This authoritative book provides a deeply informed overview of one of the most dynamic social movements in Latin America. Focusing on contemporary Indigenous movements in Ecuador, leading scholar Marc Becker traces the growing influence of the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), which in 1990 led a powerful uprising that dramatically placed a struggle for Indigenous rights at the center of public consciousness. Activists began to refer to this uprising as a "pachakutik," a Kichwa word that means change, rebirth, and transformation, both in the sense of a return in time and the coming of a new era. Five years later, proponents launched a new political movement called Pachakutik to compete for elected office. In 2006, Ecuadorians elected Rafael Correa, who many saw as emblematic of the new Latin American left, to the presidency of the country. Even though CONAIE, Pachakutik, and Correa shared similar concerns for social justice, they soon came into conflict with each other. Becker examines the competing strategies and philosophies that emerge when social movements and political parties embrace comparable visions but follow different paths to realize their objectives. In exploring the multiple and conflictive strategies that Indigenous movements have followed over the past twenty years, he definitively documents the recent history and charts the trajectory of one of the Americas' most powerful and best organized social movements.

The problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the color-line. Du Bois's prophetic statement, made at the beginning of the century, is as true today at the dawn of the 21st century. Presenting fresh, contemporary perspectives on a centuries-old problem, the contributors to this volume, including top scholars in sociology and political science, show that race-politics remains a part of the new millennium despite past efforts to erase discriminatory practices. From an initial reconsideration of the DuBois-Washington debate to Derrick Bell's essay on the pitfalls of doing good, the book illustrates that the debate about race remains a firm part of our social fabric, begging for a solution to change old and new feelings about race in the United States.

Grappling with enduring issues of race and identifying new racial realities, the volume examines the white backlash to affirmative action, the organizational structure of affirmative action, the impact of social networks on occupational mobility, upward mobility and minority neighborhoods, and inner-city entrepreneurship. America's changing configuration to a multi-ethnic, multi-racial population is considered in a chapter speculating on the impact for African Americans. In conclusion, the book suggests ways to take positive action.

In this superb volume, James C. Cobb provides the first truly comprehensive history of the South since World War II, brilliantly capturing an era of dramatic change, both in the South and in its relationship with the rest of the nation.
Here is a panoramic narrative that flows seamlessly from the Dixiecrats to the "southern strategy," to the South's domination of today's GOP, and from the national ascendance of southern culture and music, to a globalized Dixie's allure for foreign factories and a flood of immigrants, to the roles of women and an increasingly visible gay population in contemporary southern life. The heart of the book illuminates the struggle for Civil Rights. Jim Crow still towered over the South in 1945, but Cobb shows that Pearl Harbor unloosed forces that would bring its ultimate demise. Growing black political clout outside the South and the contradiction of fighting racist totalitarianism abroad while tolerating it at home set the stage for returning black veterans to spearhead the NAACP's postwar assault on the South's racial system. This assault sparked not only vocal white resistance but mounting violence that culminated in the murder of young Emmett Till in 1955. Energized rather than intimidated, however, blacks in Montgomery staged the famous bus boycott, bringing the Rev. Martin Luther King to the fore and paving the way for the dramatic protests and confrontations that finally brought profound racial changes as well as two-party politics to the South.
As he did in the prize-winning The Most Southern Place on Earth and Away Down South, Cobb writes with wit and grace, showing a thorough grasp of his native region. Exhaustively researched and brimming with original insights, The South and America Since World War II is indeed the definitive history of the postwar South and its changing role in national life.

