of the key flashpoints in the history of popular action. From the Peasants' Revolt of 1381 to the Paris riots in 2005 and 2006, this volume reveals what happens when people gather together in protest.
In The Longing for Total Revolution: Philosophic Sources of Discontent from Rousseau to Marx and Nietzsche (1986), the eminent intellectual historian and political theorist Bernard Yack offered a sweeping reinterpretation of modern thought. Yack argued that Rousseau prompted a line of philosophy that continued through Kant, Hegel, Marx and Nietzsche, which viewed the essential spirit of modernity as dehumanizing, and therefore implied, in a matter that became increasingly clear over time, that a total revolution against modernity is necessary. In this volume, seven political theorists and historians, including Yack himself, reconsider the book's substantive and methodological innovations, its limitations, and its current relevance. Contributors to the volume discuss, inter alia, left Kantianism in historical context, the theological origins of the longing for total revolution, the question of whether the tradition identified by Yack is connected to twentieth-century totalitarianism, and the unique form of critical genealogy pioneered by Yack's book. The volume concludes with Yack's response to the other contributors' chapters. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Critical Review.
This book examines how community remembers one of the most gruesome acts of violence in the 20th century: the anti-communist violence in 1965 in Indonesia. Through a case study in a rural district in East Java, this research presents complexities of memory culture of violence. These memories are not exclusively determined by the state's repressive memory project, but are actually embedded in intricate social relations and local context where the violence occurred. What people remember, forget, or silenced is part of the continuous negotiation to claim one's right, to relate to the state, and to be Indonesian citizen. This book redefines the politics of memory - that it does not necessarily appear in formal arenas, but actually lies in the intricate web of local dynamics, often involving transactional and clientelistic practices.
Russians from all walks of life poured into the streets of the imperial capital after the February Revolution of 1917, joyously celebrating the end of Tsar Nicholas II's monarchy. One year later, with Lenin's Bolsheviks now in power, Petrograd's deserted streets presented a very different scene. No celebrations marked the Revolution's anniversary. Amid widespread civil strife and lawlessness, a fearful citizenry stayed out of sight. In Crime and Punishment in the Russian Revolution, Tsuyoshi Hasegawa offers a new perspective on Russia's revolutionary year through the lens of violent crime and its devastating effect on ordinary people. When the Provisional Government assumed power after Nicholas II's abdication, it set about instituting liberal reforms, including eliminating the tsar's regular police. But dissolving this much-hated yet efficient police force and replacing it with a new municipal police led rapidly to the breakdown of order and services. Amid the chaos, crime flourished. Gangs of criminals, deserters, and hooligans brazenly roamed the streets. Mass prison escapes became common. And vigilantism spread widely as ordinary citizens felt compelled to take the law into their own hands, often meting out mob justice on suspected wrongdoers. The Bolsheviks swept into power in the October Revolution but had no practical plans to reestablish order. As crime continued to escalate and violent alcohol riots almost drowned the revolutionary regime, they redefined it as "counterrevolutionary activity," to be dealt with by the secret police, whose harshly repressive, extralegal means of enforcement helped pave the way for a Communist dictatorship.
World History FullText combines the indexing and abstracts from America: History and Life and Historical Abstracts with the full text of appropriate journals from EBSCO's library, and now covers more than 180 journals. Built for libraries with general history research needs, the database focuses on historical writing from 1990 to the present and contains content from Africa, Asia, North and South America, Europe, and the Middle East. It covers a wide range of historical topics, including anthropology, art, culture, economics, government, heritage, military, politics, psychology, sociology and more. World History FullText is an ideal resource for all libraries with general history research needs and is affordably priced. These informative entries examine the full range of modern separatist movements and insurgencies in the world today, including coverage of related organizations, parties, campaigns, political events, and leaders. Present-day Basques want independence from Spain, Kurds from
Turkey, and Quebec from Canada, to name just a few. On the other
hand, Somalia seeks to unite Somalis under one flag, and Inner
Mongolia seeks to unite with Outer Mongolia. Discover the world's
main ethnic separatist and unification crusades in this
first-of-its-kind reference. |
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