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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Central government
In The Price and Promise of Specialness, Jin Li Lim revises
narratives on the overseas Chinese and the People's Republic of
China by analysing the Communist approach to 'overseas Chinese
affairs' in New China's first decade as a function of a larger
political economy. Jin Li Lim shows how the party-state centred its
approach towards the overseas Chinese on a perception of their
financial utility and thus sought to offer them a special identity
and place in New China, so as to unlock their riches. Yet, this
contradicted the quest for socialist transformation, and as its
early pragmatism fell away, the radicalising party-state abandoned
its promises to the overseas Chinese, who were left to pay the
price for their difference.
In all societies, the quality of government institutions is of the
utmost importance for the well-being of its citizens. Problems like
high infant mortality, lack of access to safe water, unhappiness
and poverty are not primarily caused by a lack of technical
equipment, effective medicines or other types of knowledge
generated by the natural or engineering sciences. Instead, the
critical problem is that the majority of the world s population
live in societies that have dysfunctional government institutions.
Central issues discussed in the book include: how can good
government be conceptualized and measured, what are the effects of
'bad government' and how can the quality of government be improved?
Good Government will prove invaluable for students in political
science, public policy and public administration. Researchers in
political science and the social sciences, as well as policy
analysts working in government, international and independent
policy organizations will also find plenty to interest them in this
resourceful compendium. Contributors: E. Andersson, M. Bauhr, N.
Charron, C. Dahlstrom, M.A. Fardigh, S. Holmberg, V. Lapuente, S.I.
Lindberg, N. Nasiritousi, H. Oscarsson, A. Persson, B. Rothstein,
M. Samanni, M. Sjostedt, H.O. Stensota, J. Teorell, L. Wangnerud
Michael Loewe calls on literary and material evidence to examine
three problems that arose in administering China's early empires.
Religious rites due to an emperor's predecessors must both pay the
correct services to his ancestors and demonstrate his right to
succeed to the throne. In practical terms, tax collectors,
merchants, farmers and townsmen required the establishment of a
standard set of weights and measures that was universally operative
and which they could trust. Those who saw reason to criticise the
decisions taken by the emperor and his immediate advisors, whether
on grounds of moral principles or political expediency, needed
opportunities and the means of expressing their views, whether as
remonstrants to the throne, by withdrawal from public life or as
authors of private writings.
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New Strategy
(Hardcover)
Ltcol Dominik George Nargele Usmc (Ret)
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R935
Discovery Miles 9 350
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Ships in 10 - 15 working days
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Zakat, a religious obligation in the form of almsgiving, is highly
important both in Islam and in the Islamic economy. As Muslim
communities face financial hardships around the world, Zakat has
emerged as a vital component within these communities and could
play a major role in sustainable economic development by helping
society to alleviate poverty and promote social equality. Impact of
Zakat on Sustainable Economic Development is a pivotal reference
source that contributes practical solutions and knowledge
production in alleviating poverty in Muslim countries by adopting
Islamic approaches to contemporary socio-economics and the
importance of Zakat in sustaining development and supporting the
welfare of society. Featuring coverage on a wide range of topics
such as corporate governance, ethics, and sustainable economic
development, this book is ideally designed for economists,
government officials, regulators, entrepreneurs, financial
professionals, religious authorities, researchers, academicians,
and students at the postgraduate level.
The statesman and reformer James Oglethorpe was a significant
figure in the philosophical and political landscape of
eighteenth-century British America. His social contributions--all
informed by Enlightenment ideals--included prison reform, the
founding of the Georgia colony on behalf of the "worthy poor," and
stirring the founders of the abolitionist movement. He also
developed the famous ward design for the city of Savannah, a design
that became one of the most important planning innovations in
American history. Multilayered and connecting the urban core to
peripheral garden and farm lots, the Oglethorpe Plan was intended
by its author to both exhibit and foster his utopian ideas of
agrarian equality.
In his new book, the professional planner Thomas D. Wilson
reconsiders the Oglethorpe Plan, revealing that Oglethorpe was a
more dynamic force in urban planning than has generally been
supposed. In essence, claims Wilson, the Oglethorpe Plan offers a
portrait of the Enlightenment, and embodies all of the major themes
of that era, including science, humanism, and secularism. The
vibrancy of the ideas behind its conception invites an exploration
of the plan's enduring qualities. In addition to surveying
historical context and intellectual origins, this book aims to
rescue Oglethorpe's work from its relegation to the status of a
living museum in a revered historic district, and to demonstrate
instead how modern-day town planners might employ its principles.
Unique in its exclusive focus on the topic and written in a clear
and readable style, "The Oglethorpe Plan "explores this design as a
bridge between New Urbanism and other more naturally evolving and
socially engaged modes of urban development.
Anton Pannekoek discusses the viability of workers' councils as an
effective means of administrating a socialist society, as
contrasted to the centralized doctrines of state communism or state
capitalism. Conceived as an alternative way to establish and
sustain socialism, the workers councils have so far never been
successfully established at a national scale. Part of the problem
was disagreements among revolutionaries about their size and
responsibilities; while Lenin supported the notion during the
revolutionary period, the councils were phased out in favor of a
centralized state, rather than diffused through the strata of
society. Pannekoek draws on history for his ideas, noting the
deficiencies of previous revolutions and the major objectives a
future revolution should hold. The various tasks a state of
worker's councils must accomplish, and the enemies that must be
overcome - notably fascists, bourgeois elements and big business -
are listed.
