On Saturday, September 5, 1964, the family of Albert W. ""Red"" Heffner Jr., a successful insurance agent, left their house at 202 Shannon Drive in McComb, Mississippi, where they had lived for ten years. They never returned. In the eyes of neighbors, their unforgiveable sin was to have spoken on several occasions with civil rights workers and to have invited two into their home. Consequently, the Heffners were subjected to a campaign of harassment, ostracism, and economic retaliation shocking to a white family who believed that they were respected community members. So the Heffners Left McComb, originally published in 1965 and reprinted now for the first time, is Greenville journalist Hodding Carter's account of the events that led to the Heffners' downfall. Historian Trent Brown, a McComb native, supplies a substantial introduction evaluating the book's significance. The Heffners' story demonstrates the forces of fear, conformity, communal pressure, and threats of retaliation that silenced so many white Mississippians during the 1950s and 1960s. Carter's book provides a valuable portrait of a family who was not choosing to make a stand, but merely extending humane hospitality. Yet the Heffners were systematically punished and driven into exile for what was perceived as treason against white apartheid.

On March 8, 1971, the Supreme Court of the United States decided a case, "Griggs v. Duke Power Co.", brought by thirteen African American employees who worked as common laborers and janitors at one of Duke Power's facilities. The decision, in plaintiffs' favor, marked a profound and enduring challenge to the dominance of white males in the workplace. In this book, Robert Belton, who represented the plaintiffs for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund and argued the case in the lower courts, gives a firsthand account of legal history in the making--and a behind-the-scenes look at the highly complex process of putting civil rights law to work.

Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 eliminated much blatant discrimination, but after its enactment and before "Griggs," businesses held the view that a commitment to equality required only eliminating policies and practices that were intentionally discriminatory--the "disparate treatment" test.

In "Griggs v. Duke Power Co.," the Supreme Court ruled that a "disparate impact" test could also apply--that the 1964 Civil Rights Act extended to practices with a discriminatory "effect." In tracing the impact of the "Griggs" ruling on employment practices, this book documents the birth, maturation, death, and rebirth of the disparate impact theory, including its erosion by later Supreme Court decisions and its restoration by congressional action in the Civil Rights Act of 1991.

Belton conducts us through this historic case from the original lawsuit to the Supreme Court decision in "Griggs" and beyond as he traces the post-"Griggs" developments in the lower courts, the Supreme Court, and Congress; he provides informed insights into both litigators' and judges' perspectives and decision-making. His work situates the case in its legal, social, and historical contexts and explores the relationship between public and private enforcement of the law, with a focus on the Legal Defense Fund's litigation campaign against employment discrimination. A detailed examination of the development of legal principles under Title VII, this book tells the story of this seminal decision on equal employment law and offers an unprecedented close-up view of personal conviction, legal strategy, and historical forces combining to effect dramatic social change.

View the Table of Contents. Read Chapter 1.

aJackson is at his best when exposing the connections of leading racialists with former Nazi party members and Holocaust-denial groups.a
--"Journal of American Ethnic History"

aA well-researched and well-argued book....Jackson underscored the nexus of asciencea and arace, a probes the ademarcation between science and politics, a and questions the very meaning of aobjectivea scientific inquiry.a
--"Historian"

aScience for Segregation adds considerably to our understanding of racist ideologies and their persistance in the post-war era. The author has done an admirable job of covering a forgotten chapter in the struggle over segregation and shedding light on how scientific research can become highly politicized.a
--"Journal of American History"

