This book discusses the current reality and the future of ethnic Rohingyas in Myanmar. It presents Myanmar's history, policy, politics and, most importantly, while focusing on Rohingya ethnic conflict, presents a resolution by looking at the global and regional policies and politics of South Asia and South-East Asia. The recent coup unfolded in Myanmar and the detention of the democratic leaders has surprised the world with its subsequent emergency declaration in 2021, thus making this book relevant and well-timed. Eventually, the book offers an account of a previously little known, yet much-discussed role of media, international actors, human trafficking, and humanitarian-based resolution for Rohingya refugee crisis. It shows a new perspective in the post-Rohingya influx era of Bangladesh and the neighbouring countries.

Proscribing peace offers a systematic examination of the impact of proscription on peace negotiations. By introducing the concept of 'linguistic ceasefire', Haspeslagh adds to our understanding of the timing and sequencing of peace processes in the context of proscription. With relevance for more than half of the conflicts around the world in which an armed group is listed as a terrorist organisation, 'linguistic ceasefire' helps to explain why certain conflicts remain stuck in the 'terrorist' framing, while others emerge from it. International proscription regimes criminalise both the actor and the act of terrorism. Proscribing peace calls for an end to the amalgamation between acts and actors. By focussing on the acts instead, Haspeslagh argues, international policy would be better able to consider the violent actions both of armed groups and those of the state. By separating the act and the actor, change - and thus peace - become possible. -- .

This book interrogates the concept of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) as a normative construct and how the construction and promotion of this norm may have contributed to a stagnation in humanitarian action. This interrogation includes a particular focus on the impact of R2P on prevailing attitudes and discourses concerning humanitarian military intervention as well as the (under)provision of same. The study seeks to bridge the proverbial gap between theory and policy, specifically concerning our collective understanding of contemporary dynamics of humanitarian intervention and crisis. This objective is accomplished through the application and critical reformulation of the norm life cycle model and its three component stages (emergence, cascade, and internalization) relative to the presumed norm of R2P. The book advances the argument that R2P has only partially cascaded - stagnating rather than fully diffusing after reaching the ‘tipping point’, and in the process leaving the life cycle of the R2P norm in a state of dynamic equilibrium (e.g., a ‘steady state’). Consequently, the chief implication of the dynamic of stagnation within international society which the book seeks to advance and support is the non-attainment of norm internalization. Through close examination of the genesis and evolution of R2P, the work contends that R2P actually poses a significant if not fundamental challenge to the animating logic of the norm life cycle model. Having reached the requisite tipping point through formal endorsement by the UN over a decade ago, R2P has failed to manifest itself in humanitarian intervention behavior. The key to understanding why resides in deficiencies of the norm life cycle model itself. By failing to provide a sufficient account of the dynamics of norm pre-emergence (whereby ideas are transformed into proto-norms) or to acknowledge the possibility norm stagnation (whereby a norm fails to diffuse and become internalized), the norm life-cycle model provides an underspecified mechanism for understanding how and why an idea may in fact cross the threshold of the ‘tipping point’—attaining the status of a norm in international society in the process—but fail to penetrate and influence policy discourses and processes. The study seeks to bridge the proverbial gap between theory and policy, specifically concerning our collective understanding of contemporary dynamics of humanitarian intervention and crisis. This book will be of much interest to students of the Responsibility to Protect, human rights, conflict studies and international relations in general.

Oren re-examines Japan's threat perception during the first two decades of the Cold War, using a wide range of source materials, including many unavailable in English, or only recently declassified. There is a widely shared misconception that during the Cold War the Japanese were largely shielded from threats due to the American military protection, the regional balance of power, Japan's geographical insularity, and domestic aversion to militarism. Oren dispels this, showing how security threats pervaded Japanese strategic thinking in this period. By dispelling this misconception, Oren enables us to more accurately gauge the degree to which Japan's threat perception has evolved during and after the end of the Cold War and to enhance our understanding of Tokyo's strategic calculus in the current situation of rivalry between China and the United States. This book will be of great value to both scholars of Japanese history and contemporary international relations.

