The breakup of the Soviet Union led to the creation of new states and territorial conflicts of different levels of intensity. Scrutinising the post-Soviet period, this volume offers explanations for both the frequency and the intensity of crises in the region. This book argues that the societies which emerged in the post-Soviet space share characteristic features, and that the instability and conflict-prone nature of the Soviet Union's successor states can be explained by analysing the post-independence history of the region and linking it to the emergence of overlapping economic, political and violent crises (called 'Intersecting Crises Phenomena'). Transformation itself is shown to be a decisive process and, while acknowledging specific national and regional characteristics and differences, the authors demonstrate its shared impact. This comparison across countries and over time presents patterns of crisis and crisis management common to all the successor states. It disentangles the process, highlighting the multifaceted features of post-Soviet crises and draws upon the concept of crisis to determine the tipping points of post-Soviet development. Especially useful for scholars and students dealing with the Soviet successor states, this book should also prove interesting to those researching in the fields of communist and post-communist Studies, Eurasian politics, international relations and peace and conflict studies.

This book considers contemporary international interventions with a specific focus on analyzing the frameworks that have guided recent peacekeeping operations led by the United Nations. Drawing from the work of Michel Foucault and Foucauldian-inspired approaches in the field of International Relations, it highlights how interventions can be viewed through the lens of governmentality and its key attendant concepts. The book draws from these approaches in order to explore how international interventions are increasingly informed by governmental rationalities of security and policing. Two specific cases are examined: the UN's Security Sector Reform (SSR) approach and the UN's Protection of Civilians agenda. Focusing on the governmental rationalities that are at work in these two central frameworks that have come to guide contemporary UN-led peacekeeping efforts in recent years, the book considers: The use in IR of governmentality and its attendant notions of biopower and sovereign power The recent discussion regarding the concept and practice of international policing and police reform The rise of security as a rationality of government and the manner in which security and police rationalities interconnect and have increasingly come to inform peacekeeping efforts The Security Sector Reform (SSR) framework for peacebuilding and the rise of the UN's Protection of Civilians agenda. This book will be of interest to graduates and scholars of international relations, security studies, critical theory, and conflict and intervention.

This book explores US foreign policy, specifically the history of America's entry into the War of 1812, the First World War, the Korean War and the First Gulf War. Using a historical case study approach, it demonstrates how the Wilsonian Framework can give us a unique understanding of why the United States chose to go to war in those four conflicts. Cox argues that the Wilsonian Framework is an important concern for decision makers in the US and that democracy promotion and the concept of international law are driving factors in each of these decisions to go to war. The realist and economic explanations of these conflicts are not sufficient and we must draw on Wilsonianism to gain a clear understanding of these conflicts. Drawing on the history of American liberalism and the work of Walter Russel Mead and Tony Smith, the book presents a definition of Wilsonianism that represents a broad span of the history of The Republic, in order to show consistency across time. It also establishes why the realist and economic explanations fail to provide sufficient explanatory power and how the Wilsonian Framework can give important insights into these conflicts. This book will be of interest to international historians and international relations scholars at both postgraduate and scholar level. It will also be of use to those wishing to conduct future research into the motivations that drive the foreign and security policies of the United States.

International-Led Statebuilding and Local Resistance contributes theoretical and empirical insights to the existing knowledge on the scope, challenges and results of post-conflict international state- and institution-building project focusing on post-war Kosovo. Post-war Kosovo is one of the high-profile cases of international intervention, hosting a series of international missions besides a massive inflow of international aid, technical assistance and foreign experts. Theoretically, the book goes beyond the standard narrative of international top-down institution building by exploring how international and local factors interact, bringing in the mediating role of local resistance and highlighting the hybridity of institutional change. Empirically, the book tests those alternative explanations in key areas of institutional reform - municipal governance, public administration, normalization of relations with Serbia, high education, creation of armed forces, the security sector and the hold of Salafi ideologies. The findings speak to timely and pertinent issues regarding the limits of international promotion of effective institutions; the mediating role of local agents; and the hybrid forms of institution-building taking shape in post-conflict Kosovo and similar post-war contexts more broadly. Addressing challenges of state-building at the intersection of international interventions, local strategies of resistance, and the hybridity of institution-building experience with institutional reforms in Kosovo and in post-conflict contexts more broadly, International-Led Statebuilding and Local Resistance will be of great interest to scholars of international relations, state building and post-conflict societies. The chapters were originally published as a special issue of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies.

