Your cart is empty
Winstanley: Mystic Religious Writer and Leader of early Socialist?
Rather than simply summarising the state of play in African
countries and elsewhere, Freedom of Information and the Developing
World identifies and makes explicit the assumptions about the
citizen s relationship to the state that lie beneath Freedom of
Information (FoI) discourse. The book goes on to test them against
the reality of the pervasive politics of patronage that
characterise much of African practice.
Since ratification of the First Amendment in the late eighteenth century, there has been a sea change in American life. When the amendment was ratified, individuals were almost completely free of unwanted speech; but today they are besieged by it. Indeed, the First Amendment has, for all practical purposes, been commandeered by the media to justify intrusions of offensive speech into private life.
In its application, the First Amendment has become one-sided. Even though America is virtually drowning in speech, the First Amendment only applies to the speaker's delivery of speech. Left out of consideration is the one participant in the communications process who is the most vulnerable and least protected--the helpless recipient of offensive speech. In "Rediscovering a Lost Freedom," Patrick Garry addresses what he sees as the most pressing speech problem of the twenty-first century: an often irresponsible media using the First Amendment as a shield behind which to hide its socially corrosive speech. To Garry, the First Amendment should protect the communicative process as a whole. And for this process to be free and open, listeners should have as much right to be free from unwanted speech as speakers do of not being thrown in jail for uttering unpopular ideas.
"Rediscovering a Lost Freedom" seeks to modernize the First Amendment. With other constitutional rights, changed circumstances have prompted changes in the law. Restrictions on political advertising seek to combat the perceived influences of big money; the Second Amendment right to bear arms, due to the prevalence of violence in America, has been curtailed; and the Equal Protection clause has been altered to permit affirmative action programs aimed at certain racial and ethnic groups. But when it comes to the flood of violent and vulgar media speech, there has been no change in First Amendment doctrines. This work proposes a government-facilitated private right to censor. "Rediscovering a Lost Freedom" will be of interest to students of American law, history, and the U.S. Constitution.
Forbidden Fruit: The Censorship of Literature and Information for Young People was a two day conference held in Southport, UK in June 2008. This collection of papers from the conference will be of interest to teachers, school and public librarians, publishers, and other professionals involved in the provision of literature and information resources for young people, as well as to researchers and students. The proceedings draw together some of the latest research in this area from a number of fields, including librarianship, education, literature, and linguistics. The topics covered include translations and adaptations, pre-censorship by authors, publishers and editors, LGBT (lesbian, gay, bi-sexual and trans) materials, and the views of young people themselves. The papers included in the proceedings deal with a wide range of issues. Research student Lucy Pearson takes a historical perspective, considering the differences in the way in which two titles, Young Mother in the 1960s and Forever in the 1970s, handle the theme of teenage sexuality. John Harer from the United States and Elizabeth Chapman and Caroline Wright from the UK also deal with the controversial issue of teenage sexuality. Both papers are concerned with the censorship of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bi-sexual, and trans) materials for young people, especially referring to issues faced by librarians in dealing with such resources in their respective countries. Another writer to examine the issue from a librarianship perspective is Wendy Stephens, who reports on her action research into students reactions to book banning and censorship in the context of a twelfth-grade English literature research project. Taking one step back fromthe question of access to controversial materials, Cherie Givens reports on her doctoral research examining the often neglected issue of pre-censorship-- that is, restrictions which take place, usually as a result of pressure from editors and publishers, before materials reach the library shelves. Showing a different side of the publishing industry, Christopher Gruppetta writes from the perspective of a publisher keen to promote young adult fiction in Malta. His article demonstrates the huge strides which can take place in a relatively short period of time, even in a religiously conservative country. Talks by young adult authors were also included in the conference programme. Ioanna Kaliakatsou considers how self-censorship is exercised by authors and how attitudes have changed since the early twentieth century. Yet another point at which works might be censored is when they are translated or adapted. Evangelia Moula focuses on censorship in adaptations of classic Greek tragedies, while Helen T. Frank examines Australian childrens fiction translated into French to highlight the process of purification or sanitization that can occur during translations.
