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Books > Reference & Interdisciplinary > Interdisciplinary studies > Peace studies > General
"Social Trust, Anarchy, and International Conflict" challenges the democratic peace and diversionary war theories by emphasizing the importance of social trust, its origin as a by-product of effective governance exercised by strong states, and influence on international conflict. The author argues that strong states socialize individuals into social environments where self-esteem is gained not through comparisons against out-groups, but rather cooperative role fulfillment with other individuals. This socialization, which contributes to the formation of generalized social trust (itself a basic and powerful heuristic) is then carried over into the state's interactions with international actors, contributing to their pacific behavior and even influencing the nature of international anarchy itself. As a result, democratic peace is not really peace between democracies but rather peace between strong, well-governed states, and diversionary war represents not an effort to improve regime popularity but rather state legitimacy.
This textbook provides a thorough grounding in the vocabulary, concepts, issues and debates associated with modern land warfare. The second edition has been updated and revised, and includes new chapters on non-western perspectives and hybrid warfare. Drawing on a range of case studies spanning the First World War through to contemporary conflicts in Syria, Ukraine, and Nagorno-Karabakh, the book explores what is unique about the land domain and how this has shaped the theory and practice of military operations conducted upon it. It also looks at land warfare across the spectrum of its conduct, including conventional campaigning, counterinsurgency, and peace support and stabilisation operations. Key themes and debates identified and analysed include: the tensions between change and continuity; the role of technology in land warfare; the relevance of culture and context; the difficulties in translating theory into effective military practice; in-depth discussions on issues of immediate contemporary significance, including hybrid warfare, emerging military technologies, and the military reform processes of the US, Russian, and Chinese land forces. This book will be essential reading for military practitioners and for students of land warfare, military history, war studies and strategic studies.
Relating to both the practice of teaching media studies and also to theoretical questions within media and cultural studies, this study examines pop music, media studies and the micro-cultural politics of adolescence. It argues that media education has neglected pop music, and that, as something of enormous significance in the lives of young people, it merits a serious place in the field.; The author provides accounts of media studies in action, including detailed accounts of classroom discussions, interviews with students and teachers, examples of students' work and their biographical reflections. He links this to broader debates both within cultural studies and around the place of pop music in young people's lives.; Teen Spirits should be of interest to students of media and cultural studies, as well as to practicing teachers, and readers with an interest in questions of youth and identity.
This book analyses the global visions of Olof Palme, Bruno Kreisky and Willy Brandt, European social democratic statesmen who earned international esteem for their contributions to global developments during the second half of the twentieth century. Their visions encompassed, inter alia, international peace and security, East-West and North- South Cooperation, and other important domains pertinent to developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. In this volume, the author closely examines the advancements Palme, Kreisky and Brandt made and demonstrates how their visions remain valid for shaping the future of mankind.
This book fills a major gap in the study of inter-war British foreign policy: it is the first complete study of Austen Chamberlain's term of office as Stanley Baldwin's Foreign Secretary from 1924-29. It is argued that Chamberlain's priority was a two-stage policy in western Europe, which aimed at pacifying both France and Germany, as well as encouraging the League of Nations. Other key chapters deal with British policy in the Middle East and China and policy Towards America. Overall, Chamberlain is shown to have committed Britain to a European diplomatic role, which was opposed by Cabinet ministers who did not see a European interest to all aspects of British foreign policy. Today, in the Conservative Party, the debate is still unresolved.
This book outlines the threats from information warfare faced by the West and analyses the ways it can defend itself. Existing on a spectrum from communication to indoctrination, information can be used to undermine trust, amplify emotional resonance, and reformulate identities. The West is currently experiencing an information war, and major setbacks have included: 'fake news'; disinformation campaigns; the manipulation of users of social media; the dissonance of hybrid warfare; and even accusations of 'state capture'. Nevertheless, the West has begun to comprehend the reality of what is happening, and it is now in a position defend itself. In this volume, scholars, information practitioners, and military professionals define this new war and analyse its shape, scope, and direction. Collectively, they indicate how media policies, including social media, represent a form of information strategy, how information has become the 'centre of gravity' of operations, and why the further exploitation of data (by scale and content) by adversaries can be anticipated. For the West, being first with the truth, being skilled in cyber defence, and demonstrating virtuosity in information management are central to resilience and success. This book will be of much interest to students of strategic studies, information warfare, propaganda studies, cyber-security, and International Relations.