At the beginning of the twenty-first century the consequences of fundamental global economic, political, social and cultural transformations that have been underway for decades challenge modern citizenship. There can be no doubt that modern citizenship can no longer operate as it did in the second half of the twentieth century. Neither the politico-economic foundation nor the idea of political participation nor formerly clear-cut boundaries or the Western idea of peaceful deliberation about citizens' rights can be taken for granted any longer. All over the world the rights of citizens have come under enormous pressure. This is true in the face of an extreme asymmetry of power between organised economic interests and citizens that try to defend once achieved standards of living; it is also true given new political centres of decision-making that are beyond the control of citizens; it is true for newly emerging boundaries that are mobilised in order to re-define arrangements of inclusion and exclusion; finally, it is true for growing resistance among the citizenries and violent upheavals against both autocratic and declining democratic regimes such as France and Great Britain. Against this background The Transformation of Citizenship addresses the basic question of how we can make sense of citizenship in the twenty-first century. These volumes make a strong plea for a reorientation of the sociology of citizenship and address serious threats of an ongoing erosion of citizenship rights. Arguing from different scientific perspectives, rather than offering new conceptions of citizenship as supposedly more adequate models of rights, membership and belonging, they deal with both the ways citizenship is transformed and the ways it operates in the face of fundamentally transformed conditions.

Citizenship is increasingly the core concept by which human belonging is defined but do we really understand what it is? This book develops an evolutionist argument to challenge accepted ideas about citizenship and question how well it fits between political prescriptions for sociality and human nature.

Human rights abuses and violations in Saudi Arabia attract international condemnation. But within the country, an Islamic civil rights movement, 'HASM', has called for change. While its members have received international human rights awards, the Saudi authorities have persecuted and imprisoned them. This book is the first to study human rights in the kingdom from the perspective of these prominent Saudi civil rights activists, uncovering the actual ideas that motivate their activism. Based on analysis of the group's texts, the book highlights that HASM neither supports an overthrow of the government, of which they are accused, nor are they "liberal" advocates of universal human rights. Their complex thought is a contribution to contemporary Islamic discourse because they make a case for 'peaceful civil jihad' through the protection of citizens' basic rights, but within a rigid, Salafist interpretation of social affairs that imposes heavy limits on politics, human rights and democracy. Furthermore, HASM's texts use war rhetoric and anti-Semitic language, with different arguments and words for domestic or international audiences. The most comprehensive text on this Islamic civil rights movement, the book employs detailed discourse analysis and includes sources from HASM texts in both Arabic and English.

From its beginning as an independent state, Israel has been beset by the divisions and tensions that characterize most ethnically mixed societies. Kraus and Hodge investigate the process of stratification in Israel and document what happened to Arabs as well as to Jewish immigrants and their children in the Promised Land by tracing not just the socioeconomic locations, but also the proximate social determinants of the locations of significant ethnic, cultural, gender, and religious groups. The first extensively detailed analysis to account for status attainment in Israel, this work contributes to a general understanding of the status-attainment process in ethnically heterogeneous societies by focusing on the experience of immigrants as they carved out careers in their homeland. By generalizing the results for Israel, the authors contend, the study illustrates processes that occurred during periods of sustained immigration in the United States and other ethnically and religiously heterogeneous populations for which relevant data can no longer be collected. Many of the research findings about Israeli society have significant implications for social policy in Israel and elsewhere. The investigation begins with a brief review of relevant recurring themes in the sociological literature with particular reference to the functional theory of stratification to provide a theoretical background for the study--the authors' novel analyses have not been reported elsewhere. Chapter 2 provides the social context by presenting a picture of Israeli society and its development. The extension of the scope of functional theory is worked out in chapter 3 which develops a basic model of the status-attainment process in Israeli society. Chapters 4 through 6 propose two alternative hypotheses for ethnic stratification in Israel and test them by examining the attainment process in the two main Jewish ethnic groups. Chapter 7 discusses the two hypotheses by distinguishing between Arabs and Jewish ethnic groups. In chapter 8 the attainment processes of ethnic and gender groups are examined. Kraus and Hodge conclude with an overview of findings and places the Israeli case in comparative perspective. Promises in the Promised Land will be of interest to students of Israeli society and to scholars concerned with issues of racial and ethnic stratification, immigration, and status-attainment processes. Informal Israel watchers of all backgrounds and persuasions as well as policy-makers, especially those working in multiethnic societies where national policy can impact profoundly on sociocultural integration, will find the insights offered here of particular value.