Examines the creation and implementation of South Africa's National Peace Accord and this key transitional phase in the country's history, and its implications for peace mediation and conflict resolution. It is now 30 years since the National Peace Accord (NPA) was signed in South Africa, bringing to an end the violent struggle of the Apartheid era and signalling the transition to democracy. Signed by the ANC Alliance, the Government, the Inkatha Freedom Party and a wide range of other political and labour organizations on 14 September 1991, the parties agreed in the NPA on the common goal of a united, non-racial democratic South Africa, and provided practical means for moving towards this end: codes of conduct for political organizations and for the police, the creation of national, regional and local peace structures for conflict resolution, the investigation and prevention of violence, peace monitoring, socio-economic reconstruction and peacebuilding. This book, written by one of those involved in the process that evolved, provides for the first time an assessment and in-depth account of this key phase of South Africa's history. The National Peace Campaign set up under the NPA mobilized the 'silent majority' and gave peace an unprecedented grassroots identity and legitimacy. The author describes the formulation of the NPA by political representatives, with Church and business facilitators, which ended the political impasse, constituted South Africa's first experience of multi-party negotiations, and made it possible for the constitutional talks (Codesa) to start. She examines the work of the Goldstone Commission, which prefigured the TRC, as well as the role of international observers from the UN, EU, Commonwealth and OAU. Exploring the work of the peace structures set up to implement the Accord - the National Peace Committee and Secretariat, the 11 Regional Peace Committees and 263 Local Peace Committees, and over 18,000 peace monitors - Carmichael provides a uniquely detailed assessment of the NPA, the on-the-ground peacebuilding work and the essential involvement of the people at its heart. Filling a significant gap in modern history, this book will be essential reading for scholars, students and others interested in South Africa's post-Apartheid history, as well as government agencies and NGOs involved in peacemaking globally.

The island of Cyprus has been bitterly divided for more than four decades. One of the most divisive elements of the Cyprus conflict is the writing of its history, a history called on by both communities to justify and explain their own notions of justice. While for Greek Cypriots the history of Cyprus begins with ancient Greece and Hellenistic culture, for the Turkish Cypriot community the history of the island begins with the Ottoman invasion of 1571. The singular narratives both sides often employ to tell the story of the island are, as this volume argues, a means of continuing the battle which has torn the island apart, and an obstacle to resolution.

The Cyprus Conflict and History re-orientates history-writing on Cyprus from a tool of division to a form of dialogue, and explores a way forward for the future of conflict resolution in the region.

In recent years, the role of religion in the study and conduct of international affairs has become increasingly important. Rethinking Religion and World Affairs seeks to question and remedy the problematic neglect of religion in extant scholarship. Drawing on the work of leading scholars as well as policy makers and analysts, this volume will form the first comprehensive and authoritative guide to the interconnections of religion and global politics. These essays grapple with puzzles, issues and questions concerning religion and world affairs in six major areas. Contributors critically revisit the "secularization thesis, " which proclaimed the steady erosion of religion's public presence as an effect of modernization; explore the relationship between religion, democracy, and the juridico-political discourse of human rights; assess the role of religion in fomenting, ameliorating, and redressing violent conflict; and consider the value of religious beliefs, actors, and institutions to the delivery of humanitarian aid and the fostering of socio-economic development. Later chapters address the representation of religion in the expanding global media landscape, the unique place of religion in American foreign policy, and the dilemmas it presents. Rethinking Religion and World Affairs will become an invaluable resource for professional and emerging scholars, journalists, policy makers, diplomats, and others concerned in their personal or professional capacities with religion and international affairs.