Planning and Evaluation for Public Safety Leaders presents field-tested techniques and tips to help public safety leaders effectively manage their organizations and overcome challenges. Organizations and agencies operating within the public safety sector are unique in many respects. These unique elements provide a different context in which planning, and performance measurement occur. Without recognizing this particular context, most public planning texts ignore crucial pieces of the puzzle when it comes to effectively achieving and measuring public safety outcomes. This book's practical approach equips students with approachable explanations specific to the public safety context, and practical tools for public safety leaders that can apply to their organizations. Key Features * Each chapter begins with a real-world case from the public safety sector that highlights the importance or possible application of the information covered. * Cases are written in close coordination with the public safety practitioners to illustrate how the concepts covered in the chapter work in a real-world public safety context. * "Put it into Practice" Reflections at the end of each chapter allow new or future public safety leaders to apply the material directly to their current organization. * Boxes describe how to use and apply specific methods in a concise and easy to find tools addressing planning and evaluation challenges as they arise * Key terms and application questions written specifically for students, focus in on the most important concepts and terms from the text. * Overviews of relevant theoretical and scholarly work on the concepts offer connections with course material.

Based on extensive research conducted in Colombia since 2009, this book addresses the connection between land grabbing and agrarian capitalism, as well as the unfulfilled promises of peace and justice. While land remains a key resource at the core of many contemporary civil wars, the impact of high-intensity armed violence on the formation of agrarian capitalism is seldom discussed. Drawing on nearly 200 interviews, archival research, and geographical data, this book examines land grabbing and the role of violence in capital with a particular focus on one key actor in the Colombian civil war: paramilitary militias. This book demonstrates how the intricate ties between armed conflict and economy formation are obscured by the widespread belief that violence is a radical form of action, breaking with the normal course of society and disconnected from the legal economy. Under this view, dispossession is perceived as diametrically opposed to capitalist accumulation. This belief is enormously influential in precisely those bureaucratic agencies that are in charge of peacebuilding, both domestically and internationally. However, this narrow view of the relationship between armed violence and capitalism belies the close ties between plunder and lawful profit, and obscures the continuity between violent dispossession and the free market. By the same token, it legitimizes post-war inequality in the name of capitalist development. The book concludes by arguing that the promotion of radical democracy in the government of land and rural development emerges as the only reasonable path for pacifying a violent polity. The book is essential reading for students, scholars, and development aid practitioners interested in land and resource grabbing, agrarian capitalism, civil wars, and conflict resolution.

The impasse currently affecting human rights as a language used to express struggles for dignity is, to a large extent, a reflection of the epistemological and political exhaustion which blights the global North. Since the global hegemony of human rights as a language for human dignity is nowadays incontrovertible, the question of whether it can be used in a counter-hegemonic sense remains open. Inspired by struggles from all corners of the world that reveal the potential but, above all, the limitations of human rights, this book offers a highly conditional response. The prevailing notion of human rights today, as the hegemonic language of human dignity, can only be resignified on the basis of answers to simple questions: why does so much unjust human suffering exist that is not considered a violation of human rights? Do other languages of human dignity exist in the world? Are these other languages compatible with the language of human rights? Obviously, we can only find satisfactory answers to these questions if we are able to envisage a radical transformation of what is nowadays known as human rights. Herein lies the challenge posed by the Epistemologies of the South: reconciling human rights with the different languages and forms of knowledge born out of struggles for human dignity.