Based on first-hand interviews, this is an in-depth look at the people under 35 years old who run for office in the US. Award-winning journalist John Celock interviewed over ninety young leaders across America serving in various capacities, from Vice President and Governor to Senator and County Legislator, to provide an in-depth look at the challenges of political participation for young elected officials. The interviews are complemented by extensive research to answer such questions as why do young people run for office? What personal obstacles do they face as they seek office? Does age affect policymaking? A lively work that connects academic research with practical politics, "The Next Generation" includes a range of stories, from Steven Fulop who left Goldman Sachs following 9/11 to become a Marine to Jane Swift, the first governor to give birth while in office. The thematically organized chapters offer a thorough look at the political process across the United States, providing key information for anyone interested in state and local politics, political participation, and American government.

Public rhetoric in the United States has always laid heavy stress on the obligations of citizenship. Bill Clinton praised the idea of service, and so does George W. Bush. Since September 11, the debate over service and the obligations of citizenship has become even more urgent. United We Serve gathers many diverse voices on civic life and civic obligation to explore the idea of national service as it relates to citizenship. Activists and practitioners discuss the rise of the service movement, its practical successes, and its challenges. Policymakers and political leaders explore the links between service and problem solving. Political scientists and philosophers connect the service debate to larger concerns about democratic participation. The book also includes a lively debate over whether the U.S. should reconsider compulsory national service. The discussion about service is a debate over how Americans think of themselves and their nation -and about what the "new patriotism" means. Contributors include: Daniel Blumenthal, Harry Boyte, John M. Bridgeland, Louis Caldera, Bruce Chapman, former President Bill Clinton, Charles Cobb Jr., Jane Eisner, Jean Bethke Elshtain, William Galston, Stephen Goldsmith, Robert D. Haas, Stephen Hess, Peter D. Hart and Mario A. Brossard, Alan Khazei, John Lehman, Leslie Lenkowsky, Paul C. Light, Michael Lind, Tod Lindberg, Will Marshall and Marc Magee, Senator John McCain, Charles Moskos, Robert Putnam, Representative Charles Rangel, Alice M. Rivlin, Michael Schudson, Mark Shields, Carmen Sirianni, Theda Skocpol, Andrew L. Stern, Jeff Swartz, Steven Waldman, Caspar Weinberger, David Winston, Harris Wofford, and Robert Wuthnow.

Because the Holocaust, at its core, was an extreme expression of a devastating racism, the author contends it has special significance for African Americans. Locke, a university professor, clergyman, and African American, reflects on the common experiences of African American and Jewish people as minorities and on the great tragedy that each community has experienced in its history--slavery and the Holocaust. Without attempting to equate the experiences of African Americans to the experiences of European Jews during the Holocaust, the author does show how aspects of the Holocaust, its impact on the Jewish community worldwide, and the long-lasting consequences relate to slavery, the civil rights movement, and the current status of African Americans.

Written from a Christian perspective, this book argues that the implications of the Holocaust touch all people, and that it is a major mistake to view the Holocaust as an exclusively Jewish event. Instead, the author asks whether it is possible for both African Americans and Jewish Americans to learn from the experience of the other regarding the common threat that minority people confront in Western societies. Locke focuses on the themes of parochialism and patriotism and reexamines the role of the Christian churches during the Holocaust in an effort to challenge some of the prevailing views in Holocaust studies.

In 1997 the United States accepted more legal immigrants than all other countries combined. This large influx of newcomers, however, has alarmed many Americans. Immigration is a controversial issue because it intersects with the most contentious issues of our time: multiculturalism, bilingualism, unemployment, crime, etc. Opinion polls since 1965 show that a strong majority want to reduce immigration. Yet our government has refused to respond to the public's wish. In 1996, Congress scuttled a proposal to reduce immigration by a third. (Earlier, in 1990, Congress voted to increase immigration by a whopping 40 percent.) This is all the more surprising because the United States has had no qualms about severely restricting immigration in the past. Kenneth Lee explains why recent immigration policy has failed to reflect the public opinion by approaching the question from a broad, historical outlook, and from a focused, contemporary perspective. He traces several momentous historical changes that have abetted the pro-immigration block and weakened the restrictionists' clout (mainly, the rise of conservative economics in the 1970s and the growing racial liberalism in America). He also examines immigration policy on a micro-level: detailing the intense lobbying that went on for the 1990 and 1996 immigration bills, and he also shows how unlikely players as, for example, Christian Coalition's Ralph Reed, helped defeat the restrictionist bill in 1996.