Europeans use 'social models' to refer to the combination of
welfare state, industrial relations, and educational institutions
jointly structuring what we can think of as the supply-side of the
labor market. The dominant view in controversy over the social
models has been that in the name of equity they have impaired the
labor market's efficiency, thereby causing unemployment. But doubt
is cast on this supply-side-only diagnosis by powerful
macroeconomic developments, from the Europe-wide recession
following Germany's post-unification boom to the deepest economic
crisis since the interwar Great Depression, which the Eurozone's
truncated economic governance structure transformed into a
sovereign debt crisis, threatening the Euro's and even EU's very
survival. This book explores the interaction of Europe's diverse
social models with the major developments that shaped their
macroeconomic environment over the quarter century since the fall
of the Berlin Wall. It concludes that this environment rather than
the social models are primarily responsible for the immense social
costs of the crisis.
This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which
commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out
and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and
impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes
high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using
print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in
1931.
Health care professionals, activists and scholars weigh in on how
the U.S. can address the shortcomings of the medical industrial
complex and extend affordable health care to all "I've still got my
health so what do I care?" goes a lyric in an old Cole Porter song.
Most of us, in fact, assume we can't live full lives, or take on
life's challenges, without also assuming that we're basically
healthy and will be for the foreseeable future. But these days, our
health and well-being are sorted through an ever-expanding,
profit-seeking financial complex that monitors, controls, and
commodifies our very existence. Given that our access to competent,
affordable health care grows more precarious each day, the arrival
of Health Care Under the Knife could not be more timely. In this
empowering book, noted health-care professionals, scholars, and
activists--including editor Howard Waitzkin--impart their inside
knowledge of the medical system: what's wrong, how it got this way,
and what we can do to heal it. The book is comprised of individual
essays addressing the "medical industrial complex," the impact of
privatization and cutbacks under neoliberalism, the nature of
health-care work, and the intersections between health care and
imperialism, both historically and at present. We see how the
health of our bodies in "developed" countries is tied to the health
of the bodies of the labor force in the Global South, and how the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund are linked
strangely, inextricably, to our physical well-being. But this
analysis would not be complete without the book's final section,
which delivers invaluable guidance for how to change this system.
Recounting case studies and successful efforts for creating a more
humane community, this book ultimately gives us hope that our
health-care system can be rescued and made an integral part of a
new and radically different society.
This Open Access book aims to find out how and why states in
various regions and of diverse cultural backgrounds fail in their
gender equality laws and policies. In doing this, the book maps out
states' failures in their legal systems and unpacks the clashes
between different levels and forms of law-namely domestic laws,
local regulations, or the implementation of international law,
individually or in combination. By taking off from the confirmation
that the concept of law that is to be used in achieving gender
equality is a multidimensional, multi-layered, and to an extent,
contradictory phenomenon, this book aims to find out how different
layers of laws interact and how they impact gender equality.
Further to that, by including different states and jurisdictions
into its analysis, this book unravels whether there are any
similarities/patterns in how these states define and utilise
policies and laws that harm gender equality. In this way, the book
contributes to the efforts to devise holistic and universal
policies to address various forms of gender inequalities across the
world. This volume will be of interest to scholars and students in
Gender Studies, Sociology, Law, and Criminology.
Though the history of hikes in petroleum prices began in 1973 when
the military government of Gen. Yakubu Gowon increased the price of
petrol to 9 kobo per litre from the equivalent of 8.8 kobo that had
prevailed before then, the politics and economics of removal of
subsidies on premium petroleum products entered into the national
lexicon in 1986 when the military administration of General Ibrahim
Babangida announced that due to the devaluation of the Naira, the
domestic price of fuel had become unsustainable cheap and was
becoming a burden on the national purse. Ever since, most regimes
in the country have toyed with the idea of removing the subsidies,
with organised labour and the civil society usually vehemently
opposed to the idea. In late 2011 the Jonathan administration
announced plans to completely remove the subsidies but gave no
timeline amid threats by organised labour, students and civil
society groups to stoutly resist the move. On January 1 2012, the
regime announced the removal of the subsidies and subsequently
reiterated that its decision on the issue was irreversible. It
however announced some measures, including the provision of buses,
to help cushion the impact of the move. This volume takes a
critical look at the politics and economics of the pro- and
anti-subsidisation lobbies. It also examines the likely economic
and social impacts of the move and its implications for the poor,
the overall economy and the country's democratic project.
_____________________________ Jideofor Adibe has been a Guest
research fellow in a number of institutions across the world
including the Centre for Development Research, Copenhagen, Denmark;
the Nordic Institute for African Studies, Uppsala, Sweden, the
Centre for Developing Area Studies, McGill University, Montreal,
Canada and the Institute for Commonwealth Studies, University of
London, UK. He currently teaches political science at Nasarawa
State University, Keffi and also writes a weekly column for the
Nigerian newspaper Daily Trust. He is equally a member of the
paper's Editorial Board. _________
The development of a green and sustainable economy continues to
grow in awareness and popularity due to its promotion of a more
comprehensive way of achieving economic development through social
and environmental efficiency. Sustainable Technologies, Policies,
and Constraints in the Green Economy carefully investigates the
complex issues which surround the wide array of concepts, policies,
and measures that come into play when promoting this somewhat new
ideology. This publication covers over 50 years of research in the
field in order to provide the best theoretical frameworks and
empirical research to its readers. Professors, researchers,
practitioners, and students will all benefit from the relevant
discussions and diverse conclusions which are revealed in these
chapters.
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