![]() |
![]() |
Your cart is empty |
||
Books > Social sciences > Warfare & defence > War & defence operations > Battles & campaigns
For six decades, John Knoepfle has been writing poems, and he's still going strong. Knoepfle writes love poems, among the best we have, of the joys, loneliness, danger and the infinite transformations of marriage. He writes narrative poems, surreal, sardonic and magical about astronauts on the moon or an angry farmer and a prophetic owl. He recovers the stories of folks who never made it into the history books. Always he has a respect for the spoken word and lays his lines out on the page so that you too can hear it. And a spiritual force runs through his books like the slow and powerful rivers of the Midwest he inhabits. Both moving and humorous, Knoepfle's autobiography shows us how by hard work and lucky accident he came to be the poet he is.
"Lean men, brown men, men from overseas,
Two first accounts by early aviators
Written in a clear and engaging narrative style, this book analyzes the pivotal campaign in which Robert E. Lee drove the Union Army of the Potomac under George B. McClellan away from the Confederate capital of Richmond, VA, in the summer of 1862. The Seven Days' Battles: The War Begins Anew examines how Lee's Confederate forces squared off against McClellan's Union Army during this week-long struggle, revealing how both sides committed many errors that could have affected the outcome. Indeed, while Lee is often credited with having brilliant battle plans, the author shows how the Confederate commander mismanaged battles, employed too many complicated maneuvers, and overestimated what was possible with the resources he had available. For his part, McClellan of the Union Army failed to commit his troops at key moments, accepted erroneous intelligence, and hindered his campaign by refusing to respect the authority of his civilian superiors. This book presents a synthetic treatment that closely analyzes the military decisions that were made and why they were made, analyzes the successes and failures of the major commanders on both sides, and clearly explains the outcomes of the battles. The work contains sufficient depth of information to serve as a resource for undergraduate American history students while providing enjoyable reading for Civil War enthusiasts as well as general audiences.
The so-called Phony War from September 1939 to May 1940 occupies a peculiar yet distinct place in popular memory. All the sensations of war, except the fighting, were present; yet, instead of massed air attacks and great land battles, very little happened. The British government was said to be complacent, and the people downright bored. Then, France fell to German attack, and the small British army was evacuated (minus its equipment) from Dunkirk. Reaction to this major strategic catastrophe was naturally to blame the men deemed guilty for bringing the nation to the verge of humiliating defeat. In sharp contrast to previous studies, Smart argues that there was more to the phony war than governmental complacency, that the period was more than a foolish or frivolous ante-chamber to a later more heroic phase. The extent to which the "guilty men" verdict on the first nine months of Britain's Second World War has stuck remains surprising. The notion that the phony war was a necessary, indeed over-determined, prelude to catastrophe has become cemented over time. Examining the workings of the Anglo-French leadership during this period, Smart picks this thesis apart and argues that disaster was not necessarily, still less inevitably, just around the corner. He concludes that Anglo-French decision-making during this time was basically sound, that the soldiers were well equipped and in good-heart, and that there was no malaise eating away at the entente. This study offers a challenging reappraisal of the phony war from a British perspective.
World War I was a global war originating in Europe that lasted from 1914 to 1918. Contemporaneously known as the Great War or "the war to end all wars", it led to the mobilisation of more than 70 million military personnel, including 60 million Europeans, making it one of the largest wars in history. This series of Eight volumes provides year by year analysis of the war that resulted in the death of more than 17 million deaths worldwide.
"Al Ataque" is an excellent book that describes the preparation a bomb group goes through before being deployed overseas as well as the problems of shipping some five thousand men and supplies along with some eighty B-24 aircraft from a stateside base to a foreign country. The book then details the establishment of Torretta Field that was used by the 461st for the duration of the war in Europe. The 461st Bomb Group flew two hundred and twenty-three combat missions between April 1944 and April 1945. Each of these is described in the book. Personal experiences of veterans who were actually part of the 461st are included.
What did Hitler really want to achieve: world domination. In the early twenties, Hitler was working on this plan and from 1933 on, was working to make it a reality. During 1940 and 1941, he believed he was close to winning the war. This book not only examines Nazi imperial architecture, armament, and plans to regain colonies but also reveals what Hitler said in moments of truth. The author presents many new sources and information, including Hitler's little known intention to attack New York City with long-range bombers in the days of Pearl Harbor.
The War for Legitimacy in Politics and Culture 1936-1946 presents the first investigation of how the phenomenon of political legitimacy operated within Europe's political cultures during the period of the Second World War. Amidst the upheavals of that turbulent period in Europe's twentieth-century history, a wide variety of contenders for power emerged, each of which claimed to possess the right to rule.Exploring political discourse, state propaganda, and high and low culture, the book argues that legitimacy lay not with rulers, and still less in the barrel of a gun, but in the values behind differing approaches to "good" government. An important contribution to the study of the political culture of wartime Europe, this volume will be essential reading for both political scientists and twentieth-century historians.