This book covers the design, evaluation, and learning for international interventions aiming to promote peace. More specifically, it reconceptualises this space by critically analysing mainstream approaches - presenting both conceptual and empirical content. This volume offers a variety of original and insightful contributions to the debates grappling with the adoption of complexity thinking. Insights from Complexity Thinking for Peacebuilding Practice and Evaluation addresses the core dilemma that practitioners have to confront: how to function in situations that are fast changing and complex, when equipped with tools designed for neither? How do we reconcile the tension between the use of linear causal logic and the dynamic political transitions that interventions are meant to assist? Readers will be given a rare opportunity to superimpose the latest conceptual innovations with the latest case study applications and from a diverse spectrum of organisational vantage points. This provides the myriad practitioners and consultants in this space with invaluable insights as to how to improve their trade craft, while ensuring policy makers and the accompanying research/academic industry have clearer guidance and innovative thinking. This edited volume provides critically innovative offerings for the audiences that make up this broad area's practitioners, researchers/academics/educators, and consultants, as well as policy makers.
This volume examines the Kurdish question in Turkey, tracing its developments from the end of the Ottoman Empire to the present day. The study considers: secession; federal schemes; various forms of autonomy; the provision of special rights; and further democratization.
This volume examines the Kurdish question in Turkey, tracing its developments from the end of the Ottoman Empire to the present day. The authors develop their argument by defining and making use of terms such as nation, ethnic group, civic nationalism, ethnic nationalism, minority rights and self-determination. Many commentators agree that ethnic conflict should be resolved by a political rather than a military solution; but what would a political solution to the Kurdish question in Turkey actually entail?
This edited volume offers an in-depth study of heritage and warfare from the perspective of defence studies. The book focuses on how, in different contexts, heritage can be a catalyst and target of conflict, an obstacle to stabilisation, and a driver of peace-building. It documents the changing role of heritage - in terms of both exploitation and protection - in various military capabilities, theatres, and operations. With particular concern for the areas of subthreshold and hybrid warfare, stabilisation, cultural relationships, human security, and disaster response, the volume reviews the historical relationship between heritage and armed conflict, including the roles of embedded archaeologists, safeguarding of ethics, and dislodgement and destruction of material culture. Various chapters in the book also demonstrate the value of understanding how state and non-state actors exploit cultural heritage across different defence postures and within both subthreshold and proxy warfare in order to achieve military, political, economic, and diplomatic advantages. This book will be of interest to students of defence studies, heritage studies, anthropology and security studies in general, as well as military practitioners.
This book rethinks the body in global politics and the particular roles bodies play in our international system, foregrounding processes and practices involved in the continually contested (re/dis)embodiment of both human bodies and collective bodies politic. Purnell provides a new, innovative, and detailed theory of bodily (re)making and un-making that shows how bodies are simultaneously (re)made and moved and (re)make and move other bodies and things. Presented in the form of reflective/reflexive and theoretically innovative essays, the book explores: bodies in general and their precarious, excessive, ontologically insecure, and emotional facets; the fleshing out of contemporary necro(body)politics; and the visual-emotional politics embodied through the COVID-19 pandemic. The empirical analyses feed into contemporary IR debates on British and American politics and international relations and the Global War on Terror, while also speaking to broader and interdisciplinary, theoretical literature on bodies/embodiment, visual politics, biopolitics, necropolitics, and affect/emotion, and feelings.
If We Must Die is a narrative and compilation of commentaries by African American leaders, intellectuals, and average citizens on wars fought by the United States. The book uses the rich material of political and social commentary as it seeks to articulate the concerns, mood, and memory of African Americans in the context of global political realities. Organized chronologically, by America's major wars, If We Must Die offers an impressively wide array of viewpoints from such diverse figures as Molly Pitcher, Phyllis Wheatley, Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington, Ida B. Wells, Paul Robeson, Thurgood Marshall, Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, Muhammad Ali, Colin Powell, Condoleezza Rice, Barack Obama, and more.