This edited collection from international leading scholars considers the long overlooked concept of hospitality in the field of international relations and political theory.
Hospitality provides a new framework for understanding many of the challenges in world politics today, from the search for peaceable relations between states, to asylum and refugee crises, to the policy of settler societies towards indigenous peoples. Reflection on hospitality also helps to further our understanding of the place of the stranger, specifically the welcome of the stranger, in a field that has been too willing to either discount moral obligations to foreigners or to reduce the foreigner to that known entity: the future fellow citizen of the world.
Contributors include: Garrett Wallace Brown (University of Sheffield, UK), Dan Bulley (Queen's University Belfast, Ireland), Georg Cavallar (University of Vienna, Austria), Renee Jeffery (Australian National University, Australia), Jimmy Casas Klausen (University of Wisconsin, USA), Nicholas Onuf (Florida International University, USA), Haig Patapan (Griffith University, Australia) and Erin K. Wilson (University of Gronigen, The Netherlands).

In this study, Irene I. Blea describes the social situation of La Chicana, a minority female whose life is influenced by racism and sexism. Blea analyzes contemporary scholarship on race, class, and gender, scrutinizing the use of language and labels to examine how La Chicana is affected by these factors. The wide-ranging study explores the history of Chicanas and the meaning of the term Chicana, and considers her socialization process, the consequences of deviating from gender roles, and the evolution of Hispanic women onto the national scene in politics, health, economics, education, religion, and criminal justice. To date, little attention has been paid to the political, social, and cultural achievements of La Chicana. The shared lives of Mexican-American women and men at home and inside and outside of the barrio are also investigated. This unique volume highlights the variables that effectively discriminate against women of color. Following a chapter that reviews the literature on Chicanas and focuses on their participation in three major social movements, the text discusses the conquest of Mexico and the blending of Aztec and Spanish cultures. Next, the life of colonial Hispanic women in Mexico and the United States and the role of the Mexican War in shaping the Mexican-American experience are investigated. The following three chapters explore how Americanization disempowered La Chicana; discuss the contemporary cultural roles of la mujer (woman) and their impact on men's roles; and consider the lives of older women. Chapter Seven looks at how some women are defining new roles for La Chicana. Current social issues are compared with and contrasted to those of the 1960s. The final chapters develop a theory of discrimination based on the academic work of racial and ethnic minority scholars and feminist scholars, exploring new directions in the study of Chicanas. This volume is valuable as an undergraduate or graduate text, and as a reference work, as well as a useful resource for social service providers.

"The Quetzal in Flight "examines the motives for immigration of Guatemalan families to the United States, and explores the processes of psychological change and adaptation that take place within the families during the early period of resettlement. Norita Vlach interviews six families, illustrating how each family's culture reflects its origins, decision to move, journey, and settling-in process. Unique to this study are its focus on a previously undocumented Central American population, the demonstrated interrelation of historical-structural and acculturation perspectives, and the use of the nuclear family as a model with which to study the immigration process.

Following a discussion of migration and mental health and a description of the historical and geographical context of migration in Guatemala, Vlach briefly reviews literature in the field of family studies and migration. The six case studies follow, each one characterized as either centripetal (in which families pull together to face the new world) or centrifugal (in which members are disengaged and in conflict). The author summarizes how the families cope under stressful circumstances, how they use resources, and how they exhibit conflicting perceptions of both Guatemala and the United States. The effect of civil war in Guatemala, the role of the evangelical church, the consequences of marital and family separation and reunification, and the disquieting reaction of Guatemalan migrant youth to their transplantation into the United States are all addressed. Vlach concludes by discussing the implications for anthropological theory and applied work. Although this study is specific to Guatemalan families, its findings apply readily to recent immigrants and refugees of other Latin American countries.

