This study seeks to explore the myriad forms of representation of the French public as a whole, and of specific socio-cultural groups in French society, by means of collectively-shared myths and metaphors. The book also examines visual, linguistic and textual media, and political participation and practice. It considers diametrical questions of belonging or marginality, social struggle or social cohesion, and explores how the various forms of identity are created and maintained. The approach is multidisciplinary, using recent research in various disciplines from contributors in France and the UK. The book aims to provide a coherent and multi-faceted study of socio-cultural identity and citizenship in France.

Citizenship Education in Conflict-Affected Areas examines the practices of learning and teaching citizenship in Lebanon, and explores the implications of the research findings for those working in other sites affected by conflict. Bassel Akar analyses rich empirical data, such as semi-structured interviews with teachers and open-ended survey packs with children in classrooms, which reveal conflicts in notions of citizenship and pedagogical approaches. These in-depth explorations of classroom learning and teaching show the hidden and subtle factors that often subvert intentions to promote social cohesion and active citizenship through education. Examining how individual conceptualizations of citizenship influence approaches to learning and teaching and vice versa, the author argues that learning citizenship in schools can undermine aims of democratic participation, dialogue and critical thinking. He concludes and considers why classroom learning of civic education in Lebanon can actually be more harmful than beneficial. Offering new insights for educators and policy-makers working beyond the Lebanese context, Citizenship Education in Conflict-Affected Areas is a valuable addition to the research in this growing field.

On Saturday, September 5, 1964, the family of Albert W. ""Red"" Heffner Jr., a successful insurance agent, left their house at 202 Shannon Drive in McComb, Mississippi, where they had lived for ten years. They never returned. In the eyes of neighbors, their unforgiveable sin was to have spoken on several occasions with civil rights workers and to have invited two into their home. Consequently, the Heffners were subjected to a campaign of harassment, ostracism, and economic retaliation shocking to a white family who believed that they were respected community members. So the Heffners Left McComb, originally published in 1965 and reprinted now for the first time, is Greenville journalist Hodding Carter's account of the events that led to the Heffners' downfall. Historian Trent Brown, a McComb native, supplies a substantial introduction evaluating the book's significance. The Heffners' story demonstrates the forces of fear, conformity, communal pressure, and threats of retaliation that silenced so many white Mississippians during the 1950s and 1960s. Carter's book provides a valuable portrait of a family who was not choosing to make a stand, but merely extending humane hospitality. Yet the Heffners were systematically punished and driven into exile for what was perceived as treason against white apartheid.

With California's passage of the Save Our State Initiative in 1994, fear of aliens has once again appeared in U.S. legislative history. Since 1790, congressional legislation on federal immigration and naturalization policy has been harsh on Asian immigrants, although less so since 1965. This documentary history covers all major immigration laws passed by Congress since 1790. The volume opens with an overview of the basis on which Congress has restricted Asian immigration. It then includes discussions of particular immigration legislation, showing the significance to Asian Americans and the documents themselves.

With California's passage of the Save Our State Initiative in November 1994, fear of aliens has once again appeared in U.S. legislative history. Since 1790, congressional legislation establishing federal immigration and naturalization policy has been particularly harsh on Asian immigrants. Although Congress has been less hostile to Asian immigration since 1965, there was a renewed effort to limit immigration from Asia as recently as 1989, and the restrictive national mood will undoubtedly find its way into the 1996 elections. Showing the impact of immigration laws on Asian immigrants, this documentary history covers all major immigration laws passed by Congress since 1790.

The volume's opening chapter points to three major theses--that initially Congress restricted and excluded Asian immigration on the basis of its traditional policy of denying citizenship to nonwhite people, that Congress denied Asians entry to the U.S. on the grounds that their culture made them incompatible with Americans, and that Congress passed laws treating each of the Asian ethnic groups as a racialized ethnic group. The volume then includes discussions of particular immigration legislation, showing the significance to Asian Americans and the documents themselves.

