The aim of the book is two-fold. First of all it is to provide a fair, complete and analytical account of the Neo-liberal conception of the role and function of the state in modern society. The second aim is to provide a critical assessment of some of the central elements of this conception. The book will look at the emphasis of Neo-liberals on procedural and rule governed approaches to the role of the state rather than outcome or end state views of the role of government and to consider how this conception of politics relates to issues such as the rule of law, freedom, justice, rights, the relationship to the market economy, to civil society and to look at the role of government in relation to the provision of welfare and public sector services more generally. It builds up the Neo-liberal case in respect of these aspects of modern society by drawing upon the works of central Neo-liberal thinkers such as Hayek, Mises, Menger, as well as thinkers such as Oakeshott, Nozick and Rotbard who are not directly Neo-liberals but whose works have been important for the development of central Neo-liberal themes.
The second part of the book provides what might be regarded as an immanent critique of the Neo-liberal case built up in the first part of the study. It takes Neo-liberal ideas very seriously and shows how incoherences arise within and between those ideas such that a plausible form of Neo-liberalism as opposed to Libertarianism on the one hand and Social Democracy on the other is very difficult to state. The theme of this book is very germane given the considerable debate which is now taking place in the context of the world financial crisis about the appropriate role for the state.

This book is Karl Widerquist's first statement of the "indepentarian" theory of justice, or what he calls "Justice as the Pursuit of Accord" (JPA). It provides five arguments for UBI, one based on the JPA theory of freedom, another based on the JPA theory of property, and three that reply to common objections to UBI. Each of these three turns the argument around using the central concepts in a justification for UBI. Although the central argument is for one specific policy proposal, this book's perspective is much wider, including very basic criticism of social-contract-based and natural-rights-based theories of justice.

Many commentators have noted the fertile new intellectual period Critique of Modernity opened up in the social theory of Alain Touraine, but until now its innovations have not been the subject of a sustained analysis. This work locates the wellsprings of Touraine's renewed interpretive power in an implicit and unfinished, but unmistakable 'hermeneutical turn.' To deepen and extend his potent but only partly developed insights, the second part of the book develops his hermeneutical premises more explicitly, through a dialogue with the hermeneutical philosophy of Paul Ricoeur. The outcome is a critical hermeneutics of the subject, which opens new possibilities for theorising human agency and social creativity, and renews the project of critical theory.

Critical theory is one of the most important and exciting areas within the study of international relations. Its purpose is not only to describe how the world operates but also to help us imagine how we might achieve a more equitable and sustainable way of life. Presenting key concepts and thinkers, notably Theodor Adorno and Michel Foucault, this book provides an evaluation of the field and suggests how critical thinking can contribute to confronting the challenges of the twenty-first century. It argues that current critiques of critical theory in international relations can only be overcome if we engage with ideas from outside of the western tradition. -- .

Our cosmic soup is in an endless churn, changing the circumstances of events from moment to moment. Russ Otter swims in this cosmic soup every waking moment, to discover, learn, fail, and grow. In this, the second edition of his "Swimming in Cosmic Soup," he shares his most recent discoveries and theories from his lifelong quest for understanding, truth, and peace.

This study provides a review of the scientific knowledge we have of our universe, presented in easy-to-understand terms, and a suggestion of what this might mean to us. It takes a look at religion from a new perspective, one in which all sentient people can enjoy a loving, religious life whose teachings are removed from human extrapolations, rituals, suppositions, and institutions. It also offers a pragmatic view of theocratic histories-and the fallout we are living with today as a result.

Otter presents an examination-using responsibility, freedom, and ethics-of the politically correct culture that leaves no stone unturned for the mischief this is brought down upon society, along with a look at the nature of politics and the direction of his own politics, coupled with the ultimate force and value of humor.

In this study, Otter presents an engaging ride through philosophy, history, and science as he questions assumptions and the great unknowns of mystery, discovery, and hope.