Explores the contradictions in Britain's humanitarian and military intervention in Libya and Syria, beginning with the Arab Spring in 2010 Provides a detailed study of intentions and motives expressed by Members of Parliament, of consequent British state actions and their outcomes, and of MPs' reactions to outcomes
First published in 1995. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
This text is an examination of the evolution of the national security policies of the countries of East-Central Europe - Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary - since the East European revolutions of 1989. It also analyzes the Visegrad group regional co-operation process between the East-Central European states, their relations with the main European security institutions (the European Union, NATO and the conference on security and co-operation in Europe) and their position in the European security order of the 1990s.
This book analyses the evolving geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific region and explains how Djibouti fits in the global strategies of four major powers-the US, China, Japan, and France. It shows how Djibouti is emerging as a key nation in the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific, explores the interconnections between Djibouti and the Indian as well as Pacific Oceans, and through Djibouti examines broader trends in contemporary great power politics in the Indo-Pacific region, including the Belt and Road Initiative of China. Moving beyond contemporary works on the region, the author integrates Africa and the Middle East with discussions on the Indo-Pacific to illustrate the coalescing of strategic geography from Eastern Africa to the Western coast of the Americas. A major intervention, the volume will be essential reading for scholars, practitioners, and researchers of politics and international relations, security studies, African studies, peace and conflict studies, and maritime studies.
Israel's relations with the European Union stretch back to the early days of the European Community and the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957. From that point onward, Israel and Europe have developed an increasingly strong network of political, economic, scientific, and cultural ties. These relations have, however, consisted of a number of conflicting trends. Indeed, even while the EU has become Israel's most important trading partner, the political relationship has been marked by disappointment, frustration, and, at times, even anger. Israel and the European Union: A Documentary History, by Sharon Pardo and Joel Peters, traces the history of these complex relations by bringing together over two hundred documents in one volume. The documents contained in this book are divided into five time periods: i) 1957-1966, Israel Looks to Europe; ii) 1967-1979, Between War and Peace; iii) 1980-1991, From Venice to Madrid; iv) 1992-2003, From Oslo to Barcelona; and v) 2004-2011, A Renaissance Cut Short?. Each section is preceded by a short essay outlining the major themes of Israeli-European Relations during those years. The authors have not added any commentary to the documents themselves and instead have allowed the documents to speak for themselves. The aim of this book is to offer a public record for future researchers and students of the dynamics of European-Israeli relations-as well as of Europe's relationship with the Middle East-over the past fifty years. Israel and the European Union is designed to serve as a companion volume to Pardo and Peters' Uneasy Neighbors: Israel and the European Union (Lexington Books, 2010).
This textbook introduces students to the sub-field of critical security studies through a detailed yet accessible survey of emerging theories and practices. This third edition contains two new chapters - on 'Ontological security' and '(In)Security and the everyday' - and has been fully revised and updated. Written in an accessible and clear manner, Critical Security Studies: offers a comprehensive and up-to-date introduction to critical security studies locates critical security studies within the broader context of social and political theory evaluates fundamental theoretical positions in critical security studies against a backdrop of new security challenges. The book is divided into two main parts. Part I, 'Approaches', surveys the newly extended and contested theoretical terrain of critical security studies: constructivist theories, Critical Theory, feminist and gender approaches, postcolonial perspectives, poststructuralism and International Political Sociology, Ontological security, and securitisation theory. Part II, 'Issues', examines how these various theoretical approaches have been put to work in critical considerations of environmental and planetary security; health, human security and development; information, technology and warfare; migration and border security; (in)security and the everyday; and terror, risk and resilience. The historical and geographical scope of the book is deliberately broad and each of the chapters in Part II concretely illustrates one or more of the approaches discussed in Part I, with clear internal referencing allowing the text to act as a holistic learning tool for students. This book is essential reading for upper level students of critical security studies, and an important resource for students of international/global security, political theory and international relations.
Though many of the longest and most devastating internal armed conflicts have been fought within the boundaries of democratic states, these countries employ some of the highest numbers of human rights prosecutions. What conditions prompt this outcome and what explains the variable patterns of prosecutions in democracies at war? Prosecutions may be enabled by existing democratic norms and institutions, but given their role in a violent conflict, democratic governments may go to great lengths to avoid judicial accountability. Through qualitative and quantitative research of four cases, Sri Lanka, Northern Ireland, Spain and Colombia, this book argues that emergency and anti-terrorism laws issued during the conflict created barriers to the investigation and prosecution of state human rights violations. The extent to which state actors were held accountable was shaped by citizens, NGOs and political actors who challenged or upheld impunity provisions within emergency legislation.