"This book asks if science can be divorced from politics. . . . Recommended."
--"Choice"

aA fascinating and comprehensive look at a largely neglected aspect of American history--the role of science and scientists in supporting and sustaining white racist thought and institutions during the battle over de-segregation. And like most good social history, it does not require much strain to draw the relevance to today's debates about the salience of biological taxonomies of race.a
--Troy Duster, author of "Backdoor to Eugenics"

aA very important book that explores the fuzzy zone between science and pseudo-science, exposing the political action of right-wing scientists in the 1950s and 1960s who argued for school segregation on ostensibly scientific grounds. The role of science as an authority in society has never been more evident than in the work and rhetoric of these zealouslyracist scholars. This well-researched book is a must-read for anyone interested in modern debates over the study of human diversity or the role of science in contemporary society.a
--Jonathan Marks, author of "What It Means to Be 98% Chimpanzee: Apes, People, and Their Genes"

aA deeply-researched, fascinating, and judicious assessment of the ascientifica arguments that were marshaled against the Supreme Courtas landmark school desegregation decision. Jackson has made a contribution that will endure.a
--Raymond Wolters, author of "Du Bois and His Rivals"

aJacksonas thorough research and a nuanced understanding of the complexities of race and law provide a disturbing cadence to the ongoing debate on race in America.a
--"Multicultural Review"

In this fascinating examination of the intriguing but understudied period following the landmark "Brown v. Board of Education" decision, John Jackson examines the scientific case aimed at dismantling the legislation.

Offering a trenchant assessment of the so-called scientific evidence, Jackson focuses on the 1959 formation of the International Society for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics (IAAEE), whose expressed function was to objectively investigate racial differences and publicize their findings. Notable figures included Carleton Putnam, Wesley Critz George, and Carleton Coon. In an attempt to link race, eugenics and intelligence, they launched legal challenges to the Brown ruling, each chronicled here, that went to trial but ultimately failed.

The history Jackson presents speaks volumes about the legacy of racism, as we can see similar arguments alive and well today in such books as "The Bell Curve" and in otherdebates on race, science, and intelligence. With meticulous research and a nuanced understanding of the complexities of race and law, Jackson tells a disturbing tale about race in America.

In many respects, the United States remains a nation of immigrants. This is the first book length treatment of the impact of the 1996 welfare reform act on a wide range of immigrant groups in North America. Contributors to the book draw on ethnographic fieldwork, government data, and original survey research to show how welfare reform has reinforced socio-economic hardships for working poor immigrants. As the essays reveal, reform laws have increased the social isolation of poor immigrant households and discouraged large numbers of qualified immigrants from applying for health and welfare services. All of the articles highlight the importance of examining federal policy guidelines in conjunction with local enforcement policies, labor market dynamics, and immigrant attitudes toward government agencies.

"The Ambivalent Welcome" describes how leading magazines and the New York Times covered and interpreted U.S. immigration policy, and public attitudes about the impact of immigrants on the American economy and social fabric. Rita J. Simon and Susan H. Alexander examine print media coverage of immigration issues from 1880, the onset of the new immigration, to the present, and find that most magazines, like most Americans, have vehemently opposed new immigrants.

Part One begins with a chapter providing statistics on the number of immigrants and refugees by country of origin from 1810 to 1990, and estimates of the number of illegals who have entered the United States. Chapter 2 discusses U.S. immigration acts and summarizes the major political party platforms on immigration from the mid-nineteenth century through the present. Results of all national poll data regarding immigrants and refugees since the availability of such data (1930s) are reported in Chapter 3. Part Two discusses in detail particular magazines, including "North American RevieW," "Saturday Evening Post," "Literary Digest, Harper'S," "Scribner's, Atlantic Monthly," "The Nation," "Christian Century," "Commentary," "Commonweal," "Reader's Digest," "Time," "Life," "Newsweek," "U.S. News and World Report," and the editorials of the "New York TimeS." Following a summary chapter, Appendix A provides a profile of each of the magazines, including the date of its founding, its editors and publishers, circulation, characteristics of its readers, and an assessment of its influence on immigration. Appendix B describes the major American anti-immigration movements.