Can security automata (robots and AIs) make moral decisions to apply force on humans correctly? If they can make such decisions, ought they be used to do so? Will security automata increase or decrease aggregate risk to humans? What regulation is appropriate? Addressing these important issues this book examines the political and technical challenges of the robotic use of force. The book presents accessible practical examples of the 'machine ethics' technology likely to be installed in military and police robots and also in civilian robots with everyday security functions such as childcare. By examining how machines can pass 'reasonable person' tests to demonstrate measurable levels of moral competence and display the ability to determine the 'spirit' as well as the 'letter of the law', the author builds upon existing research to define conditions under which robotic force can and ought to be used to enhance human security. The scope of the book is thus far broader than 'shoot to kill' decisions by autonomous weapons, and should attract readers from the fields of ethics, politics, and legal, military and international affairs. Researchers in artificial intelligence and robotics will also find it useful.

This book offers a comparative analysis of the approaches, policies and records of the administrations of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, through an examination of key foreign policy issues that caused controversy and debate both during the 1990s and in the years since 9/11. In the post 9/11 security environment, three issues were identified by the Bush administration as being at the heart of a threat 'nexus' - issues that had also preoccupied the Clinton administration. These were the threats and challenges posed by international terrorism, particularly of the militant Islamist type, the so called 'rogue states', and the US response to the actual and potential proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Smith explores the responses to these issues and the debates surrounding the nature of US engagement with key regions and states, teasing out areas of similarity and difference in the policies and approaches of the Clinton and Bush administrations. Attention is also given to the contrast frequently drawn between Clinton's alleged predilection for multilateral approaches to international relations and Bush's supposed hard-edged unilateralism. This book will prove useful to scholars and students in the fields of US foreign policy, politics, international relations, security studies and public policy.

A frequent assumption of the American-led 'war on terror' and its accompanying discourse originated largely with the George W. Bush Administration, and that there was a counterterrorism policy revolution in the U.S. political arena. Challenging these assumptions, through a genealogical analysis of U.S. terrorism and counterterrorism discourses, this book demonstrates a distinct continuity (and lack of change) of U.S. counterterrorism policy, from Ronald Reagan, to Bill Clinton, and through to George W. Bush. The book focuses on President Clinton's discursive construction of 'new terrorism', or 'catastrophic terrorism', and the counterterrorism practices implemented by the Clinton Administration, while simultaneously comparing it with President Reagan's and President George W. Bush's approaches to counterterrorism. It shows how the war on terror can be traced to earlier periods, and that the so-called Bush revolution was largely built upon the existing framework established by President Reagan and President Clinton. Prior to the 2001 terrorist attacks, Clinton had expanded Reagan's first 'war on terrorism' discourse and constructed the 'new terrorism' discourse, characterised by the notions of borderless threats, 'home-grown' terrorism, WMD-terrorism, cyberterrorism, and rogue states. Clinton's 'new terrorism' discourse provided a useful framework for George W. Bush to discursively respond to the terrorist attacks on September 11th, 2001. Aiming to uncover the myth of President George W. Bush's foreign policy revolution and contribute to a deeper historical understanding of the U.S.-led war on terror, it will be of great use to postgraduates and scholars of US foreign policy, security studies and terrorism studies.

This book examines India's nuclear program, and it shows how secrecy inhibits learning in states and corrodes the capacity of decision-makers to generate optimal policy choices. Focusing on clandestine Indian nuclear proliferation during 1980-2010, the book argues that efficient decision-making is dependent on strongly established knowledge actors, high information turnover and the capacity of leaders to effectively monitor their agents. When secrecy concerns prevent states from institutionalizing these processes, leaders tend to rely more on heuristics and less on rational thought processes in choices involving matters of great political uncertainty and technical complexity. Conversely, decision-making improves as secrecy declines and policy choices become subject to higher levels of scrutiny and contestation. The arguments in this book draw on compelling evidence gathered from interviews conducted by the author, with interviewees including individuals who were involved in nuclear planning in India from 1980 to 2010, such as former cabinet and defence secretaries, the principal secretary to the prime minister, national security advisors, secretaries to the department of atomic energy, military chiefs of staff and their principal staff officers, and commanders of India's strategic (nuclear) forces. This book will be of much interest to students of nuclear proliferation, Asian politics, strategic studies and International Relations.

