This textbook is designed to be used by those tackling the complex and challenging issues of security sector reform (SSR). The questions of 'What is security?' and 'How can governments deliver it in the most efficient and effective manner?' are central to this volume. The text explores the ways in which security might be achieved, providing readers with the guiding principles of governance and management. Principles are illustrated through reference to the experiences of countries engaged in reform of their security institutions, allowing the reader to identify continuities and discontinuities in the process of change within the security sector. Written by practitioners for practitioners, the book provides readers with a framework with which to assess and respond to first-, second- and third-generation issues within SSR. All chapters include an introduction to the topic, empirical case studies, and exercises to encourage readers to reflect upon their own experiences of governing and managing security. This book will be of much interest to students of security studies, defence management and defence policy, as well as to practitioners in the field of security management.

This book explores the causes and implications of the Libyan crisis since the anti-Gaddafi uprisings of 2011 from the perspective of the EU and NATO. It asks the question of why those organizations failed to stabilize the country despite the serious challenges posed by the protracted crisis to European and transatlantic stakes in the region. This book argues that such failure originated in a twofold problem common to both organizations: their prioritization of legitimacy over strategy, and their path dependence - the insufficient degree of adaptation to meet the different needs of the crisis. Through a critical and integrated analysis of official sources and extensive interviews with EU, NATO, UN, and national government officials and militaries, as well as from NGO personnel, Libyan institutions and civil society, and media, the volume brings the perspective of both state and non-state actors to the fore. It reveals how wrong assumptions and centrifugal forces within the EU and NATO hampered initiatives, and how the inability to use hard power judiciously and effectively in an increasingly complex and multifaceted scenario worsened the crisis. This allowed for unprecedented influence of regional and global competitors such as Egypt, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Turkey and Russia in the richest African country. This book will be of key interest for scholars and students of Libya and North Africa, NATO, the European Union, security and conflict studies, Middle East studies, migration, terrorism, peacebuilding and, more broadly, international relations.

First published on an extremely limited scale in the 1930s, Dr. Jacob ter Meulen's pathbreaking bibliography of four centuries of peace literature remains unsurpassed for the period it explores. The work was originally completed by Dr. ter Meulen, the librarian of the Peace Palace in the Hague, under the auspices of the International Committee of Historical Sciences with the financial support of the Norwegian Nobel Institute. The bibliography lists close to 4,000 titles in chronological order, from the beginning of printing until the end of the nineteenth century and is accompanied by comprehensive author indexes. In his valuable introductory essay, editor Dr. Peter van den Dungen traces the origins and progress of ter Meulen's ambitious and still-unrivaled project, provides a detailed discussion of the bibliography's significance for students of peace and internationalism, and analyzes the growth of the peace literature in a variety of languages during the period covered--1480 to 1898. The bibliography itself is divided into two sections that look at the peace literature from 1480 to 1776 and then from 1776 to 1898. Each part is followed by its own author index. A separate foreword by Arthur Eyffinger provides biographical information on ter Meulen and outlines the history and scope of the Peace Palace Library, ter Meulen's nearly three-decade librarianship, and the project itself. As the primary bibliography for the historical peace literature, this volume should be part of the reference collections of larger university and public libraries and of every college and university with a Peace Studies course. Independent peace organizations both academic and activist, here and abroad, aswell as historians will find this reference invaluable to their work.

When the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) was founded just over a century ago the practice of referring disputes to international tribunals was un usual. Instead, arbitration, with its procedural emphasis on party-autonomy, was seen as the only acceptable way for sovereign states to settle their differences peacefully. War and neutrality, as Professor Shabtai Rosenne explains in his in troduction to this most welcome publication of extracts from the proceedings of the International Peace Conferences, were regarded as inevitable realities of in ternational relations as late as the mid-twentieth century. Moreover, a perma nent tribunal with international jurisdiction would not have stood much chance of either success, or survival, at the end ofthe nineteenth century. The First International Peace Conference in 1899 adopted the 1899 Conven tion for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes, the objectives of which were international disarmament and the strengthening of international dispute settlement as an alternative to war. The 1899 Convention alsocreated the PCA in an effort to institutionalize dispute resolution through a third party mechanism."