Citizenship Education in Conflict-Affected Areas examines the practices of learning and teaching citizenship in Lebanon, and explores the implications of the research findings for those working in other sites affected by conflict. Bassel Akar analyses rich empirical data, such as semi-structured interviews with teachers and open-ended survey packs with children in classrooms, which reveal conflicts in notions of citizenship and pedagogical approaches. These in-depth explorations of classroom learning and teaching show the hidden and subtle factors that often subvert intentions to promote social cohesion and active citizenship through education. Examining how individual conceptualizations of citizenship influence approaches to learning and teaching and vice versa, the author argues that learning citizenship in schools can undermine aims of democratic participation, dialogue and critical thinking. He concludes and considers why classroom learning of civic education in Lebanon can actually be more harmful than beneficial. Offering new insights for educators and policy-makers working beyond the Lebanese context, Citizenship Education in Conflict-Affected Areas is a valuable addition to the research in this growing field.

At the height of the civil rights movement in Mississippi, as hundreds of volunteers prepared for the 1964 Freedom Summer Project, the Council of Federated Organizations (COFO) compiled hundreds of statements from activists and everyday citizens who endured police abuse and vigilante violence. Fifty-seven of those testimonies appear in Mississippi Black Paper. The statements recount how white officials and everyday citizens employed assassinations, beatings, harassment, and petty meanness to block any change in the state's segregated status quo. The testimonies in Mississippi Black Paper come from well-known civil rights heroes such as Fannie Lou Hamer, Aaron Henry, and Rita Schwerner, but the book also brings new voices and stories to the fore. Alongside these iconic names appear grassroots activists and everyday people who endured racial terror and harassment for challenging, sometimes in seemingly imperceptible ways, the state's white supremacy. This new edition includes the original foreword by Reinhold Neibuhr and the original introduction by Mississippi journalist Hodding Carter III, as well as Jason Morgan Ward's new introduction that places the book in its context as a vital source in the history of the civil rights movement.

What should be demanded -- in the name of the protection of liberty, equality, and stability -- of citizens? Since the seventeenth century, liberal thought has been interested in the rights of individuals and their capacity to engage as free equals in the political activity of their community. This volume presents new essays by writers including Jim Tully, Alan Patten, and Philippe van Parijs that offer a fresh perspective on citizenship. After two decades of strident individualism, the contributors argue that it is time to go beyond the standard concern of what can be ascribed to citizens.

The struggle for civil rights in America was fought at the lunch counter as well as in the streets. It ultimately found victory in the halls of government-but, as Richard Cortner reveals, only through a creative use of congressional power and critical judicial decisions.

Title II of the 1964 Civil Rights Act prohibited discrimination in public accommodations, and shortly after its passage blacks were refused service at the Heart of Atlanta Motel and at Ollie's Barbecue in Birmingham, Alabama, as a test of the new law by business owners who claimed the right to choose their own customers. These challenges made their way to the Supreme Court, becoming landmark cases frequently cited in law. Until now, however, they have never benefited from book-length analysis. Cortner provides an inside account of the litigation in both decisions to tell how they spelled the end to segregation in the South.

The fact that blacks could not travel in the South without assured access to food and lodging led Congress to enforce civil rights on the basis of its authority to regulate interstate commerce. The Supreme Court unanimously sustained Title II's constitutionality under the commerce clause in both test cases, joining the executive and legislative branches in defining the power of the federal government to desegregate society, even by circuitous means.

Drawing on justice department files, Supreme Court justices' papers, and records of defense attorneys, Cortner provides the background for the cases, including previous legal battles over sit-ins. He describes the roles of key players in the litigation-particularly Solicitor General Archibald Cox and members of the Warren Court. In addition, he uses presidential files, oral histories, and other primary sources to give readers a clear picture of the forces at work in the creation, implementation, and validation of the Civil Rights Act.

Cortner's thorough account illuminates the nature of constitutional litigation and the judicial process, as well as the role of the Constitution and law, in two decisions that marked the crowning achievement of the civil rights movement and changed the face of America forever.

Traces labor migration of women from Eastern Caribbean to oil-producing countries such as Venezuela, Trinidad, Curaðcao, and especially Aruba. Discusses women's participation in the labor force, gender relations, domestic service, the social and economic position of the migrants, and motherhood. Argues that US investments are an important factor in the migration of Caribbean women"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57.