"Bush v. Gore" brought to the public's attention the significance
of election law and the United States Supreme Court's role in
structuring the rules that govern how campaigns and elections
function in America. In this book, Brian K. Pinaire examines one
expanding domain within this larger legal context: freedom of
speech in the political process, or, what he terms, electoral
One of the original, and greatest defenses of free speech, originally published as a written 'speech.' Please visiti www.ArcManor.com for more works by this and other great authors.
Reviews: Ronald Eyerman, Professor of Sociology, Yale University and author of 'Myth, Meaning and Performance' - Fun to read... It makes a strong case for the democratic power of blogging and the internet, a form of empowerment for the voiceless. Norman Solomon, author of 'War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death' - Anyone eager to understand how cyberspace has changed our possibilities - and how it often remains trapped in grim social contexts - would do well to read Erik Ringmar's A Blogger's Manifesto.
You are not interested in politics, economics, state affairs etc.? You think that you are constantly being lied to by politicians? You even don't like to read a daily paper anymore because the "news" presented is to your own findings staying well back from reality? Great, then this is the right book for you to read as it speaks out what really is going on. Imagine some gangsters took our democracies hostage, the state institutions while a willful media owned and controlled by those who benefit from the crisis brainwash the citizens. In a facts-based reality check the author offers his humorous guidance in the jungle of misleading information.
This edited collection examines the growing uncertainty about the role and scope of traditional political rights in the 21st Century's increased threat of terrorism. It reflects on the appropriate scope and strength of protection of political rights in a wider global context, and covers issues such as the rise of 'militant democracies' and the effectiveness of the Council of Europe's monitoring mechanisms.
This book addresses a major problem in contemporary American higher education: deprivations of free speech, due process, and other basic civil liberties in the name of favored political causes. Downs begins by analyzing the nature and evolution of the problem, and discusses how these betrayals of liberty have harmed the truth seeking mission of universities. Rather than promoting equal respect and tolerance of diversity, policies restricting academic freedom and civil liberty have proved divisive, and have compromised the robust exchange of ideas that is a necessary condition of a meaningful education. Drawing on personal experience as well as research, Downs presents four case studies that illustrate the difference that conscientious political resistance and mobilization of faculty and students can make. Such movements have brought about unexpected success in renewing the principles of free speech, academic freedom, and civil liberty at universities where they have been active.
The history of Latin American journalism is ultimately the story of a people who have been silenced over the centuries, primarily Native Americans, women, peasants, and the urban poor. This book seeks to correct the record propounded by most English-language surveys of Latin American journalism, which tend to neglect pre-Columbian forms of reporting, the ways in which technology has been used as a tool of colonization, and the Latin American conceptual foundations of a free press.
Challenging the conventional notion of a free marketplace of ideas in a region plagued with serious problems of poverty, violence, propaganda, political intolerance, poor ethics, journalism education deficiencies, and media concentration in the hands of an elite, Ferreira debunks the myth of a free press in Latin America. The diffusion of colonial presses in the New World resulted in the imposition of a structural censorship with elements that remain to this day. They include ethnic and gender discrimination, technological elitism, state and religious authoritarianism, and ideological controls. Impoverished, afraid of crime and violence, and without access to an effective democracy, ordinary Latin Americans still live silenced by ruling actors that include a dominant and concentrated media. Thus, not only is the press not free in Latin America, but it is also itself an instrument of oppression.
The history of Latin American journalism is ultimately the story of a people who have been silenced over the centuries, primarily Native Americans, women, peasants, and the urban poor. This book seeks to correct the record propounded by most English-language surveys of Latin American journalism, which tend to neglect pre-Columbian forms of reporting, the ways in which technology has been used as a tool of colonization, and the Latin American conceptual foundations of a free press. Challenging the conventional notion of a free marketplace of ideas in a region plagued with serious problems of poverty, violence, propaganda, political intolerance, poor ethics, journalism education deficiencies, and media concentration in the hands of an elite, Ferreira debunks the myth of a free press in Latin America. The diffusion of colonial presses in the New World resulted in the imposition of a structural censorship with elements that remain to this day. They include ethnic and gender discrimination, technological elitism, state and religious authoritarianism, and ideological controls. Impoverished, afraid of crime and violence, and without access to an effective democracy, ordinary Latin Americans still live silenced by ruling actors that include a dominant and concentrated media. Thus, not only is the press not free in Latin America, but it is also itself an instrument of oppression.