This book contributes to existing debates on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) by demonstrating new advocacy strategies and the greater interconnectedness of various R2P proponents. In 2021, the UN General Assembly adopted a new resolution on R2P, which reaffirmed its commitment from the 2005 World Summit Outcome and put R2P on the annual agenda. For many R2P proponents, this was another manifestation of worldwide R2P relevance and of growing support among UN members to protect people from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. Yet the existing crises in Myanmar, Venezuela, Belarus, Syria and many others revealed the widening gap between the discourse and practice. This book aims to find out what keeps the concept alive despite its indisputable pitfalls. In contrast to existing studies that treat the R2P endorsement or contestation as intertwined processes of norm evolution, it argues that the status of R2P has been accomplished by the conscious politics of its advocates operating in complex global networks. As such, the book puts emphasis on the agency of R2P champions and examines who keeps the idea resonating and how they manage to preserve its worldwide relevance. Rather than proposing a new model of advocacy, the book aims to pinpoint the politics of R2P's circulation, the importance of individual R2P champions and their interconnectedness through innovative forms of cooperation within complex networks. This book will be of much interest to students of the R2P, diplomacy, human rights, foreign policy and International Relations.

First published in 1985, The Falklands War was the first comprehensive work of its kind. The book brings together a wealth of work by scholars and practitioners in the fields of diplomacy, military affairs, and international politics and law. It provides a comprehensive and objective overview of the Falklands War and the underlying crisis that continued following it. This volume is a detailed study suitable for anyone wishing to expand their knowledge of the Falklands War.

This book examines military operations other than war (MOOTW) of the Indonesian military in the post-Suharto period and argues that the twin development of democratic consolidation, marked by 'stable' civil-military relations from 2004 to 2014 under Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's presidency, and internationalization of the military have not yet entirely de-politicized the armed forces. This book shows how peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and counter-terror missions have been reinvented by the Indonesian military (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) to adhere to its politico-institutional interests rather than to divert military attention from politics. In contrast with conventional arguments about the rationale of MOOTW in promoting military professionalism, this book provides the first critical analysis of the development of these missions and correlates them with TNI's concerted effort to preserve territorial command structure - a military network that parallels the civilian bureaucracy down to the village level. The book argues that the military in Indonesia remains domestically political amidst high intensity of international activism. A detailed investigation of civil-military relations in Indonesia, this book will be of interest to scholars in the fields of Southeast Asian studies and Asian politics, and more generally to those interested in civil-military relations, military politics, and MOOTW.

Over the past decade, the international political system has come to be characterized as a Great Power Competition in which multiple would-be hegemons compete for power and influence. Instead of a global climate of unchallenged United States dominance, revisionist powers, notably China and Russia alongside other regional powers, are vying for dominance through political, military, and economic means. A critical battleground in the Great Power Competition is the Middle East, the Horn of Africa, and the Central Asia South Asia (CASA), also known as the Central Region. With the planned withdrawal of U.S. military forces from Afghanistan, the U.S. has stated its intention of shifting attention away from the CASA Region in favor of a more isolationist foreign policy approach. This book provides an in-depth understanding of the implications for this shift related to regional diplomacy & politics, economic opportunities & rivalries, security considerations & interests, and the information environment. Amplifying the vital importance of success in the Central Region to U.S. prosperity and security, this volume advances dialogue in identifying key issues for stakeholders within and beyond the Central Region to gain a holistic perspective that better informs decision-making at various levels. This collection of work comes from scholars, strategic thinkers, and subject matter experts who participated in the Great Power Competition Conference hosted by the University of South Florida, in partnership with the National Defense University Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Strategies in January 2020.

'War is a man's game,' or so goes the saying. Whether this is true or not, patriarchal capitalism is certainly one of the driving forces behind war in the modern era. So can we end war with feminism? This book argues that this is possible, and is in fact already happening. Each chapter provides a solution to war using innovative examples of how feminist and queer theory and practice inform pacifist treaties, movements and methods, from the international to the domestic spheres. The contributors propose a range of solutions that include arms abolition, centring Indigenous knowledge, economic restructuring, and transforming how we 'count' civilian deaths. Ending war requires challenging complex structures, but the solutions found in this edition have risen to this challenge. By thinking beyond the violence of the capitalist patriarchy, this book makes the powerful case that the possibility of life without war is real.