Thompson examines the U.S. role--both governmental and that of Irish-Americans--in attempting to bring a resolution to the strife in Northern Ireland. He concentrates on the efforts since 1967, particularly the growth of American efforts to become the central humanitarian player in the peace process. The U.S. government stance was initially one of strict non-involvement. However, in the aftermath of Vietnam and Watergate, diminished White House authority encouraged Irish-American groups to challenge the traditional Irish policy. Movement away from strict non-involvement began with Congressional concern for the rising specter of Irish-American anger at the treatment of northern Irish Catholics. An important transition to humanitarian policy occurred during the Reagan Administration. Contributing factors that helped the U.S. government take a new direction in foreign policy were America's failure to respond to the escalation of Northern Ireland violence, a strong personal ethnic tie between the U.S. President and Speaker of the House O'Neill, a personal link between President Reagan and Prime Minister Thatcher, and intense lobbying by Irish-Americans and the Irish government. After a brief period of silent diplomacy during the Bush administration, the Clinton administration succeeded in a public blitz to endorse steps necessary to bring peace closer.
Nation states and minorities resort more and more to violence when safeguarding their political interests. Although the violence in the Middle East has been dominating world politics for some time now, European governments have had their share of ethnic violence to contend with as this volume demonstrates. And as the case studies show, ranging as they do from the Basque Country to Chechnya, from Northern Ireland to Bosnia-Herzegovina, this applies to western Europe as much as to eastern Europe. However, in contrast to other parts of the world, instances where political struggles for power and social inclusion between minorities and majorities lead to full-fledged inter-ethnic warfare are still the exception; in the majority of cases conflicts are successfully de-escalated and even resolved. In a comprehensive conclusion, the volume offers a theoretical framework for the development of strategies to deal with violent ethnic conflict.
Bringing warring parties to the negotiating table is the aim of any peace process. But what happens when those negotiations falter and conflict resolution fails? Is everything lost or are there prospects for meaningful change in even the most intractable of conflicts? In this insightful book, leading scholar-practitioner in conflict resolution Oliver Ramsbotham explores the phenomenon of radical disagreement as the main impediment to negotiation, problem solving and dialogue between conflict parties. Taking as his focus the long-running and seemingly irresolvable conflict between Israel and Palestine, he shows how what is needed in these circumstances is not less radical disagreement, but more. Only by understanding what is blocking the way and by promoting collective strategic engagement within, across and between the groups involved, can deadlock be transformed. Rich in detail and accessibly written, this book introduces a new and as yet relatively unexplored frontier in conflict studies. Its wider application to other phases, levels and war zones holds out rich promise for extending conflict engagement in some of the world's deadliest and most difficult hot spots.
Can modernity be imagined as a "war on affect" propelled by the unequal distribution of guilt and fear as major forces of containment? Exploring Walter Benjamin's early texts on violence and religion and bringing them to bear upon contemporary struggles, Herlinghaus argues that the flexible production of affective marginalities lies at the heart of the psycho-cultural dynamics of globalization. Analyzing new imaginaries in Latin American literature, music and film, "Violence Without Guilt" examines how ethical experience is being drastically reshaped in the realms where violence is an existential reality, especially in the lives and fantasies of those who find themselves today unprotected by Western perceptions of lawfulness and citizenship.
Gaining a decisive technological edge is a never-ending pursuit for defense establishments and the countries they protect. Intensifying geo-strategic and geo-economic rivalry among major powers, especially the U.S. and China, and the global technology revolution occurring in the civilian and military domains promise to reshape the nature and distribution of global power. This book examines the state of global defense innovation in a select number of countries chosen because they are representative of the diverse make-up of the global defense innovation community. These include small countries with advanced defense innovation capabilities (Israel and Singapore), closed authoritarian powers (North Korea and Russia), large catch-up states (China and India), and advanced large powers (U.S.). The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Strategic Studies. |
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