This title connects civil rights opponents to America's tradition of radical conservatism. The decade following the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision saw white southerners mobilize in massive resistance to racial integration. Most segregationists conceded that ultimately they could only postpone the demise of Jim Crow. Some militant whites, however, believed it possible to win the civil rights struggle. Histories of the black freedom struggle, when they mention these racist zealots at all, confine them to the margin of the story. These extremist whites are caricatured as ineffectual members of the lunatic fringe. Civil rights activists, however, saw them for what they really were: calculating, dangerous opponents prepared to use terrorism in their stand against reform. To dismiss white militants is to underestimate the challenge they posed to the movement and, in turn, the magnitude of civil rights activists' accomplishments. The extremists helped turn massive resistance into a powerful political phenomenon. While white southern elites struggled to mobilize mass opposition to racial reform, the militants led entire communities in revolt. "Rabble Rousers" turns traditional top-down models of massive resistance on their head by telling the story of five far-right activists - Bryant Bowles, John Kasper, Rear Admiral John Crommelin, Major General Edwin Walker, and J. B. Stoner - who led grassroots rebellions. It casts new light on such contentious issues as the role of white churches in defending segregation, the influence of anti-Semitism in southern racial politics, and the divisive impact of class on white unity. The flame of the far right burned brilliantly but briefly. In the final analysis, violent extremism weakened the cause of white southerners. Tactical and ideological tensions among massive resisters, as well as the strength and unity of civil rights activists, accelerated the destruction of Jim Crow.

On March 8, 1971, the Supreme Court of the United States decided a case, "Griggs v. Duke Power Co.", brought by thirteen African American employees who worked as common laborers and janitors at one of Duke Power's facilities. The decision, in plaintiffs' favor, marked a profound and enduring challenge to the dominance of white males in the workplace. In this book, Robert Belton, who represented the plaintiffs for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund and argued the case in the lower courts, gives a firsthand account of legal history in the making--and a behind-the-scenes look at the highly complex process of putting civil rights law to work.

Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 eliminated much blatant discrimination, but after its enactment and before "Griggs," businesses held the view that a commitment to equality required only eliminating policies and practices that were intentionally discriminatory--the "disparate treatment" test.

In "Griggs v. Duke Power Co.," the Supreme Court ruled that a "disparate impact" test could also apply--that the 1964 Civil Rights Act extended to practices with a discriminatory "effect." In tracing the impact of the "Griggs" ruling on employment practices, this book documents the birth, maturation, death, and rebirth of the disparate impact theory, including its erosion by later Supreme Court decisions and its restoration by congressional action in the Civil Rights Act of 1991.

Belton conducts us through this historic case from the original lawsuit to the Supreme Court decision in "Griggs" and beyond as he traces the post-"Griggs" developments in the lower courts, the Supreme Court, and Congress; he provides informed insights into both litigators' and judges' perspectives and decision-making. His work situates the case in its legal, social, and historical contexts and explores the relationship between public and private enforcement of the law, with a focus on the Legal Defense Fund's litigation campaign against employment discrimination. A detailed examination of the development of legal principles under Title VII, this book tells the story of this seminal decision on equal employment law and offers an unprecedented close-up view of personal conviction, legal strategy, and historical forces combining to effect dramatic social change.

This fresh and invigorating analysis illuminates the often-neglected story of early African American civil rights activism. African American Civil Rights: Early Activism and the Niagara Movement tells a fascinating story, one that is too frequently marginalized. Offering the first full-length, comprehensive sociological analysis of the Niagara Movement, which existed between 1905 and 1910, the book demonstrates that, although short-lived, the movement was far from a failure. Rather, it made the need to annihilate Jim Crow and address the atrocities caused by slavery publicly visible, creating a foundation for more widely celebrated mid-20th-century achievements. This unique study focuses on what author Angela Jones terms black publics, groups of concerned citizens-men and women, alike-who met to shift public opinion. The book explores their pivotal role in initiating the civil rights movement, specifically examining secular organizations, intellectual circles, the secular black press, black honor societies and clubs, and prestigious educational networks. All of these, Jones convincingly demonstrates, were seminal to the development of civil rights protest in the early 20th century. Primary source documents including the Niagara Movement's "Declaration of Principles" A chronology of the development of the civil rights movement Photographs of key players in the Niagara Movement An expansive bibliography encompassing titles from sociology, political science, and history

At the height of the civil rights movement in Mississippi, as hundreds of volunteers prepared for the 1964 Freedom Summer Project, the Council of Federated Organizations (COFO) compiled hundreds of statements from activists and everyday citizens who endured police abuse and vigilante violence. Fifty-seven of those testimonies appear in Mississippi Black Paper. The statements recount how white officials and everyday citizens employed assassinations, beatings, harassment, and petty meanness to block any change in the state's segregated status quo. The testimonies in Mississippi Black Paper come from well-known civil rights heroes such as Fannie Lou Hamer, Aaron Henry, and Rita Schwerner, but the book also brings new voices and stories to the fore. Alongside these iconic names appear grassroots activists and everyday people who endured racial terror and harassment for challenging, sometimes in seemingly imperceptible ways, the state's white supremacy. This new edition includes the original foreword by Reinhold Neibuhr and the original introduction by Mississippi journalist Hodding Carter III, as well as Jason Morgan Ward's new introduction that places the book in its context as a vital source in the history of the civil rights movement.