This book examines the national and international law, human rights and civil liberties issues involved in governments calling out the armed forces to deal with civil unrest or terrorism. The introduction of domestic military powers has become an international trend. Troops already have been seen on the streets in major Western democracies. These developments raise major political, constitutional and related problems. Examining the changes underway in eight comparable countries-the United States, Canada, Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Japan and Australia-this book provides a review and analysis of this trend, including its implications for legal and political rights. The book will be of interest to the general public, as well as students, academics and policy-makers in the areas of human rights and civil liberties, constitutional law, criminal justice and security studies.

The analysis and interpretation of conflicts can be a dangerously simplistic exercise. A western, developed socio-economic perspective can simplify conflicts in the so-called 'Third World' as the inevitable struggles of people who cannot coexist because of ethnic, religious or cultural differences. While acknowledging that many contemporary conflicts are characterised and influenced by these factors, this book calls for an approach to conflict prevention and resolution which mainly addresses the underlying political, economic and social causes. The conflict in Sudan, where narratives evolved from an interpretation based on religious differences between a Muslim North and the Christian South, provides a case study through which the author explores how most prevention and resolution strategies were based on flawed assumptions leading to poor results. By focusing instead on the underlying socio-economic inequality and marginalisation among groups she analyses the dynamics of the complex peace process to ascertain if and how economic and social rights were effectively included and implemented as a part of the peace agreement, including after South Sudan's independence.

This book reflects on the life and politics of Nelson Mandela (1918-2013) and his efforts to broker peace and reconciliation in a deeply divided country. Through examples from apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa, it explores conflict and methods for realising peace, social justice, and democracy. The book looks at the festering of animosity and racial bitterness between the white Afrikaner community and the black community during years of racial violence, injustices, and authoritarianism in South Africa. In the most violent phase of the country's history, Mandela offered to both communities peaceful means to ensure equality, justice, and inclusivity. The author highlights the extraordinary challenges which Mandela faced in mobilising consent and persuading both the black and the Afrikaner community to acquiesce to a peaceful transfer of power. The volume further details the socio-political contexts and negotiations which resulted in the swift transfer of power, Mandela's insistence on crafting inclusive systems of nationhood, his multi-cultural cabinet, and the institutionalisation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to address challenges facing the two communities in the post-conflict period. An accessible introduction to one of the greatest leaders in contemporary history, this book will be essential reading for scholars and researchers of peace and conflict studies, social exclusion and discrimination, critical race theory, human rights, politics, decolonisation and post-colonial studies, sociology, and history.

The Asia-Pacific Regional Security Assessment 2021 provides insight into key regional strategic, geopolitical, economic, military and security topics. Among the topics explored are: US China decoupling and its regional security implications; Japan's security policy and China; India's emerging grand strategy; Southeast Asia amid rising great-power rivalry; Australia's new regional security posture; NATO's evolving approach to China; The United Kingdom's 'tilt' to the Indo-Pacific; and Emerging technologies and future conflict in the Asia-Pacific. Authors include leading regional analysts and academics Kanti Bajpai, Gordon Flake, Franz-Stefan Gady, Prashanth Parameswaran, Alessio Patalano, Samir Puri, Sarah Raine, Tan See Seng, Drew Thompson, Ashley Townshend, Joanne Wallis and Robert Ward.