This text is the product of dialogue between a group of leading British Muslim and Christian scholars concerned about the alleged danger to the West of Islamic fundamentalism. It analyzes the ethical and legal principles, rooted in both traditions, underlying any use of armed force in the modern world. After chapters on the history, theology and laws of war as seen from both sides, the book applies its conclusions to firstly, the 1990-91 Gulf War and secondly, the Bosnian conflict. It concludes that Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" thesis is a myth.

This book examines the theory and practice of nuclear deterrence between India and Pakistan, two highly antagonistic South Asian neighbors who recently moved into their third decade of overt nuclear weaponization. It assesses the stability of Indo-Pakistani nuclear deterrence and argues that, while deterrence dampens the likelihood of escalation to conventional-and possibly nuclear-war, the chronically embittered relations between New Delhi and Islamabad mean that deterrence failure resulting in major warfare cannot be ruled out. Through an empirical examination of the effects of nuclear weapons during five crises between India and Pakistan since 1998, as well as a discussion of the theoretical logic of Indo-Pakistani nuclear deterrence, the book offers suggestions for enhancing deterrence stability between these two countries.

This title compares the implementation aspects of peace agreements in three conflicts considered for a long time intractable: Israel/Palestine, Northern Ireland and South Africa. The implementation of peace agreements is an important yet relatively under-studied area. Israel/Palestine, Northern Ireland and South Africa are familiar cases, allowing contributors to explore processes that have had a relatively long duration and to delve deeper than would be possible in some more recent peace processes.The collection of contributors are well positioned to make a useful contribution to a growing field. It adds a comparative dimension to existing treatments of the Middle East peace process.This volume examines the gap between agreements and actual peace. It offers different explanations for the successes and failures of the three processes - in South Africa, Northern Ireland and Israel-Palestine - and provides historical and comparative perspectives on the failure of the Middle East peace process.

This book analyses how and to what extent ex-communist states have adjusted their defence strategies since joining the EU and NATO, and how differences and similarities between their strategies can be explained. Between 1999 and 2013, four phases of enlargement took place when the European Union (EU) and NATO allowed 11 new former communist states to enter both organisations. These states share some common attributes and experiences related to strategic culture and common experiences during the Cold War era that can potentially explain similarities in behaviour and preferences among them. However, the strategic adjustments among these states are far from uniform. In an effort to explain these differences, the book introduces three intervening variables: (1) differences in relative power and position in the international system, (2) national geographical characteristics; and (3) historical experiences related to formative periods of state-building processes as well as wars and armed conflicts. Empirically, the book strives to present and analyse the defence strategies of each of the new allies by conducting a structured focused comparison of official strategic documents from the twenty-first century for each of the 11 cases. Theoretically and methodologically, it introduces an analytical framework enabling us to explain both similarities and differences in the formulation of the strategies of the 11 states, and to shed light on their external and internal efforts to promote their strategic interest by operationalising the dependent variable - defence strategy. The analytical framework combines elements of structural realism with classical realism, and constructivist research on unit-level characteristics related to relative power and perceptions of strategic exposure. This book will be of much interest to students of strategic studies, European Union policy, NATO and International Relations in general.

This book assesses the claim that peacebuilding is a moribund international practice. Its contributors trace the origins of peacebuilding, bring back to memory its moments of triumph, and reflect on the reports of its decline. The story of peacebuilding parallels the broader story of liberalism's rise and fall in world politics, including the attempt to remedy an ailing patient by administering a magic medicine - "the local turn". Its contributors further write about what may come after peacebuilding as we still know it. They describe more locally rooted attempts at building peace and how they operate in the shadows of, and in an ambiguous relationship with, governmental and international peacebuilders. The book finally suggests that reports of the pending death of peacebuilding are probably premature. Peacebuilding is a resilient international practice, apt to adjust itself to a changing environment, and too important a source of legitimacy for those that wield power.