This fascinating volume introduces an international audience to citizenship in Japan. It traces the development of citizenship education from before the Second World war to the present day, demonstrating the role of both the school system and the wider society. The book provides a detailed account anchored in critical analysis of the curriculum, educational resources, pedagogy and assessment. Citizenship Education in Japan explores controversial issues through tracing four themes: global/intercultural education environmental education geographical education historical education. It also examines current curricular innovations. Overall, this insightful volume demonstrates that contemporary citizenship education entails not only knowledge about social, historical and geographical affairs, but also participation in society locally, nationally, and globally.

This book examines the remaking of women's citizenship in the aftermath of conflict and international intervention. It develops a feminist critique of consociationalism as the dominant model of post-conflict governance by tracking the gendered implications of the Dayton Peace Agreement. It illustrates how the legitimisation of ethnonationalist power enabled by the agreement has reduced citizenship to an all-encompassing logic of ethnonational belonging and implicitly reproduced its attendant patriarchal gender order. Foregrounding women's diverse experiences, the book reveals gendered ramifications produced at the intersection of conflict, ethno-nationalism and international peacebuilding. Deploying a multidimensional feminist approach centred around women's narratives of belonging, exclusion, and agency, this book offers a critical interrogation of the promises of peace and explores individual/collective efforts to re-imagine citizenship.

This handbook questions, debates and subverts commonly held assumptions about disability and citizenship in the global postcolonial context. Discourses of citizenship and human rights, so elemental to strategies for addressing disability-based inequality in wealthier nations, have vastly different ramifications in societies of the Global South, where resources for development are limited, democratic processes may be uncertain, and access to education, health, transport and other key services cannot be taken for granted. In a broad range of areas relevant to disability equity and transformation, an eclectic group of contributors critically consider whether, when and how citizenship may be used as a lever of change in circumstances far removed from UN boardrooms in New York or Geneva. Debate is polyvocal, with voices from the South engaging with those from the North, disabled people with nondisabled, and activists and politicians intersecting with researchers and theoreticians. Along the way, accepted wisdoms on a host of issues in disability and international development are enriched and problematized. The volume explores what life for disabled people in low and middle income countries tells us about subjects such as identity and intersectionality, labour and the global market, family life and intimate relationships, migration, climate change, access to the digital world, participation in sport and the performing arts, and much else.

Why did German states for so long make it extraordinarily difficult for foreigners who were not ethnic Germans to become citizens? To what extent was this policy a product of popular national feeling, and to what extent was it shaped by the more state-centered goals of the political elite? In what ways did Nazi citizenship policies perpetuate, or break with, the actions of earlier German states? What does this larger historical context suggest about the causes for, and implications of, the recent and dramatic liberalization in German citizenship laws?German states have long exercised tight control over which foreigners might become citizens. Because Germans felt a cultural attachment to other ethnic Germans, it has been argued, German national states naturally welcomed the immigration of ethnic Germans and sought to prevent the naturalization of individuals who were considered foreign. It is true that ethnic nationalism came to play a - and after 1918 the - key role in German citizenship and naturalization policies. But ethnicity was far from the only criterion employed to distinguish desirable from undesirable subjects or citizens.In a study that begins in the early nineteenth century and reaches the dramatic changes of the 1990s, the author challenges the traditional interpretation of the role of ethnicity. He shows that appeals to ethnic solidarity often masked more political objectives. Other factors affecting the politics of citizenship included German states' efforts to mold and improve society and to safeguard their own grip on power; changing conceptions of economic and military utility; the personality and political aims of Bismarck; the international conflict with Britain, France, and Russia; anti-Semitism and the world wars. While other authors have stressed consensus within German society, this account focuses on conflict.

The people of Africa emerged from colonial rule with optimism and determination to transform their society and bring prosperity to the continent, but today there is neither economic nor political freedom. In order to seize control of its destiny, Kofi Apraku contends, Africa must mobilize all of its resources, and recognize the contributions that emigrants in the United States can make toward its development. In this work, Apraku offers a comprehensive look at these emigrants, demonstrating that Africa has well-trained, experienced, and productive personnel in the United States, and that they are willing to return to their native lands only if African leaders are willing to undertake the necessary political and economic reforms.