More than a billion people live in countries where governance is weak, poverty is rampant, and economies are depressed. Failed and frail states provide ideal breeding grounds for civil strife, criminality, and "new wars" that target civilians, use children as combatants, and commit massive human rights violations. The new security risks loom within national borders, while the capacity of the international community to intervene "behind borders" remains inadequate. Policy making for security still relies heavily on military responses. Yet military responses cannot address, and may even worsen, the social and cultural antecedents of civil strife and social resentment. Similarly, development aid policy and practice are poorly adapted to the new realities of frail governance and insecure operating environments in aid recipient countries.
The contributions in this book, by acknowledged leaders in their fields, take stock of the state-of-the-art in delivering effective aid under fire and securing the peace in environments where governance is fragile. They aim to bridge the cultural divide between the security and development professions at a time of unprecedented global economic integration, geopolitical turbulence, and novel threats to international peace and security.
This book was previously published as a special issue of the journal "Conflict, Security and" "Development,"

With a paucity of authoritative firsthand information on North Korea available to the citizens of the world's democracies, discourse on the subject is impeded, and the democratic deficit regarding national policies towards the DPRK is necessarily broadened. Indeed, at no other time has the need for this information been more acute. The six-party talks regarding the nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula made plain the DPRK's ambition (and ability) to play a larger role in world affairs, and its formal nuclear tests have exacerbated the tension and urgency of the situation. The death of Kim Jong Il and succession of his son Kim Jong Un, and recent reopening of bilateral discussions with the United States further increase the necessity of a nuanced understanding of contemporary society within the DPRK. If the world is to effectively deal with the reality of North Korea, reliable information is critical. This book, recommended by Alternative Nobel Prize winner Johan Galuting, is a response to this problem. It takes as its point of departure the notion that all leaders and governments, no matter how odd or dysfunctional their behavior may seem, act in a fundamentally rational matter-but that this rationality must be put into context in order to be properly understood. That is, their rationality is not independent of their historical experience, their culture, their value structure, or their institutional constraints, and all of these things must be considered in order to discover the rationality behind the decision making that appears on its surface to be so 'irrational' and/or 'dangerous.' Only by understanding this can these policy responses be rendered intelligible, perhaps even predictable. In this respect, the book speaks to broader and more timeless themes of theoretical import. As a test case, the book seeks to demystify the "intelligence black hole" that is North Korea. In so doing, it supplies the reader with much needed factual information garnered through firsthand experience by those who have actually visited and done research in North Korea. Each chapter consists of previously unpublished research by prominent experts in the field. The book is organized topically in order to make its information quickly accessible. This volume also differs from most in the breadth of its coverage: its goal is to provide a comprehensive overview of North Korean society rather than an in-depth treatment of any single characteristic of it. This book not only puts a face on the hermit kingdom, but it also provides the reader with the theoretical guidance necessary to actually understand it, placing the Kim family in the broader context of the society in which the family has propagated itself. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, North Korea Demystified represents the first edited volume on North Korea to address the succession of Kim Jong Un. North Korea Demystified is an important volume for all political science and history collections focused on the politics and cultures of East Asia. In addition to being an invaluable resource to a scholarly audience, the book will also be of interest to policy makers, journalists covering East Asia, businesspersons interested in North Korea as an emerging market, and students (both advanced undergraduate and graduate).

This book shows how small countries use "big" diplomacy to advance national interests and global agendas - from issues of peace and security (the South China Sea and nuclearization in Korea) and human rights (decolonization) to development (landlocked and least developed countries) and environment (hydropower development). Using the case of Laos, it explores how a small landlocked developing state maneuvered among the big players and championed causes of international concern at three of the world's important global institutions - the United Nations (UN), the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Mekong River Commission (MRC). Recounting the geographical and historical origins behind Laos' diplomacy, this book traces the journey of the country, surrounded by its five larger neighbors China, Thailand, Vietnam, Myanmar and Cambodia, and influenced by superpower rivalries, from the Cold War to the post-Cold War eras. The book is written from an integrated perspective of a French-educated Lao diplomat with over 40 years of experience in various senior roles in the Lao government, leading major groups and committees at the UN and ASEAN; and the theoretical knowledge and experience of an American-trained Lao political scientist and international civil servant who has worked for the Lao government and the international secretariats of the UN and MRC. These different perspectives bridge not only the theory-practice divide but also the government insider-outsider schism. The book concludes with "seven rules for small state diplomacy" that should prove useful for diplomats, statespersons, policymakers and international civil servants alike. It will also be of interest to scholars and experts in the fields of international relations and foreign policies of Laos, the Mekong and Asia in general.