Based on extensive research conducted in Colombia since 2009, this book addresses the connection between land grabbing and agrarian capitalism, as well as the unfulfilled promises of peace and justice. While land remains a key resource at the core of many contemporary civil wars, the impact of high-intensity armed violence on the formation of agrarian capitalism is seldom discussed. Drawing on nearly 200 interviews, archival research, and geographical data, this book examines land grabbing and the role of violence in capital with a particular focus on one key actor in the Colombian civil war: paramilitary militias. This book demonstrates how the intricate ties between armed conflict and economy formation are obscured by the widespread belief that violence is a radical form of action, breaking with the normal course of society and disconnected from the legal economy. Under this view, dispossession is perceived as diametrically opposed to capitalist accumulation. This belief is enormously influential in precisely those bureaucratic agencies that are in charge of peacebuilding, both domestically and internationally. However, this narrow view of the relationship between armed violence and capitalism belies the close ties between plunder and lawful profit, and obscures the continuity between violent dispossession and the free market. By the same token, it legitimizes post-war inequality in the name of capitalist development. The book concludes by arguing that the promotion of radical democracy in the government of land and rural development emerges as the only reasonable path for pacifying a violent polity. The book is essential reading for students, scholars, and development aid practitioners interested in land and resource grabbing, agrarian capitalism, civil wars, and conflict resolution.

This book introduces the concept of Water Diplomacy as a principled and pragmatic approach to problem-driven interdisciplinary collaboration, which has been developed as a response to pressing contemporary water challenges arising from the coupling of natural and human systems. The findings of the book are the result of a decade-long interdisciplinary experiment in conceiving, developing, and implementing an interdisciplinary graduate program on Water Diplomacy at Tufts University, USA. This has led to the development of the Water Diplomacy Framework, a shared framework for understanding, diagnosing, and communicating about complex water issues across disciplinary boundaries. This framework clarifies important distinctions between water systems - simple, complicated, or complex - and the attributes that these distinctions imply for how these problems can be addressed. In this book, the focus is on complex water issues and how they require a problem-driven rather than a theory-driven approach to interdisciplinary collaboration. Moreover, it is argued that conception of interdisciplinarity needs to go beyond collaboration among experts, because complex water problems demand inclusive stakeholder engagement, such as in fact-value deliberation, joint fact finding, collective decision making, and adaptive management. Water professionals working in such environments need to operate with both principles and pragmatism in order to achieve actionable, sustainable, and equitable outcomes. This book explores these ideas in more detail and demonstrates their efficacy through a diverse range of case studies. Reflections on the program are also included, from conceptualization through implementation and evaluation. This book offers critical lessons and case studies for researchers and practitioners working on complex water issues as well as important lessons for those looking to initiate, implement, or evaluate interdisciplinary programs to address other complex problems in any setting.

Providing detailed and comprehensive coverage of the transitional justice field, this Research Handbook brings together leading scholars and practitioners to explore how societies deal with mass atrocities after periods of dictatorship or conflict. Situating the development of transitional justice in its historical context, social and political context, it analyses the legal instruments that have emerged. The Research Handbook is extensive in scope, with chapters discussing the concepts, actors, mechanisms and practices of transitional justice. They address the challenges of implementing a range of transitional justice mechanisms, including methods of truth recovery, criminal trials and reparation and lustration programmes. Going a step further, this book also expands the gaze of transitional justice to include underexplored areas, such as art and transitional justice, media and transitional justice and unique international case studies, such as Cambodia and Palestine. Timely and thought provoking, the Research Handbook on Transitional Justice will be of interest to both scholars and students, particularly those working in the areas of transitional justice and peace-building. It will also prove a valuable reference tool for practitioners of transitional justice and international criminal justice, helping to inform best practice. Contributors: A. Breslin, B.C. Browne, A. Davidian, S. Dezalay, P.J. Dixon, A. Fichtelberg, L.E. Fletcher J. Gallen, T. Hadden, T.O. Hansen, C. Harwood, R. Hodzic, C.M. Horne, E. Kenney, R. Killean, C. Lawther, P. McAuliffe, F. Megret, L. Moffett, C. O'Rourke, J.R. Quinn, N. Roht-Arriaza, M. Schkolne, D.N. Sharp, L. Stan, D. Tolbert, C. Turner, R. Vagliano, H. van der Merwe, H.M. Weinstein