The first compilation ever to explore the contentious history of the world gay rights movement from its inception in Germany in the 1800s to today. Denmark recently became the first country in the world to allow marriage between same-sex partners. In Uganda, homosexuality is a crime punishable by life imprisonment. Depending on where you are in the world, homosexuality is an "unspeakable love", a medical deviance, a legitimate alternative lifestyle, or simply a non-issue. Gay and Lesbian Issues: A Reference Handbook traces the developments, people and organizations responsible for bringing homosexual issues to the public's attention. In addition to exploring such controversial issues as gays in the military and child adoption this title discusses court decisions, pivotal events, and key individuals like Magnus Hirschfeld, Radclyffe Hall, Anita Bryant, and Harvey Milk, a San Francisco gay rights activist who was murdered by a town supervisor. What happens when a same-sex couple marrying in Denmark returns to the U.S. expecting to be treated as legally married? This one-of-a-kind reference explores the interplay of international politics with U.S. policies. Students, administrators and parents alike will discover a wealth of supportive data and statistics on hate crimes, adolescent suicide, military discrimination and much more.

The creation of a new public realm through the use of the Internet and ICT may positively promote political liberties and freedom of speech, but could also threaten the political and public autonomy of the individual. Human Rights and the Impact of ICT in the Public Sphere: Participation, Democracy, and Political Autonomy focuses on the new technological era as an innovative way to initiate democratic dialogue, but one that can also endanger individual rights to freedom, privacy, and autonomy. This reference book focuses on the new opportunities technology offers for political expression and will be of use to both academic and legal audiences, including academics, students, independent authorities, legislative bodies, and lawyers.

This work offers a timely philosophical analysis of interrelated normative questions concerning immigration and citizenship in relation to the global context of multiple nation states. In it, philosophers and scholars from the social sciences address both fundamental questions in moral and political philosophy as well as specific issues concerning policy. Topics covered in this volume include: the concept and the role of citizenship, the equal rights and representation of citizens, general moral frameworks for addressing immigration issues, the duty to obey immigration law, the use of ethnic, cultural, or linguistic criteria for selective immigration, domestic violence as grounds for political asylum, and our duty to refugees in general. The urgency of the need to discuss these matters is clear. Several humanitarian crises involving human migration across national boundaries stemming from war, economic devastations, gang violence, and violence in ethnic or religious conflicts have unfolded. Political debates concerning immigration and immigrant communities are continuing in many countries, especially during election years. While there have always been migrating human beings, they raise distinctive issues in the modern era because of the political context under which the migrations take place, namely, that of a system of sovereign nation states with rights to control their borders and determine their memberships. This collection provides readers the opportunity to parse these complex issues with the help of diverse philosophical, moral, and political perspectives.

Anthropologist and social critic Ghassan Hage explores one of the most complex and troubling of modern phenomena: the desire for a white nation.

This study focuses on the field of security studies through the prism of migration. Using ethnographic methods to illustrate an experiential theory of security taken from the perspective of migrants and asylum seekers in Europe, it effectively offers a means of moving beyond state-based and state-centric theories in International Relations.

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"Contributes[s] interesting new dimensions to the literature on Jews and blacks in the United States."
--"The Journal of American History"

"A fascinating text which adds to our understanding of recent Jewish Left and feminist politics and activism"
"--Australian Jewish News, Aug. 2001"

"Blending together 15 oral histories and archival research, Schultz shows how northern Jewish women's commitment to social justice - informed in part by living in the shadow of the Holocaust - played out in a time of enormous political, social, and personal upheaval...Sharply observant of her informants' lives, Schultz opens a new window not only into the civil rights movement but also into the sociology of mid-century Jewish-American culture. Her analysis is most impressive at the book's end, when she perceptively describes the protean nature of Jewish identities in the U.S. Such insightful cultural readings and criticism make this a fine contribution to both the literature of the civil rights movement and the field of Jewish studies."
"--Publishers Weekly"

"Schultz's book makes a substantial contribution to feminist scholarship, but in the end it is also a call to renewed action - to never forget the sacrifices of previous generations."
--"The Journal of Southern History"