It may seem a strange notion to give the private sector a role in conflict prevention or resolution, but multinational corporations (MNCs) do have some characteristics that make them good partners in a well-designed strategy for peace and stability. By focusing on their core competencies, their presence in a conflict region can help to provide prosperity for rebuilding society and its institutions, and improved respect for human rights. This book is not a song of praise for MNCs in general. There is a litany of examples of companies that feel no shame in profiting from conflicts by trading weapons or illegal resources, that prolong war by supporting one or other of the parties, or that are only in a war-torn country because the lawlessness suits them well. Even companies that refrain from such criminal activities cannot be envisaged as potential peace-builders if they profit unscrupulously from cheap labour or cheap subcontractors. Instead, this book is about corporations that are disposed to ethical, responsible entrepreneurship: companies that balance their desire for profit with compliance with international business and human rights standards and with a genuine investment in local workers, environmental protection, social development and stability. Worldwide about 60,000 MNCs work in over 70 conflict regions. They operate in regions where social unrest is harshly repressed, where outright fighting takes place, or where civil war has recently ended. Whatever the attitude of multinationals and whatever their area of business, they influence conflicts or are themselves influenced by conflicts. Even if they do not directly invest in or trade with a conflict region, they always risk being associated with those conflicts. The Profit of Peace examines how multinationals can use their core business competencies to promote peace and stability in conflict regions and what role - if any - business has in diplomacy. To investigate these questions the authors interviewed CEOs and high-level managers of multinationals working in 'challenging' countries such as Afghanistan, Burma and Rwanda. The interviewees provided extraordinarily candid views on both the practical and ethical issues that occur when operating under extremely volatile circumstances. The lessons learned by these managers make the book invaluable for any manager working for a large company in a region of unrest. Two vital elements emerged. Firstly, the ability to manage cultural differences is a key factor for success. Without a keen sense of the differences in management styles, in perceptions of ethics and morality, and in the values behind political opinions, every peace effort is doomed to fail. Secondly, ethically correct decisions do not necessarily lead to ethically correct results. It was not the objective of the authors to judge which of the parties in conflict regions are right or wrong. Rather, they wanted to find out what kind of attitude at the end of the day contributes most effectively to conflict prevention or stabilisation of a region. In other words, in this book corporate responsibility is measured by the results and not by the intentions. All of the CEOs interviewed for this book were well aware of the fact that their companies operating in conflict regions would always influence the conflict one way or another. This awareness in itself is quite extraordinary, and it shows that the indifferent comment "business is business" by and large belongs to a past era. Also extraordinary was that the managers allowed such a frank look into their sanctuary, since this candour makes them all the more vulnerable to criticism. Through the information from the interviewees and from other managers who have experience in conflict regions, the book outlines the ingredients for an approach that can best lead to a solution of conflicts and to greater stability. It will only be in the long run that we will be able to establish how successful the new profession of 'business diplomat' can be, but in the meantime the daily practices of MNCs show that they can work on 'the profit of peace'. This book is based on investigative journalism and contains many examples of best practices worldwide. It will be essential reading for practitioners, policy-makers and students involved with corporate social responsibility, peace studies, development studies and stakeholder management.

Clashes over environmental issues often leave government agencies, industry and activists locked in unproductive political or legal combat. Increasingly, players from all sides are conceding that there must be some other way of resolving environmental conflicts. This book examines that proposition by examining how and why conflicts occur and whether approaches to conflict resolution based on consensus building could be more widely applied. It differs from existing books by covering both environmental mediation and public participation and by analysing detailed case studies from the UK, the US and the Netherlands. In addition, the book explores official resistance to the wider use of consensus building, arguing that government agencies that have resisted participation and mediation cannot be dismissed as the problem but have to be part of the solution. The concluding chapter suggests general principles for effective partnership working concerning the remits, resources and the timescales within which agencies operate.

Israel is a Jewish state in a Muslim Middle East. How can it survive in that region? This book answers this question by analyzing the dangers and threats that Israel faces today.
The author analyses the unstable character of the Middle East, and the agents of this instability. Looking at the relationship of Israel with each one of its neighbors: the Palestinians, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Saudi Arabia, the potential risks and opportunities which each neighbor poses to Israel are discussed. The author suggests how Israel should prepare itself, militarily and politically, to maintain a balance of power with its adversaries, and to maintain its strategic deterrence.
The book also highlights an important component of Israel's strength: the endurance and the cohesion of its social fabric, which the author sees as the key to his country's survival in the Middle East.
The author's final recommendation is a combined one: Israel has to preserve its military superiority in the region, to retain defensible borders, but to relentlessly pursue a comprehensive agreement with the Palestinian people, an agreement which he considers the key to a change for Arab-Israeli relations.
Written by Israel's former deputy minister of defense, Navigating Perilous Waters will be essential reading for all those interested in contemporary politics in the Middle East.