Apraku's study addresses four main questions concerning African emigrants: Who are the skilled emigrants employed in the United States? Why did they come to America? What potential role can they play in Africa's development? and What types of reforms are needed to allow them to contribute to Africa's development? In addition, the book discusses contemporary African issues, including agriculture and food production, population growth, economic integration, diversification of African economies, privatization, democratization of political systems, and industrial policy for the 1990s. A review of failed economic policies is presented, along with suggestions for new approaches and a new emphasis on sustained economic growth and political stability. This work will be an important reference source for students of African studies and international development, as well as for international policymakers and professionals in development agencies.

What is the basis for choosing a nonviolent response to conflict and violence? By presenting and analyzing some of the most significant answers that have been given to this question throughout history, this anthology of writings from both Western and nonwestern traditions proposes principled and strategic nonviolence as a realistic alternative. It includes a selection of historical sources on nonviolence--ranging from the Bhagavad-Gita to the Bible--as well as a wide range of writings by authors such as Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Nelson Mandela, who have contributed to both the theory and the practice of nonviolence. Besides tracing the historical development of the concept, this volume also suggests ways of applying nonviolence to our everyday lives in the first decade of the 21st century, which the United Nations General Assembly has declared to be the Decade for Education for a Culture of Peace and Nonviolence.

Immigrants from South Asian countries are among the fastest growing segment of our population. This work, designed for students and interested readers, provides the first in-depth examination of recent South Asian immigrant groups--their history and background, current facts, comparative cultures, and contributions to contemporary American life. Groups discussed include Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Sri Lankans, Nepalis, and Afghans. The topics covered include patterns of immigration, adaption to American life and work, cultural traditions, religious traditions, women's roles, the family, adolescence, and dating and marriage. Controversial questions are examined: Does the American political economy welcome or exploit South Asian immigrants? Are American and South Asian values compatible? Leonard shows how the American social, religious, and cultural landscape looks to these immigrants and the contributions they make to it, and she outlines the experiences and views of the various South Asian groups. Statistics and tables provide information on migration, population, income, and employment. Biographical profiles of noted South Asian Americans, a glossary of terms, and selected maps and photos complete the text.

The opening chapter introduces the reader to South Asian history, culture, and politics, material on which the rest of the book draws because of its continuing relevance to South Asians settled in the United States. Leonard provides a fascinating look at the early South Asian immigrant Punjabi Mexican American community whose second and third generations are grappling with the issue of being Mexican, Hindu, and American. A comparative examination of immigrant groups from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Afghanistan illuminates the similarities and differences of their rich cultural and religious traditions, the social fabric of their communities, and how these immigrants have adapted to American life. Leonard looks closely at the diversity of cultural traditions--music, dance, poetry, foods, fashion, yoga, fine arts, entertainment, and literature--and how these traditions have changed in the United States. Keeping the family together is important to these immigrants. Leonard examines family issues, second generation identities, adolescence, making marriages, and wedding traditions. This work provides a wealth of information for students and interested readers to help them understand South Asian immigrant life, culture, and contributions to American life.

For most of the 19th century, Germans represented the largest continental immigrant population in Britain, yet to date no study has concentrated on them. They entered the country for a combination of religious, political and economic reasons and established themselves in thriving immigrant communities. Hostility towards them spread throughout the 1800s and escalated with the growth of Anglo-German hostility in the period leading up to the outbreak of World War I.

View the Table of Contents.
Read the Introduction.

"In this densely written and tightly argued work, Mead (Northern Michigan Univ.) presents answers to the often asked question of why woman suffrage was accomplished in the US West well before it was in the East."
--"Choice"

"In this superb study . . . Rebecca J. Mead convincingly demonstrates the importance of the region to understanding the success of the national suffrage movement."
--"American Historical Review"

"This concise book is the most complete overview to date of the woman suffrage movement in the American West."
--"The Journal of Arizona History"

"Mead has produced a strong case for western women's well-reasoned, winning plan and has provided a superb foundation for renewed engagement with an important question. My thanks to you, Professor Mead."
--"Register of the Kentucky Historical Society"

"Thanks to Mead's extensive research and careful weighing of evidence, no future scholar will be able to work from the assumption that the East represents the nation in the history of women's enfranchisement. She has laid the critical foundation for a genuinely national history of one of the most important developments in modern America."
--"Reviews in American History"