Published in 1944, What the Negro Wants was a direct and emphatic call for the end of segregation and racial discrimination that set the agenda for the civil rights movement to come. With essays by fourteen prominent African American intellectuals, including Langston Hughes, Sterling Brown, Mary McLeod Bethune, A. Philip Randolph, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Roy Wilkins, What the Negro Wants explores the policies and practices that could be employed to achieve equal rights and opportunities for Black Americans, rejecting calls to reform the old system of segregation and instead arguing for the construction of a new system of equality. Stirring intense controversy at the time of publication, the book serves as a unique window into the history of the civil rights movement and offers startling comparisons to today's continuing fight against racism and inequality. Originally gathered together by distinguished Howard University historian Rayford W. Logan in 1944, our 2001 edition of the book includes Rayford Logan's introduction to the 1969 reprint, a new introduction by Kenneth Janken, and an updated bibliography.

Why do people turn to personal connections to get things done? Exploring the role of favors in social welfare systems in postwar, postsocialist Bosnia and Herzegovina, this volume provides a new theoretical angle on links between ambiguity and power. It demonstrates that favors were not an instrumental tactic of survival, nor a way to reproduce oneself as a moral person. Instead, favors enabled the insertion of personal compassion into the heart of the organization of welfare. Managing Ambiguity follows how neoliberal insistence on local community, flexibility, and self-responsibility was translated into clientelist modes of relating and back, and how this fostered a specific mode of power.

'Extremely convincing' - Electronic Intifada For decades we have spoken of the 'Israel-Palestine conflict', but what if our understanding of the issue has been wrong all along? This book explores how the concept of settler colonialism provides a clearer understanding of the Zionist movement's project to establish a Jewish state in Palestine, displacing the Palestinian Arab population and marginalizing its cultural presence. Jeff Halper argues that the only way out of a colonial situation is decolonization: the dismantling of Zionist structures of domination and control and their replacement by a single democratic state, in which Palestinians and Israeli Jews forge a new civil society and a shared political community. To show how this can be done, Halper uses the 10-point program of the One Democratic State Campaign as a guide for thinking through the process of decolonization to its post-colonial conclusion. Halper's unflinching reframing will empower activists fighting for the rights of the Palestinians and democracy for all.

Known most prominently as a daring anti-lynching crusader, Ida B. Wells-Barnett (1862-1931) worked tirelessly throughout her life as a political advocate for the rights of women, minorities, and members of the working class. Despite her significance, until the 1970s Wells-Barnett's life, career, and legacy were relegated to the footnotes of history. Beginning with the posthumously published autobiography edited and released by her daughter Alfreda in 1970, a handful of biographers and historians-most notably, Patricia Schechter, Paula Giddings, Mia Bay, Gail Bederman, and Jinx Broussard-have begun to place the life of Wells-Barnett within the context of the social, cultural, and political milieu of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This edited volume seeks to extend the discussions that they have cultivated over the last five decades and to provide insight into the communication strategies that the political advocate turned to throughout the course of her life as a social justice crusader. In particular, scholars such as Schechter, Broussard, and many more will weigh in on the full range of communication techniques-from lecture circuits and public relations campaigns to investigative and advocacy journalism-that Wells-Barnett employed to combat racism and sexism and to promote social equity; her dual career as a journalist and political agitator; her advocacy efforts on an international, national, and local level; her own failed political ambitions; her role as a bridge and interloper in key social movements of the nineteenth and twentieth century; her legacy in American culture; and her potential to serve as a prism through which to educate others on how to address lingering forms of oppression in the twenty-first century.

On the basis of a national research project undertaken in England, this volume explores how and why young people's engagement is so important globally in education and society, and looks at what teachers and students think about citizenship and community. The authors make recommendations to enhance understanding and the potential for engagement.

This book features a military academy as a microcosm of modern American culture. Combining the nuanced perspective of an insider with the critical distance of a historian, Alexander Macaulay examines The Citadel's reactions to major shifts in postwar life, from the rise of the counterculture to the demise of the Cold War. The Citadel is widely considered one of the most traditional institutions in America and a bastion of southern conservatism. In ""Marching in Step"", Macaulay argues that The Citadel has actually experienced many changes since World War II - changes that often tell us as much about the United States as about the American South. Macaulay explores how The Citadel was often an undiluted showcase for national debates over who deserved full recognition as a citizen - most famously first for black men and later for women. As the boundaries regarding race, gender, and citizenship were drawn and redrawn, Macaulay says, attitudes at The Citadel reflected rather than stood apart from those of mainstream America. In this study of an iconic American institution, Macaulay also raises questions over issues of southern distinctiveness and sheds light on the South's real and imagined relationship with the rest of America.