Alongside the 'critical theory' of the Frankfurt School, West Germany was also home to another influential Marxist current known as the Marburg School. In this volume, Marburg disciple Lothar Peter traces the school's history and situates it in the political discourse and developments of its time. The renowned political scientist Wolfgang Abendroth plays a large role, but unlike most histories of the Marburg School Peter also takes the sociologists Werner Hofmann and Heinz Maus into account as well as their many students and successors. They were united by the conviction that teaching and scholarship must necessarily be tied to the practical goal of transforming society - an approach that met with considerable opposition in the harshly anti-Communist atmosphere of the period. This book was first published in 2014 as Marx an die Uni. Die "Marburger Schule" - Geschichte, Probleme, Akteure by PapyRossa Verlag, Cologne, ISBN 978-38-94-38546-0. With a new Introduction by Ingar Solty.

Liberalism is the dominant ideology of our time, yet its character remains the subject of intense scholarly and political controversy. Debates about the liberal political tradition - about its history, its central philosophical commitments, its implications for political practice - lie at the very heart of the discipline of political theory. Many outstanding political theorists have contributed to the growing sophistication of these debates in recent years, but the original voice of Michael Freeden deserves particular attention. In the course of a body of work that spans over thirty years, Freeden's iconoclastic contributions have posed important challenges to the dominant understandings of liberal ideology, history, and theory. Such work has sought to redefine the very essence of what it is to be a liberal. This book brings together an international group of historians, philosophers, and political scientists to evaluate the impact of Freeden's work and to reassess its central claims.

The first English translation of his work, The Withholding Power, offers a fascinating introduction to the thought of Italian philosopher Massimo Cacciari. Cacciari is a notoriously complex thinker but this title offers a starting point for entering into the very heart of his thinking. The Withholding Power provides a comprehensive and synthetic insight into his interpretation of Christian political theology and leftist Italian political theory more generally. The theme of katechon - originally a biblical concept which has been developed into a political concept - has been absolutely central to the work of Italian philosophers such as Agamben and Eposito for nearly twenty years. In The Withholding Power, Cacciari sets forth his startlingly original perspective on the influence the theological-political questions have traditionally exerted upon ideas of power, sovereignty and the relationship between political and religious authority. With an introduction by Howard Caygill contextualizing the work within the history of Italian thought, this title will offer those coming to Cacciari for the first time a searing insight into his political, theological and philosophical milieu.

Emotions are at the very heart of individual and communal actions. They influence our social and interpersonal behaviour and affect our perspectives on culture, history, politics, and morality. Emotions, Community, and Citizenship is a pioneering work that brings together scholars from an array of disciplines in order to challenge and unite the disciplinary divides in the study of emotions. These carefully selected studies highlight how emotions are studied within various disciplines with particular attention to the divide between naturalistic and interpretive approaches. The editors of this volume have provided a nuanced and insightful introduction and conclusion which provide not only an overarching commentary but a framework for the interdisciplinary approach to emotion studies.

This Reader contains the five most influential books ever written about political strategy and philosophy. Plato's "Republic" is a Socratic dialogue written c380 BC. It focusses on the definition of justice and the order and character of the just city-state and the just man. It is Plato's most famous work and is one of the most influential works of philosophy and political theory. Sun Tzu's "The Art of War" is an ancient Chinese military treatise. It was written by a high-ranking military general, strategist and tactician, probably between. 481 BC and 403 BC. The book has thirteen chapters, each of which is devoted to one aspect of warfare. It is the definitive work on military strategy and tactics of its time and has continued to inspire leaders through the ages. Thomas More's Utopia was published in 1516 and is a fictional work exploring political philosophy. The story depicts a fictional island society and its religious, social and political customs. Machiavelli's "The Prince" was published in 1532 and is a political treatise by the Italian diplomat, historian and political theorist. It is one of the first works of modern political philosophy, in which the effective truth is taken to be more important than any abstract ideal. Hobbes' Leviathan is concerned with the structure of society and legitimate government, and is regarded as one of the earliest and most influential examples of social contract theory. It was written during the English Civil War (1642-1651) and argues for a social contract and rule by an absolute sovereign.