This book demonstrates that neither the current liberal nor conservative position on the McCarthy era provides the basis for an appropriate normative perspective. Adding the perspective of the theory of free expression, it becomes apparent that both sides have ignored a vitally important point. While recently declassified documents demonstrate widespread participation by American Communists in conducting or facilitating espionage, much of the negative treatment received by American Communists had little or nothing to do with such activity. From the perspective of the First Amendment right of free speech, there exists a significant difference between speech that advocates conduct, on the one hand, and speech that itself is part of a nonspeech criminal act, such as espionage, on the other. By helping to separate protected speech from unprotected "speech-acts," First Amendment theory can do much to distinguish between the legitimate governmental responses to American Communism and those that contravened basic notions of communicative freedom protected by the Constitution. At the same time, by focusing the First Amendment inquiry on the McCarthy era, one should be able to glean insights about the broader implications of free speech protection.
Now updated with new material from the author and other leading scholars in the field, Literacies of Power illustrates ways in which schools, media and other social institutions perpetuate ignorance. In Boston, twelve-year-old student David Spritzler faced disciplinary action from his school for his vocal questioning of the Pledge of Allegiance, which celebrates liberty and justice for all. The boy's concerns were not taken by the teacher as an opportunity to engage the class in a discussion of the country's problems, such as homelessness, which could be seen just outside on Boston's streets. Across the river, at prestigious MIT, a linguist student told her colleague that she could not take time to read literature outside of theoretical linguistics if she wanted to be a top scholar in her field. Even essays that linked linguistics to its historical and social context fell outside her diligent pursuit of theory. What do these two seemingly disparate events have in common? According to Donaldo Macedo, they are part of an educational legacy that stifles critical thinking favour of indoctrination and specialization. students in the kind of broad, critical thinking necessary for responsible citizenship. Challenging conservatives like Allan Bloom and E.D. Hirsch, Macedo shows why so-called common culture literacy is a form of dominant cultural reproduction that undermines independent thought and goes against the best interests of our students. Offering a wide-ranging counterargument, Macedo shows why cultural literacy cannot be restricted to the acquisition of Western heritage values, which sustain an ideology that systematically negates the cultural experiences of many members of society - not only minorities but also anyone who is poor or disenfranchised. Macedo calls on his own experience as a Cape Verdean immigrant from West Africa who ad to surmount the barriers imposed by the world's most entrenched monolingual system of higher education. His eloquence in this book is testimony to the very idea that critical thinking and good education are not and must not be culturally or linguistically bounded.
Successor and companion volume to "Words that Wound," the first book to argue for recognition of hate speech as a serious social problem. The current volume greatly expands the coverage of hate speech, including chapters on children, the Internet, recent cases, campus hate speech codes, and international responses. Deals expressly with arguments against hate-speech regulation, as well as the case for it.Written by leading critical race theorists Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic, this volume succinctly explores a host of issues presented by hate speech, including legal theories for regulating it, the harms it causes, and policy arguments pro and con suppressing it. Chapters analyze hate speech on campus, the history of hate speech in America, the careers of particular words as "nigger," "spick," "wop," and "kike," hate speech against whites, and the special case of children. Particular attention is devoted to hate on the Internet, talk radio, and to the role of white supremacist groups in disseminating it. Designed to be accessible to the general public and students, this book features reading lists, exercises, and questions for discussion. This book accompanies and expands on the prize-winning volume "Words that Wound: Critical Race Theory, Assaultive Speech, and the First Amendment," also published by Westview Press.
It is often said that one person or society is 'freer' than another, or that people have a right to equal freedom, or that freedom should be increased or even maximized. Such quantitative claims about freedom are of great importance to us, forming an essential part of our political discourse and theorizing. Yet their meaning has been surprisingly neglected by political philosophers until now. Ian Carter provides the first systematic account of the nature and importance of our judgements about degrees of freedom. He begins with an analysis of the normative assumptions behind the claim that individuals are entitled to a measure of freedom, and then goes on to ask whether it is indeed conceptually possible to measure freedom. Adopting a coherentist approach, the author argues for a conception of freedom that not only reflects commonly held intuitions about who is freer than whom but is also compatible with a liberal or freedom-based theory of justice.