"Moving beyond the traditional emphasis on the work of radical women to include the larger political and social context, Mead's book makes a strong contribution to our understanding of our history of nineteenth century women, western United States politics, and issues of gender and law."
--"Utah Historical Quarterly"

"Mead...deserves respect for embarking on an ambitious undertaking that necessitated very extensiveresearch which she covered meticulously. She has revisited this significant political transformation with the tools of recent historical scholarship to the fore and contributed constructively to a complex area of modern political history."
--"Australasian Journal of American Studies"

"In this comprehensive estimation, Mead not only answers the question of why western states were ahead of the curve in granting women the vote, but also examines the relationships, often tense, between the local, state, and national suffrage associations as well as with farm, labor and progressive coalitions."
--"Montana: The Magazine of Western History"

"Rebecca Mead has crafted a detailed history of suffrage campaigns in the western states."
-- Karen E. Campbell of Vanderbilt University

"This book should challenge historians of woman suffrage to look more closely at other regions and states. . . . But it is Mead's treatment of a political culture among women with its own history, burdens, crosscurrents, and innovators that should have the wider impact."
--"Journal of American History"

"Rebecca Mead's new synthesis finally de-mystifies the West's 'radical and fundamental challenge to the exisitng political status of women'."
--"Western Historical Quarterly"

By the end of 1914, almost every Western state and territory had enfranchised its female citizens in the greatest innovation in participatory democracy since Reconstruction. These Western successes stand in profound contrast to the East, where few women voted until after the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920, and the South, where African-American men were systematically disenfranchised. How did thefrontier West leap ahead of the rest of the nation in the enfranchisement of the majority of its citizens?

In this provocative new study, Rebecca J. Mead shows that Western suffrage came about as the result of the unsettled state of regional politics, the complex nature of Western race relations, broad alliances between suffragists and farmer-labor-progressive reformers, and sophisticated activism by Western women. She highlights suffrage racism and elitism as major problems for the movement, and places special emphasis on the political adaptability of Western suffragists whose improvisational tactics earned them progress.

A fascinating story, previously ignored, How the Vote was Won reintegrates this important region into national suffrage history and helps explain the ultimate success of this radical reform.

In August 1914 the German labour movement did not oppose the decision to go to war, and workers responded with as much enthusiasm as other social strata: one of the most powerful labour movements in the world failed to live up to the ideal of class solidarity. The movement's relations with foreign workers, particularly Polish coal miners, in the Ruhr in the decades before the war foreshadowed this failure. The rural origins of the Polish migrants and their traditional Catholic religious beliefs led most observers, including their fellow workers as well as recent historians, to view them as obstacles to the labour movement and resistant to working-class consciousness. This study, based on extensive research in archives in Germany and Poland, documents a very different history - one in which Polish miners' militancy exceeded that of native miners, and whose relations with German workers were marked by both xenophobia and solidarity.

View the Table of Contents. Read Chapter 1.

aJackson is at his best when exposing the connections of leading racialists with former Nazi party members and Holocaust-denial groups.a
--"Journal of American Ethnic History"

aA well-researched and well-argued book....Jackson underscored the nexus of asciencea and arace, a probes the ademarcation between science and politics, a and questions the very meaning of aobjectivea scientific inquiry.a
--"Historian"

aScience for Segregation adds considerably to our understanding of racist ideologies and their persistance in the post-war era. The author has done an admirable job of covering a forgotten chapter in the struggle over segregation and shedding light on how scientific research can become highly politicized.a
--"Journal of American History"

"This book asks if science can be divorced from politics. . . . Recommended."
--"Choice"

aA fascinating and comprehensive look at a largely neglected aspect of American history--the role of science and scientists in supporting and sustaining white racist thought and institutions during the battle over de-segregation. And like most good social history, it does not require much strain to draw the relevance to today's debates about the salience of biological taxonomies of race.a
--Troy Duster, author of "Backdoor to Eugenics"

aA very important book that explores the fuzzy zone between science and pseudo-science, exposing the political action of right-wing scientists in the 1950s and 1960s who argued for school segregation on ostensibly scientific grounds. The role of science as an authority in society has never been more evident than in the work and rhetoric of these zealouslyracist scholars. This well-researched book is a must-read for anyone interested in modern debates over the study of human diversity or the role of science in contemporary society.a
--Jonathan Marks, author of "What It Means to Be 98% Chimpanzee: Apes, People, and Their Genes"

aA deeply-researched, fascinating, and judicious assessment of the ascientifica arguments that were marshaled against the Supreme Courtas landmark school desegregation decision. Jackson has made a contribution that will endure.a
--Raymond Wolters, author of "Du Bois and His Rivals"

aJacksonas thorough research and a nuanced understanding of the complexities of race and law provide a disturbing cadence to the ongoing debate on race in America.a
--"Multicultural Review"