How might we reinvent the humanities? This is the question at the heart of this provocative volume. It is a difficult mission and definitely one which needs to be addressed with increasing urgency. There is no better cast to confront and problematize this question than the contributors to Conflicting Humanities. They are world-renowned thinkers who can tackle the problem as researchers and teachers but also as prominent public intellectuals. Taking the intellectual and political legacies of Edward Said as a point of departure and frame of reference, the contributors - working in a range of disciplinary settings - consider the current condition of humanism and the humanities. Said's definition of the core task of the Humanities as the pursuit of democratic criticism remains more urgent than ever, though it needs to be supplemented by gender, environmental, and anti-racist perspectives as well as by detailed analysis of the necro-political governmentality of our time. An innovative piece of scholarship, this volume is committed to the refusal of a world riven by new kinds of warcraft, injustice and exploitation.

This volume brings together an interdisciplinary group of scholars from the United States, the Middle East, and North Africa, to discuss and critically analyze the intersection of gender and human rights laws as applied to individuals of Arab descent. It seeks to raise consciousness at the intersection of gender, identity, and human rights as it relates to Arabs at home and throughout the diaspora. The context of revolution and the destabilizing impact of armed conflicts in the region are used to critique and examine the utility of human rights law to address contemporary human rights issues through extralegal strategies. To this end, the volume seeks to inform, educate, persuade, and facilitate newer or less-heard perspectives related to gender and masculinities theories. It provides readers with new ways of understanding gender and human rights and proposes forward-looking solutions to implementing human rights norms. The goal of this book is to use the context of Arabs at home and throughout the diaspora to critique and examine the utility of human rights norms and laws to diminish human suffering with the goal of transforming the structural, social, and cultural conditions that impede access to human rights. This book will be of interest to a diverse audience of scholars, students, public policy researchers, lawyers and the educated public interested in the fields of human rights law, international studies, gender politics, migration and diaspora, and Middle East and North African politics.

It is a commonplace of Schmitt scholarship that the controversial thinker sought to recapture some of the elan of the pre-Weimar state through his advocacy of effectively almost unlimited presidential government. Seitzer demonstrates how Schmitt believed comparative history itself could reinvigorate the ailing German state by subtly altering prevailing understandings of the relation of theory and practice in law and politics. Treating Schmitt's Constitutional Theory and Guardian of the Constitution as methodologically sophisticated comparative histories, Seitzer turns Schmitt's argument against itself. He shows how Schmitt's comparative histories, when properly executed, support a decentralized solution to the Republic's difficulties directly contrary to Schmitt's in terms of its purpose and effect. Problem-oriented, comparative-historical studies of key features of the Weimar system suggest that the dispersion of political power facilitates an institutional dialogue over constitutional principle and practice that better provides for political stability and democratic experimentation. These studies also suggest that linking forms of justification with institutions establishes a productive tension among norms and institutions that is essential to maintaining the viability of constitutional democracy, both in the short- and long-term. This work will be of considerable value to Schmitt scholars and those interested in German legal and political theory as well as those concerned with broad issues in comparative law and European history and political theory.

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"An important contribution to the sociology of religion as well as to political sociology. With the currency of Linneman's topics and the skill of his coverage, the book should appeal to students and researchers alike."
--"Sociology of Religion"

"A fascinating account."
--"Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion"

The Pacific Northwest is known for its diverse, unusual politics. There are thriving gay and lesbian communities and populations of staunchly conservative Christians. Both groups wield political power out of proportion to their numbers and yet both feel beleaguered. How do members of these groups--both community leaders and everyday citizens--perceive the political climates that surround them

This book tells a tale of two Northwestern cities: Seattle, well known nationally for its liberalism, and Spokane, its conservative cousin to the east. Weathering Change characterizes the ways these liberal and conservative environments translate into hostility and hospitality for the Christian conservatives, gay men, and lesbians who live within them. Linneman gives us a firsthand account of how people from both groups think about social change in relation to the media, the public, the government, their communities, and their opposition. Indeed, we gain much needed insight into why Christian conservatives view the progress of the gay and lesbian movement as such a threat.