Historians are generally too engrossed with the details of battles, all as drearily similar to one another as scenes of murder and rapine must of necessity be, to spare a glance for the far brighter and more instructive field of the mutations or of the progress of manners. This work is attempt to supply the deficiency on the particular subject of burning books.
In spite of the first amendment, Americans read very little that is not censored, albeit in a covert fashion. Other societies are more honest and perform their censorship in the open.
"This is a thought-provoking and well-written book."
"Passavant's argument depends on stablising a paradoxical
tension between two principles conventionally involved in an
"Passavant challenges the dichotomous approach to the
relationship between liberalism and communitarianism. Overall, "No
Escape" offers new insight on the relationship by critcally delving
into historical events, sociopolitics, and legal developments. It
challenges the conventional wisdom regarding the inherent confloict
between expanding liberal rights while embracing communitarian
values. Some readers will find considerable value in his
judiciously documented and forceful argument."
Conventional legal and political scholarship places liberalism, which promotes and defends individual legal rights, in direct opposition to communitarianism, which focuses on the greater good of the social group. According to this mode of thought, liberals value legal rights for precisely the same resason that communitarians seek to limit their scope: they privilege the individual over the community. However, could it be that liberalism is not antithetical to social group identities like nationalism as is traditionally understood? Is it possible that those who assert liberal rights might even strengthen aspects of nationalism?
No Escape argues that this is exactly the case, beginning with the observation that, paradoxical as it might seem, liberalism and nationalism have historically coincided in the United States. No Escape proves that liberal government and nationalism canmutually reinforce each other, taking as its example a preeminent and seemingly universal liberal legal right, freedom of speech, and illustrating how it can function in a way that actually reproduces nationally exclusive conditions of power.
No Escape boldly re-evaluates the relationship between liberal rights and the community at a time when the call has gone out for the nation to defend the freedom to live our way of life. Passavant challenges us to reconsider traditional modes of thought, providing a fresh perspective on seemingly intransigent political and legal debates.
For more than 200 years, the freedom of speech - considered among Americans' most precious rights - has been guaranteed by the Constitution. Yet, as Lee Bollinger and Geoffrey Stone point out in their introduction, the First Amendment as we know it is largely a creation of the past 80 years. "Eternally Vigilant" brings together a stellar group of distinguished legal scholars to reflect boldly on the past, and future of the First Amendment. Organized thematically, the book begins with an historical overview by David Strauss and an examination of the philosophical underpinnings of the First Amendment by Vincent Blasi. Kent Greenawalt and Richard Posner explore the lessons of the initial Supreme Court decisions on the freedom of speech; Robert Post, Frederick Schauer and Stanley Fish reflect on the general First Amendment theory and doctrine; and Lillian BeVier, Owen Fiss and Cass Sunstein address contemporary free speech issues and the future of free speech. Stone and Bollinger provide helpful introductory notes to each essay, and also offer an informal "dialogue" to introduce nonexperts to the major issues of free speech jurisprudence. The result is a unique volume that reaches across the entire spectrum of First Amendment issues and offers a series of speculative essays that explore such diverse subjects as seditions libel, campaign regulation, commercial advertising, obscenity, and the new media.
In a free society where it often seems nothing is sacred, many feel that one thing at least should be: that despite constitutional guarantees of free speech, it should be illegal to desecrate the American flag. For most Americans, no symbol is more charged with emotion, and incidents of its abuse have led many to declare that freedom of expression has its limits.
When Gregory Lee Johnson burned a flag as part of a political protest, he was convicted for flag desecration under Texas law, but the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals reversed the conviction on First Amendment grounds and the Supreme Court confirmed that physically damaging the flag constituted symbolic-and protected-speech. Robert Justin Goldstein now examines this landmark case and the attendant controversy over whether protection of the flag conflicts with constitutional guarantees of free speech. He also explores the case's ramifications for future legal battles.