In this fascinating examination of the intriguing but understudied period following the landmark "Brown v. Board of Education" decision, John Jackson examines the scientific case aimed at dismantling the legislation.

Offering a trenchant assessment of the so-called scientific evidence, Jackson focuses on the 1959 formation of the International Society for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics (IAAEE), whose expressed function was to objectively investigate racial differences and publicize their findings. Notable figures included Carleton Putnam, Wesley Critz George, and Carleton Coon. In an attempt to link race, eugenics and intelligence, they launched legal challenges to the Brown ruling, each chronicled here, that went to trial but ultimately failed.

The history Jackson presents speaks volumes about the legacy of racism, as we can see similar arguments alive and well today in such books as "The Bell Curve" and in otherdebates on race, science, and intelligence. With meticulous research and a nuanced understanding of the complexities of race and law, Jackson tells a disturbing tale about race in America.

What should be demanded -- in the name of the protection of liberty, equality, and stability -- of citizens? Since the seventeenth century, liberal thought has been interested in the rights of individuals and their capacity to engage as free equals in the political activity of their community. This volume presents new essays by writers including Jim Tully, Alan Patten, and Philippe van Parijs that offer a fresh perspective on citizenship. After two decades of strident individualism, the contributors argue that it is time to go beyond the standard concern of what can be ascribed to citizens.

"The Ambivalent Welcome" describes how leading magazines and the New York Times covered and interpreted U.S. immigration policy, and public attitudes about the impact of immigrants on the American economy and social fabric. Rita J. Simon and Susan H. Alexander examine print media coverage of immigration issues from 1880, the onset of the new immigration, to the present, and find that most magazines, like most Americans, have vehemently opposed new immigrants.

Part One begins with a chapter providing statistics on the number of immigrants and refugees by country of origin from 1810 to 1990, and estimates of the number of illegals who have entered the United States. Chapter 2 discusses U.S. immigration acts and summarizes the major political party platforms on immigration from the mid-nineteenth century through the present. Results of all national poll data regarding immigrants and refugees since the availability of such data (1930s) are reported in Chapter 3. Part Two discusses in detail particular magazines, including "North American RevieW," "Saturday Evening Post," "Literary Digest, Harper'S," "Scribner's, Atlantic Monthly," "The Nation," "Christian Century," "Commentary," "Commonweal," "Reader's Digest," "Time," "Life," "Newsweek," "U.S. News and World Report," and the editorials of the "New York TimeS." Following a summary chapter, Appendix A provides a profile of each of the magazines, including the date of its founding, its editors and publishers, circulation, characteristics of its readers, and an assessment of its influence on immigration. Appendix B describes the major American anti-immigration movements.

In this sequel to his prize-winning book,AThe Eyes of the People, Jeffrey Edward Green draws on philosophy, history, social science, and literature to ask what democracy can mean in a world where it is understood that socioeconomic status to some degree will always determine opportunities for civic engagement and career advancement. Under this shadow of unfairness, Green argues that the most advantaged class are rightly subjected to compulsory public burdens. And just as provocatively, he urges ordinary citizens living in polities permanently darkened by plutocracy to acknowledge their second-class status and the uncomfortable civic ethics that come with it - specifically an ethics whereby the pursuit of egalitarianism is informed, at least in part, by indignation, envy, uncivil modes of discourse, and even the occasional suspension of political care. Deeply engaged in the history of political thought,AThe Shadow of UnfairnessAis still first and foremost an effort to illuminate present-day politics. With the plebeians of ancient Rome as his muse, Green develops a plebeian conception of contemporary liberal democracy, at once disenchanted yet idealistic in its insistence that the Few-Many distinction might be enlisted for progressive purpose. Green's analysis is likely to unsettle all sides of the political spectrum, but its focus looks beyond narrow partisan concerns and aims instead to understand what the ongoing quest for free and equal citizenship might require once it is accepted that our political and educational systems will always be tainted by socioeconomic inequality.