"A well-written, serious, and important book. I learned a great deal from this interesting and rich study."
"--Joyce Antler, author of The Journey Home: How Jewish Women Shaped Modern America"

""Going South" is a heartfelt plea for incorporating women's activism into social movement history."
--Linn Shapiro, "American Jewish History"

"Going South is aremarkable book, reflecting the experiences of fifteen women who joined the 1960s civil rights movement showing how and why they got there, what role, if any religion played in their lives, and what happened to them afterwards."
--"Journal of American Studies"

"The strength of the book is that it is based on interviews; the reader is introduced to each women, her family, the work she performed in the South, the people she met and the difficulties she overcame while there."--"Jewish Observer"

Many people today know that the 1964 murder in Mississippi of two Jewish men--Mickey Schwerner and Andrew Goodman--and their Black colleague, James Chaney, marked one of the most wrenching episodes of the civil rights movement. Yet very few realize that Andrew Goodman had been in Mississippi for one day when he was killed; Rita Schwerner, Mickey's wife, had been organizing in Mississippi for six difficult months.

Organized around a rich blend of oral histories, Going South followsa group of Jewish women--come of age in the shadow of the Holocaust and deeply committed to social justice--who put their bodies and lives on the line to fight racism. Actively rejecting the post-war idyll of suburban, Jewish, middle-class life, these women were deeply influenced by Jewish notions of morality and social justice. Many thus perceived the call of the movement as positively irresistible.

Representing a link between the sensibilities of the early civil rights era and contemporary efforts to move beyond the limits of identity politics, the book provides a resource for all who are interested in anti-racism, the civil rights movement, social justice, Jewish activism and radical women's traditions.

Many thousands of Irish peasants fled from the country in the terrible famine winter of 1847-1848, following the road to the ports and the Liverpool ferries to make the dangerous passage across the Atlantic. The human toll of "Black '47", the worst year of the famine, is notorious, but the lives of the emigrants themselves have remained largely hidden, untold because of their previous obscurity and deep poverty. In The End of Hidden Ireland, Robert Scally brings their lives to light. Focusing on the townland of Ballykilcline in Roscommon, Scally offers a richly detailed portrait of Irish rural life on the eve of the catastrophe. From their internal lives and values, to their violent conflict with the English Crown, from rent strikes to the potato blight, he takes the emigrants on each stage of their journey out of Ireland to New York. Along the way, he offers rare insights into the character and mentality of the immigrants as they arrived in America in their millions during the famine years. A brilliant analysis, rich with metaphors, The End of Hidden Ireland demonstrates the impact of modernization on Irish peasant behavior and makes a major contribution to migration, peasant, and famine studies. This book is also a tale of adventure and human survival, one that does justice to a tragic generation with sympathy but without sentiment.

This work explores the varied and complex ways in which women in a variety of occupational and social categories experience international migration. The chapters are concerned primarily with the question of whether international migration provides women with opportunities for liberating themselves from subordinate gender roles in their countries of origin. At the same time, the authors discuss whether migrant women face both traditional and new forms of subordination and discrimination in their host societies.

View the Table of Contents.
Read the Introduction.

aIt addresses a powerful topic. It is a conceptually creative piece of scholarship, forged from a sophisticated interdisciplinary viewpoint.a
-- The Law and Politics Book Review

"A rich and exceptionally clear account of the meaning-making context and constitution of citizenship."
--Christine Harrington, Institute for Law and Society, New York University

"Mark Weiner provides a rare and radical insight into the racial structures of American law. Reading this racial history through the rhetoric of case law decisions--juridical racialism--provides a dramatic sense of the anthropological scope of what law has done and potentially continues to do."
--Peter Goodrich, Cardozo School of Law

"An enthralling mixture of personages and cases that reveals much about the intimate combining of law and 'American' imperialism, including the complicities of scholarship."
--Peter Fitzpatrick, Birkbeck School of Law, University of London

"Juridical racialism is legal rhetoric infused with Anglo-Saxon racial superiority and Weiner shows how it operated from the Gilded Age to the decision in Brown v. Board of Education. Reading the news, one wonders if it is not still operating today."
--John Brigham, University of Massachusetts, Amherst

Americans Without Law shows how the racial boundaries of civic life are based on widespread perceptions about the relative capacity of minority groups for legal behavior, which Mark S. Weiner calls "juridical racialism." The book follows the history of this civic discourse by examining the legal status of four minority groups in four successive historical periods: American Indiansin the 1880s, Filipinos after the Spanish-American War, Japanese immigrants in the 1920s, and African Americans in the 1940s and 1950s.