The United States and its allies have been fighting the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan for a decade in a war that either side could still win. While a gradual drawdown has begun, significant numbers of US combat troops will remain in Afghanistan until at least 2014, perhaps longer, depending on the situation on the ground and the outcome of the US presidential election in 2012. Given the realities of the Taliban's persistence and the desire of US policymakers - and the public - to find a way out, what can and should be the goals of the US and its allies in Afghanistan? "Afghan Endgames" brings together some of the finest minds in the fields of history, strategy, anthropology, ethics, and mass communications to provide a clear, balanced, and comprehensive assessment of the alternatives for restoring peace and stability to Afghanistan. Presenting a range of options - from immediate withdrawal of all coalition forces to the maintenance of an open-ended, but greatly reduced military presence - the contributors weigh the many costs, risks, and benefits of each alternative. This important book boldly pursues several strands of thought suggesting that a strong, legitimate central government is far from likely to emerge in Kabul; that fewer coalition forces, used in creative ways, may have better effects on the ground than a larger, more conventional presence; and that, even though Pakistan should not be pushed too hard, so as to avoid sparking social chaos there, Afghanistan's other neighbors can and should be encouraged to become more actively involved. The volume's editors conclude that while there may never be complete peace in Afghanistan, a self-sustaining security system able to restore order swiftly in the wake of violence is attainable.

This book, first published in 1963, is an analysis of modern warfare in the enemy's rear, written by the leading authority on irregular warfare, and stemming from a close examination of real-life examples. Rear warfare on scale poses many problems, such as the exact field of operations; supply line issues; combat or harassment; and coordination with frontline troops. There is also the issue of protecting one's own rear troops.

This book, first published in 1990, evaluates what future policy adjustments the US will have to make in order to successfully navigate through a national security environment radically altered from that of the past and one determined more than at any point in the post-war period by the economic performance of both superpowers. The structure of the book centres around two issues that will determine the future national security environment facing the US. Discussed are stakes of the threat, the response of the Soviet Union to the challenge of economic and related social/political decline and its implications for the Soviet national defence effort. Also studied are the resources available to the US to meet the threat, the status of the US economic performance and the magnitude of resource stress it is likely to face in the future and its probable impact on the US national defence effort.

This book, first published in 1988, represents a unique attempt to combine a discussion of an alternative British defence policy in terms of military strategy and new technology, with a consideration of how this policy might be secure in political terms. Written against a background of a possible future Labour government in the late 1980s with a radically different defence policy to the Conservative Government of the day, it considers questions such as: Would conventional deterrence really be effective? Just what is the Labour Party's defence policy? How precisely might Britain be transformed into a non-aligned, non-militarist state?

This book, first published in 1944, assesses the prospects of peace following the Allied victory in the Second World War. It examines the tasks that victory would impose on the victors; the development during the war of US policies, military and political; the errors that caused the war; and the viewpoints and needs of the Allied powers. Concluding that the future peace could be only achieved through the power and influence of the United States, it argues that the process of uniting the Allies in peace would need greater statesmanship than united them in war against a common enemy.

Which event better characterises British military interventions: the trauma of Suez or the triumph of the Falklands? This book, first published in 1984, examines these engagements and those of the intervening period to provide a sober and considered response to this question. The issues raised are central to the debate concerning Britain's defence capabilities and its role in world politics. The author argues that it is only under severely restricted conditions that Britain could reasonably expect a successful outcome from long-range military intervention. The constraints are not merely those of military capacity: public opinion also has its role to play. By analysing these conditions and the way they have influenced the outcomes of past interventions the author points the way to framing a practical and reasonable defence and foreign policy in the Third World.

This book, first published in 1992, examines defence issues as the twentieth century drew to a close. With the end of the Cold War, many of the threats to European security, such as the threat of nuclear war, disappeared. New ones, however, were emerging. The rise of nationalism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction to politically unstable countries, the increase in world population, the debt crisis - all these contributed to security problems that needed to be resolved. The book assesses the possibilities for future European defence and the role that the United States would play in it: will it be prepared to stay in Europe under European leadership, or must it dominate? It also considers the capabilities offered by new military technology and the need for control of weapons of mass destruction.