For close to forty years now T.M. Scanlon has been one of the most important contributors to moral and political philosophy in the Anglo-American world. Through both his writing and his teaching, he has played a central role in shaping the questions with which research in moral and political philosophy now grapples.
Reasons and Recognition brings together fourteen new papers on an array of topics from the many areas to which Scanlon has made path-breaking contributions, each of which develops a distinctive and independent position while critically engaging with central themes from Scanlon's own work in the area. Contributors include well-known senior figures in moral and political philosophy as well as important younger scholars whose work is just beginning to gain wider recognition. Taken together, these papers make evident the scope and lasting interest of Scanlon's contributions to moral and political philosophy while contributing to a deeper understanding of the issues addressed in his work.

This book analyzes Jonathan Swift's Gulliver's Travels from a political philosophy perspective. When authors have focused on politics in Swift's writings, this has usually meant a study of how Swift located himself on issues of his day such as church and state, and Ireland. Robertson claims by contrast that Gulliver's Travels is fundamentally a book about the "ancients" (e.g. Plato, Aristotle), and the "moderns" (science and technology), and their contrasting views about the human condition. The claim that the Travels is "a kind of prolegomena" to political philosophy leaves open the possibility that it does not achieve, or seek to achieve, a fusion of various teachings but rather uses the device of alien societies to point us to uncomfortable aspects of political philosophy's "larger questions" we are prone to ignore. Swift, Robertson argues, draws our attention to some version of the classical republic, as idealized in Aristotle's political writings and in Plato's Republic, as opposed to a modern regime which, at its best or most intellectual, emphasizes modern science and technology in combination as a way to improve the human condition.

No one wants to be treated merely as a means-"used," in a sense. But just what is this repugnant treatment? Audi's point of departure is Kant's famous principle that we must treat persons as ends in themselves and never merely as means. Treatment of these kinds is conduct, a complex three-dimensional notion whose central elements are action, its motivation, and the manner of its performance. He shows how the notions of treating persons as ends and, by contrast, merely as means, can be anchored outside Kant and clarified in ways that enhance their usefulness both in ethical theory and in practical ethics, where they have much intuitive force. Audi constructs an account of treatment of persons-of what it is, how it differs from mere interpersonal action, and what ethical standards govern it. In accounting for such treatment, the book develops a wider conception of ethics than is commonly implicit in utilitarian, deontological, or virtue theories. These results contribute to ethical theory, but in its discussion of diverse narrative examples of moral and immoral conduct, the book also contributes to normative ethics. Audi's theory of conduct takes account of motivational elements that are not traits of character and of behavioral elements that are not manifestations of virtue or vice. Here it goes beyond the leading virtue approaches. The theory also advances rule ethics by framing wider conception of moral behavior-roughly, of acting morally. The results advance both normative ethics and ethical theory. For moral philosophy, the book frames conceptions, articulates distinctions, and formulates principles; and for practical ethics, it provides a multitude of cases that illustrate both the scope of moral responsibility and the normative standards for living up to it.

This book provides a comprehensive account of the phenomenon of identity in politics, featuring for the first time the question of individual emancipation. It addresses the burning questions of our times, viz. nationalism, populism, Islamic fundamentalism, multiculturalism, postsecularism and postcolonialism. The volume repudiates an easy reconciliation between identity and emancipation, such as it occurs in contemporary liberal and multicultural political theories. It shows that we cannot achieve emancipation without Kant's help, whereas identity relentlessly draws us back to collective values and the community. The book urges for a new understanding of identity and a politics that instead of accommodating identities seeks to govern them. Identity is the buzzword in the humanities and social sciences, but also the most contentious and least conceptualized term. This book intends to bring theoretical clarity into the debate on how identity plays out in politics.

In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the philosophy of John Stuart Mill has never been more relevant. Can we reconcile individual liberty with the demands of the common good? Mill's central concern was to modify the Utilitarian ethical theory of Jeremy Bentham and his father, James Mill, in a manner that would safeguard human rights. However, many philosophers - most notably John Rawls - have argued that Mill's attempt was either inconsistent or incoherent. This new reading of Mill defends him against these charges, and shows the value of his approach to the world we live in today. John Fitzpatrick argues that, properly understood, Mill's liberal utilitarianism can indeed support a system of rights rich enough to guarantee individual liberty. Combining fresh interpretations of Mill's writings on ethics, politics, and political economy with the historical Mill that can found in his autobiography, the book will be of substantial interest to a wide audience.