Goldstein, who has published widely on the flag desecration debate, offers a concise and updated account of the controversy for students and general readers. He traces the history of the flag protection movement from its nineteenth-century origins through the enactment of early state laws, and he examines modern incidents of flag desecration from the Vietnam era to the present.
At the heart of the book is the Johnson case and the political firestorm that it ignited. Goldstein examines the legal and philosophical issues surrounding the case through courtroom testimony, oral arguments, and interviews with Johnson, the lawyers (including former Whitewater prosecutor Kenneth Starr and the late famed "radical attorney" William Kunstler), and the judges who heard the many rounds of appeals. He then takes us inside the Supreme Court to analyze the justices' reasoning that government may not prohibit the expression of an idea simply because society finds it offensive. Finally, he looks at reactions to the decision-including recent heated attempts to protect the flag through legislation or constitutional amendment.
Goldstein helps us better understand the human emotion and psychological drama that underlie abstract legal and constitutional issues and that fundamental rights sometimes are held by the courts to be superior to majority rule or popular emotion. By demonstrating how competing and often contradictory concepts can be embodied in the very same symbol, he helps us understand the fundamental meanings of democracy and patriotism.
"Religion, Law, and Freedom: A Global Perspective" introduces readers to diverse perspectives on the interplay of religion, law, and communications freedom in different cultures around the world. Through discussion and analysis of the religious mores and cultural values that a nation adheres to, a greater understanding of that nation, its laws, and its freedoms can be cultivated. Rather than suggesting that harmony can be achieved without conflict, the essays in this volume seek to present the reader with a variety of perspectives from which to view and understand the relationships among religion, law, and freedom in various cultures. This multifaceted analysis, therefore, helps readers draw their own conclusions as to the best way to resolve cultural conflict brought about by the growing global community.
The book consists of fifteen chapters, authored or coauthored by 17 international scholars representing China, Germany, Israel, Iran, Japan, Latvia, Nigeria, Singapore, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The chapters are organized into four parts: "Perspectives on Eastern and Western Religions; Press Freedom in Religious and Secular Societies; Journalism, Advertising, and Ethical Issues;" and "Religion, Politics, Media, and Human Rights." This important contribution will especially appeal to researchers and students in such fields as mass communications, legal studies, cultural studies, political science, religion, intercultural communications, international communications, and journalism.
Van Belle provides the first systematic analysis of the effects that press freedom has on the conduct of international politics. The institutionalization of press freedoms within a state and the free flow of information between the free presses of different nations creates a foreign policy decision making environment that systematically limits policy options, generates domestic political imperatives, and provides specific benefits to a leader. This shapes some aspects of foreign policy in a consistent and empirically identifiable manner, most notably by limiting international conflicts. When social-psychological propositions regarding dehumanization and the acceptance of killing in war are introduced to Van Belle's model, shared press freedom is shown to provide a mechanism that prevents lethal conflicts. The effects of press freedom on international conflict, particularly on hypotheses related to escalating conflicts beyond the threshold of casualties, are quite robust. However, Van Belle indicates there is no evidence of a complimentary effect on cooperation. The combination of findings from the empirical analyses suggest that the key to the effects of press freedom center on the creation of images, such as the dehumanized image of an enemy. A thoughtful analysis that scholars and researchers of foreign policy and international relations as well as journalism and mass communication will find particularly useful.
You may like...
The Rise of the Right to Know - Politics…
Michael Schudson Paperback R375 Discovery Miles 3 750
Speech Police - The Global Struggle to…
David Kaye Paperback
Miren Gutierrez, Natasha Schmidt Paperback R194 Discovery Miles 1 940
Principled Spying - The Ethics of Secret…
David Omand, Mark Phythian Hardcover
The SABC 8
Foeta Krige Paperback
Cass R. Sunstein Hardcover
No Safe Spaces
Dennis Prager, Mark Joseph Hardcover (1)
Unmasked - Big Media's War Against Trump
Brent Bozell III, Tim Graham Hardcover
Wikileaks And The Age Of Transparency
Micah L. Sifry Paperback (1)
R225 Discovery Miles 2 250
Orwell on Truth
George Orwell Hardcover (1)