This book rethinks the body in global politics and the particular roles bodies play in our international system, foregrounding processes and practices involved in the continually contested (re/dis)embodiment of both human bodies and collective bodies politic. Purnell provides a new, innovative, and detailed theory of bodily (re)making and un-making that shows how bodies are simultaneously (re)made and moved and (re)make and move other bodies and things. Presented in the form of reflective/reflexive and theoretically innovative essays, the book explores: bodies in general and their precarious, excessive, ontologically insecure, and emotional facets; the fleshing out of contemporary necro(body)politics; and the visual-emotional politics embodied through the COVID-19 pandemic. The empirical analyses feed into contemporary IR debates on British and American politics and international relations and the Global War on Terror, while also speaking to broader and interdisciplinary, theoretical literature on bodies/embodiment, visual politics, biopolitics, necropolitics, and affect/emotion, and feelings.

This book offers insights into the building of trust in Muslim communities through community engagement in a climate of counter-terrorism. Police engagement with Muslim communities is complex with a history of distrust. This book first attempts to understand the role and implications of uncertainty on community engagement in Muslim communities, and then explores the cultural nuances associated with the demonstration of trustworthiness, and decisions to bestow trust. It further highlights the complexities and implications for Muslim leaders when trying to simultaneously engage police and appease their own communities; the book exposes community perceptions of an over-reaction by authorities that has moved suspicion from a handful of terrorists to the entire Muslim community, resulting in problematic community perceptions that Muslim communities are being targeted by police. The findings suggest that the intentionality of police is a highly significant consideration in trust negotiations, and reveals a number of cultural preferences considered critical to trust negotiations. The book further highlights opportunities to enhance the development of trust and avoid pitfalls that can be problematic to community engagement. The lessons learned seek to enhance the existing body of literature regarding strategies and resources to improve counter-terrorism community engagement with Muslim communities. This book will be of much interest to students of counter-terrorism, preventing violent extremism, deradicalization, and security studies.

This edited volume is both a guide for educators and a resource for everyone who wants to strengthen resistance against a major atrocity that besieges human development. Its contributors explore a crucial question: how to teach about rape in war and genocide?

Since 1814 Sweden has avoided involvement in armed conflicts and carried out policies of non-alignment in peacetime and neutrality during war. Even though the Swedish government often describes Sweden as a 'nation of peace', in 2004 the 200-year anniversary of that peace passed by with barely any attention. Despite its extraordinary longevity, research about the Swedish experience of enduring peace is underdeveloped. 200 Years of Peace places this long period of peace in broader academic and public discussions surrounding claimed Swedish exceptionality as it is represented in the nation's social policies, expansive welfare state, eugenics, gender equality programs, and peace.

In an age of unprecedented world-wide prosperity, forty per cent of Africa's 600 million people exist on less than US $1 per day, and a third of its 53 states are affected by conflict.
The African Union (AU) is intended, in part, to mark a new beginning where Africans are more focused on the current issues they confront. In particular, the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) has been hailed by African leaders as an important new initiative in development that asks the Africans themselves to assume responsibility for fostering democracy, good governance, and conflict resolution.
Now is therefore an appropriate time to examine the prospects for African development and conflict resolution. Does NEPAD represent an approach that could at least provide some hope to ending Africa's poor economic performance and does it and the AU represent a new approach towards conflict resolution? Will NEPAD have a marked impact on the quality of political, economic and corporate governance in Africa? Or are NEPAD and the AU just two more grand proposals destined to die rather quickly?
This book provides a brief review of African development and security over the past three decades. It assesses the progress made by South Africa since 1994 and describes current Western approaches to Africa with a focus on how much opportunity these stances provide for countries south of the Sahara to develop comprehensive new ideas to address their problems. The book reviews NEPAD and the AU to gauge the potential of these initiatives to take advantage of Western policies and to address Africa's structural problems. It suggests what must be done for African countries to reverse their growth and security trajectories by asking if any African country will establish the prerequisites for sustained high-level growth.