Six decades before Rosa Parks boarded her fateful bus, another traveller in the Deep South tried to strike a blow against racial discrimination-but ultimately fell short of that goal, leading to the Supreme Court's landmark 1896 decision in Plessy v. Ferguson. Now Williamjames Hull Hoffer vividly details the origins, litigation, opinions, and aftermath of this notorious case. In response to the passage of the Louisiana Separate Car Act of 1890, which prescribed "equal but separate accommodations" on public transportation, a group called the Committee of Citizens decided to challenge its constitutionality. At a preselected time and place, Homer Plessy, on behalf of the committee, boarded a train car set aside for whites, announced his non-white racial identity, and was immediately arrested. The legal deliberations that followed eventually led to the Court's 7-1 decision in Plessy, which upheld both the Louisiana statute and the state's police powers. It also helped create a Jim Crow system that would last deep into the twentieth century, until Brown v. Board of Education in 1954 and other cases helped overturn it. Hoffer's readable study synthesises past work on this landmark case, while also shedding new light on its proceedings and often-neglected historical contexts. From the streets of New Orleans' Faubourg Treme district to the justices' chambers at the Supreme Court, he breathes new life into the opposing forces, dissecting their arguments to clarify one of the most important, controversial, and socially revealing cases in American law. He particularly focuses on Justice Henry Billings Brown's ruling that the statute's "equal, but separate" condition was a sufficient constitutional standard for equality, and on Justice John Marshall Harlan's classic dissent, in which he stated, "Our Constitution is colour-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among its citizens." Hoffer's compelling reconstruction illuminates the controversies and impact of Plessy v. Ferguson for a new generation of students and other interested readers. It also pays tribute to a group of little known heroes from the Deep South who failed to hold back the tide of racial segregation but nevertheless laid the groundwork for a less divided America. This book is part of the Landmark Law Cases and American Society series.

This outstanding Handbook establishes the relationship between political citizenship and social movements as an area of study. As an in-depth and well-conceived source for beginners, experienced scholars and students alike, it provides theoretically rich, methodologically diverse, and empirically wide-ranging chapters on political struggles over citizenship. Moreover, the bridging between sociological and political theories of movements and citizenship reveals both in a different light.' - Engin Isin, The Open UniversitySince the 1960s, social movements and political citizenship have become buzzwords not only in social and political life but also in social and political science. The impact of the environmental and women's movements, and the advance of multicultural, European and cosmopolitan citizenship in modern history are cases in point. The study of citizenship traditionally refers to the individual dimension of social and political behavior. Social movement studies, however, refer to the collective dimension of such behavior. Despite distinct trajectories in their theoretical development, the social movement and citizenship paradigms converge where social movements are viewed as collective forms of political citizenship. This Handbook uniquely collates results of several decades of academic research in these two fields. The expert contributions successively address the different forms of political citizenship and current approaches and recent developments in social movement studies. Salient social movements in recent history are explored in depth, covering the environmental, women's, international human rights, urban, Tea Party, and animal rights movements. Social movements and political citizenship in the global South : China, India, Africa, and the Arab World, are discussed, presenting a novel empirical insight into these fields of study. Social scientists, MA and PhD students conducting research in social movements and citizenship, at a theoretical and empirical level, will benefit from the authoritative assessment of forms of political citizenship and major developments in social movement studies. Contributors: E. Ashbee, J. Bohman, P. Bond, A.M. Clark, R.J. Dalton, P. Danyi, J. Earl, B. Edwards, E. Evans, H. Flam, R.K. Garrett, S. Griggs, P. Hamel, D. Howarth, J. Hunt, M. Kane, D. Kapoor, S. MacGregor, N. Massoumi, N. Meer, R. Meijer, D.S. Meyer, S. Monro, L. Munro, E.D.H. Olsen, M. Reddy, J. Reger, D. Richardson, C. Scholl, S. Tijsterman, H-A. Van der Heijden, P. Wood, L. Xie