Weiner reveals the significance of juridical racialism for each group--and, in turn, Americans as a whole--by examining the work of anthropological social scientists who developed distinctive ways of understanding racial and legal identity, and through decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court that put these ethno-legal views into practice. Combining history, anthropology, and legal analysis, the book argues that the story of juridical racialism shows how race and citizenship served as a nexus for the professionalization of the social sciences, the growth of national state power, economic modernization, and modern practices of the self.

Addressing the debate around what makes a good citizen, this work proposes a new form of post-colonial citizenship education which can be applied in any cultural setting. International educational partnerships provide the opportunity for participants to live out values such as cultural empathy and thus demonstrate their right to citizenship.

As a black Appalachian woman, Memphis Tennessee Garrison belonged to a demographic category triply ignored by historians.
The daughter of former slaves, she moved to McDowell County, West Virginia, at an early age and died at ninety-eight in Huntington. The coalfields of McDowell County were among the richest seams in the nation. As Garrison makes clear, the backbone of the early mining work force--those who laid the railroad tracks, manned the coke ovens, and dug the coal--were black miners. These miners and their families created communities that became the centers of the struggle for unions, better education, and expanded civil rights. Memphis Tennessee Garrison, an innovative teacher, administrative worker at U.S. Steel, and vice president of the National Board of the NAACP at the height of the civil rights struggle (1963-66), was involved with all of these struggles.
In many ways, this oral history, based on interview transcripts, is the untold and multidimensional story of African American life in West Virginia, as seen through the eyes of a remarkable woman. She portrays a courageous people who organize to improve their working conditions, send their children to school and then to college, own land, and support a wide range of cultural and political activities.

A comprehensive comparative study of the distinct ideas and political arguments that have shaped French and British policies towards their ethnic minorities, and the effects of these intellectual frameworks at local, national and European levels. Charting the politics and events that brought the respective institutional solutions together, the author sets out the divergent conceptualisations of citizenship, nationality, pluralism, autonomy, public order and tolerance that make up the national 'philosophies' in the two countries - republican integration in France and multicultural race relations in Britain. This new edition, published in paperback, contains a new preface bringing the volume up-to-date in the light of new legislation and progress.

In this sequel to his prize-winning book,AThe Eyes of the People, Jeffrey Edward Green draws on philosophy, history, social science, and literature to ask what democracy can mean in a world where it is understood that socioeconomic status to some degree will always determine opportunities for civic engagement and career advancement. Under this shadow of unfairness, Green argues that the most advantaged class are rightly subjected to compulsory public burdens. And just as provocatively, he urges ordinary citizens living in polities permanently darkened by plutocracy to acknowledge their second-class status and the uncomfortable civic ethics that come with it - specifically an ethics whereby the pursuit of egalitarianism is informed, at least in part, by indignation, envy, uncivil modes of discourse, and even the occasional suspension of political care. Deeply engaged in the history of political thought,AThe Shadow of UnfairnessAis still first and foremost an effort to illuminate present-day politics. With the plebeians of ancient Rome as his muse, Green develops a plebeian conception of contemporary liberal democracy, at once disenchanted yet idealistic in its insistence that the Few-Many distinction might be enlisted for progressive purpose. Green's analysis is likely to unsettle all sides of the political spectrum, but its focus looks beyond narrow partisan concerns and aims instead to understand what the ongoing quest for free and equal citizenship might require once it is accepted that our political and educational systems will always be tainted by socioeconomic inequality.