Explores the contradictions in Britain's humanitarian and military intervention in Libya and Syria, beginning with the Arab Spring in 2010 Provides a detailed study of intentions and motives expressed by Members of Parliament, of consequent British state actions and their outcomes, and of MPs' reactions to outcomes

This book is the first to establish the nature and causes of violence as key features in the political economy of Australia as an advanced capitalist society. Australia's neoliberal corporate security state in seen to represent the emergence of a post-democratic order, whereby minds and bodies are disciplined to the dominant ideology of market relations. Locating questions of the democracy and of the country's economy at the heart of Australia's political struggle, the author elaborates how violence in Australia is built into a hegemonic order, characterized by the concentration of private power and wealth. Identifying the commodification of people and nature, the construction and manipulation of antagonisms and enemies, and the politics of fear as features of a new authoritarianism and one-party-political state, Erik Paul explores alternatives to the existing neoliberal hegemonic order. Positing that democratization requires a clearly defined counter-culture, based on the political economy of social, economic and political equality, the book draws out the potential in non-violent progressive social movements for a new political economy.

Taking a global and interdisciplinary approach, the Routledge Handbook of Conspiracy Theories provides a comprehensive overview of conspiracy theories as an important social, cultural and political phenomenon in contemporary life. This handbook provides the most complete analysis of the phenomenon to date. It analyses conspiracy theories from a variety of perspectives, using both qualitative and quantitative methods. It maps out the key debates, and includes chapters on the historical origins of conspiracy theories, as well as their political significance in a broad range of countries and regions. Other chapters consider the psychology and the sociology of conspiracy beliefs, in addition to their changing cultural forms, functions and modes of transmission. This handbook examines where conspiracy theories come from, who believes in them and what their consequences are. This book presents an important resource for students and scholars from a range of disciplines interested in the societal and political impact of conspiracy theories, including Area Studies, Anthropology, History, Media and Cultural Studies, Political Science, Psychology and Sociology.

This book revolves around the altering security roles of three pivotal powers - the US, China, and India. Each of these actors has experienced incremental changes in their external roles and behaviour over the last two decades, which are determined by the range of domestic and international factors. As each country works towards performing its revised security roles, the policymakers are subject to dilemmas and challenges that impact policy implementation and conduct. Using the framework of role theory, the book analyses the role evolution of these countries and elucidates its link with their security policies in the Indo-Pacific and on the global stage. In the process, it also examines the systemic and sub-systemic factors that determine the foreign and security behaviour of these critical Indo-Pacific countries. Accessibly written, this volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, security and intelligence studies, political science, and foreign policy. It will also be of great interest to policymakers, career bureaucrats, security and intelligence practitioners, and professionals working with think tanks and embassies.

This book presents novel theoretical and empirical findings on the issue of unrecognized states and secession. The first part of the book conceptualizes unrecognized states as entities with a national identity and which have achieved political independence, yet are not internationally recognized as independent states. It also addresses topics such as the role of superpowers in secessionist conflicts, ontological security in post-Soviet states, and factors influencing the legitimacy of secession referenda. In turn, the book's second part presents selected case studies on various secessionist regions and territories, including Kurdistan, the Caucasus, Kosovo, and Bougainville.

In communities plagued by conflict along ethnic, racial, and religious lines, how does the representation of previously-marginalized groups in the police affect crime and security? Drawing on new evidence from policing in Iraq and Israel, Policing for Peace shows that an inclusive police force provides better services and reduces conflict, but not in the ways we might assume. Including members of marginalized groups in the police improves civilians' expectations of how the police and government will treat them, both now and in the future. These expectations are enhanced when officers are organized into mixed rather than homogeneous patrols. Iraqis indicate feeling most secure when policed by mixed officers, even more secure than they feel when policed by members of their own group. In Israel, increases in police officer diversity are associated with lower crime victimization for both Arab and Jewish citizens. In many cases, inclusive policing benefits all citizens, not just those from marginalized groups.

The book traces the end of hostilities and the often acrimonious, sometimes naive, but always laboured negotiations towards peace and elections in Mozambique. There is careful examination of the many international factors involved from the covert intervention of South Africa, the reaction of one African state, the role of the United Nations and that of humanitarian and religious groups. The lessons for conflict resolution and peacekeeping for Africa and beyond are discussed.

The quality of the peace arrived at via liberal peacebuilding approaches has been poor. The related statebuilding praxis has generally been unable to respond to its critics. What is at stake is a recognition of peacebuildings everyday political, social, economic, and cultural dynamics. This indicates the emergence of a post-liberal form of peace.