View the Table of Contents. Read the Preface. "Laboras Home Front is an outstanding contribution. Balanced and
fair-minded, Kerstenas richly documented account puts the AFL at
the center of wartime labor relations and domestic history
generally. . . . Kersten also sheds new light on the key role of
the AFL in the emergence of social democratic liberalism during the
era of World War II." "Labor's Home Front is the work of a careful and thorough
historian. Kersten establishes the centrality of the often
neglected American Federation of Labor to the story of labor's
uphill efforts during World War II to breathe life into the lofty
ideals embodied in the Four Freedoms. He skillfully weaves his case
studies--on gender, race, union rivalries, safety, the open shop,
and postwar planning--into a narrative fully attentive to the
evolution of the Federation's ideology and politics, poignantly
conveying the spirit of sacrifice and suffering without
romanticizing his subjects. This is a genuinely important
book." One of the oldest, strongest, and largest labor organizations in the U.S., the American Federation of Labor (AFL) had 4 million members in over 20,000 union locals during World War II. The AFL played a key role in wartime production and was a major actor in the contentious relationship between the state, organized labor, and the working class in the 1940s. The war years are pivotal in the history of American labor, but books on the AFL's experiences are scant, with far more on the radical Congress of Industrial Unions(CIO). Andrew E. Kersten closes this gap with Labor's Home Front, challenging us to reconsider the AFL and its influence on twentieth-century history. Kersten details the union's contributions to wartime labor relations, its opposition to the open shop movement, divided support for fair employment and equity for women and African American workers, its constant battles with the CIO, and its significant efforts to reshape American society, economics, and politics after the war. Throughout, Kersten frames his narrative with an original, central theme: that despite its conservative nature, the AFL was dramatically transformed during World War II, becoming a more powerful progressive force that pushed for liberal change.
Of the three categories that Raul Hilberg developed in his analysis of the Holocaust-perpetrators, victims, and bystanders-it is the last that is the broadest and most difficult to pinpoint. Described by Hilberg as those who were "once a part of this history," bystanders present unique challenges for those seeking to understand the decisions, attitudes, and self-understanding of historical actors who were neither obviously the instigators nor the targets of Nazi crimes. Combining historiographical, conceptual, and empirical perspectives on the bystander, the case studies in this book provide powerful insights into the complex social processes that accompany state-sponsored genocidal violence.
Dennis "Joe" Connole was an ordinary soldier. He spent four years, three months, and seventeen days in the U.S. Army during World War II. From March 1942, until December 1943, he was a member of the 26th "Yankee" Division on Coast Patrol duty in Maine. In early 1944, Joe Connole shipped out to the European Theater of Operations (ETO), where he joined the 36th "Texas" Division as a replacement: thus, a "Yankee" in the "Texas Army." In June 1944, he received a Purple Heart for shrapnel wounds inflicted in Italy. On August 25, 1944, in France, Joe Connole became a battle-fatigue casualty. After several weeks in a hospital, he recovered and returned to his unit to finish out the war. Unbeknownst to family members, he suffered from Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) for many years after the war. This book details how men who experience the brutal horrors of combat are forever changed. Memories of traumatic experiences in battle left deep psychological scars, resulting in years of emotional pain and suffering. The healing process for many veterans was a gradual one.Through in-depth historical research of several years, Dennis A. Connole recaptures his father's military experiences in order to understand his dad as a father and as a person, and how he became the man he was after the war.
"Fight of the Phoenix" is a historical personal account of duties as an Advisor in the Delta of Vietnam in 1972. The author counters claims of other Advisors and Academics and sets the record straight on the vicious nature of the Communist insurgency that killed their own people and the spectacular success of the Phoenix Program throughout the country and especially in the Delta Region MR-4 in targeting and neutralizing the enemy Viet Cong insurgents.
The war for the British life-line of the English Channel
During the First World War it was the task of the U.S. Department
of Justice, using the newly passed Espionage Act and its later
Sedition Act amendment, to prosecute and convict those who opposed
America's entry into the conflict. In "Unsafe for Democracy,"
historian William H. Thomas Jr. shows that the Justice Department
did not stop at this official charge but went much further--paying
cautionary visits to suspected dissenters, pressuring them to
express support of the war effort, or intimidating them into
silence. At times going undercover, investigators tried to elicit
the unguarded comments of individuals believed to be a threat to
the prevailing social order. In this massive yet largely secret
campaign, agents cast their net wide, targeting isolationists,
pacifists, immigrants, socialists, labor organizers, African
Americans, and clergymen. The unemployed, the mentally ill, college
students, schoolteachers, even schoolchildren, all might come under
scrutiny, often in the context of the most trivial and benign
activities of daily life. Delving into numerous reports by Justice
Department detectives, Thomas documents how, in case after case,
they used threats and warnings to frighten war critics and silence
dissent. This early government crusade for wartime ideological
conformity, Thomas argues, marks one of the more dubious
achievements of the Progressive Era--and a development that
resonates in the present day.
Primary documents from the World War I era bring to life the causes, events and consequences of those tumultuous and violent years. Varied perspectives provide a valuable overview of the many and often complicated reactions by Americans to Pre-war European politics, Archduke Ferdinand's assassination, the sinking of the Lusitania by a German submarine, the major battles fought, and of the eventual and controversial entry into the war by the United States, among others. Will be a valued resource for researchers seeking to tap into contemporary attitudes toward events long gone.
This book examines works of four German-Jewish scholars who, in their places of exile, sought to probe the pathology of the Nazi mind: Wilhelm Reich's The Mass Psychology of Fascism (1933), Erich Fromm's Escape from Freedom (1941), Siegfried Kracauer's From Caligari to Hitler: A Psychological History of the German Film (1947), and Erich Neumann's Depth Psychology and a New Ethic (1949). While scholars have examined these authors' individual legacies, no comparative analysis of their shared concerns has yet been undertaken, nor have the content and form of their psychological inquiries into Nazism been seriously and systematically analyzed. Yet, the sense of urgency in their works calls for attention. They all took up their pens to counter Nazi barbarism, believing, like the English jurist and judge Sir William Blackstone, who wrote in 1753 - scribere est agere ("to write is to act"). |
![]() ![]() You may like...
Recent Advances on Green Concrete for…
Joaquim A O Barros, Liberato Ferrara, …
Hardcover
Algebras, Lattices, Varieties - Volume…
Ralph S Freese, Ralph N. McKenzie, …
Paperback
R3,238
Discovery Miles 32 380
|