In this timely collection, a dozen leading scholars of international affairs consider the twentieth century's recurring failure to construct a stable and peaceful international order in the wake of war. Why has peace been so hard to build? The authors reflect on the difficulties faced by governments as they sought a secure world order after the First World War, the Second World War, and the Cold War. Major wars unleashed new and unexpected forces, the authors show, and in post-war periods policymakers were faced not only with the reappearance of old power-political issues but also with quite unforeseen challenges. In 1918, a hundred-year-old order based on a balance of power among the states of Europe collapsed, leaving European and American leaders to deal with social, ideological, and ethnic crises. After World War II, hopeful plans for peace were checked by nuclear rivalry, international economic competition, and colonial issues. And unexpected challenges after the Cold War-global economic instability, ethnic conflict, environmental crises-joined with traditional security threats to cast a pall again over international peace efforts. In drawing out historical parallels and comparing how major states have adapted to sharp and sudden changes in the international system during the twentieth century, this book offers essential insights for those who hope to navigate toward peace across today's altered and uncertain strategic landscape. Contributors to this volume: Carole Fink, Gregory Flynn, William I. Hitchcock, Michael Howard, Paul Kennedy, Diane B. Kunz, Melvyn P. Leffler, Charles S. Maier, Tony Smith, Marc Trachtenberg, Randall B. Woods, Philip Zelikow

"Contesting Peace in the Postwar City is key reading for urban and peace and conflict scholars. In this impressive and meticulously researched book, Gusic reflects on the ways in which divisions are routinised in the everyday landscape of divided cities and skilfully investigates how change and continuity are governed in postwar urban spaces. The book provides rich empirical material from the cities of Mostar, Mitrovica and Belfast, drawing on nuanced fieldwork insights." -Stefanie Kappler, Durham University, UK "Ivan Gusic sets out a powerful, theoretically critical and empirically rich account of the trajectories of cities after war. The strength of the work is that it brings an understanding of the urban condition into relation with ethno-national conflict and the survival of violence. Gusic unsettles dominant narratives in peace studies by offering a grounded evaluation of three cities coming out of violence and points to the importance of place in peacebuilding processes." -Brendan Murtagh, Queen's University Belfast, UK "Detailed case studies of Belfast, Mitrovica and Mostar show how cities are often engines of what Ivan Gusic calls 'war in peace'. This on-trend study combines the latest research from critical urban studies with peace and conflict studies to produce a very accessible and internationally relevant book. It is highly recommended." -Roger Mac Ginty, Durham University, UK This book explores why the postwar city reinforces rather than transcends its continuities of war in peace. It theorises war-to-peace transitions as conflicts over how to socio-politically order society and then analyses different urban conflicts over peace(s) in postwar Belfast (Northern Ireland), Mitrovica (Kosovo) and Mostar (Bosnia-Herzegovina). Focusing on themes such as educational segregation, clientelism, fear, paramilitaries, and infrastructure, it shows how conflict lines from war are perpetuated in and by the postwar city. Yet it also discovers instances where antagonisms are bridged by utilising the postwar city's transcending potential. While written in the nexus between peace research and urban studies, this book also speaks to political geography, international relations, anthropology, and planning.

This book analyses whether the EU's drift towards European strategic autonomy presents a challenge or a window of opportunity for its small member states to advance their security interests. The volume presents small states' perceptions of European strategic autonomy, highlighting their expectations and concerns. The chapters focus on the depth and breadth of European strategic autonomy, national security considerations, assessment of the impact on transatlantic relations, the expected outputs, and its potential impact on the EU's institutional structure. It also shows how systemic circumstances and the interests of powerful states, either belonging to the EU (France, Germany, and Poland) or having a significant say in European security architecture (the US), establish opportunities and constraints for the small states to shape European strategic autonomy. In particular, the study focuses on the diverging interests of the Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania), Belgium, Denmark, Greece, Hungary, and the Netherlands. It demonstrates that, in most cases, European strategic autonomy is perceived not as an alternative to NATO but as a supplementary element that could facilitate the development of national military capabilities, indigenous defence industries and resilience to non-military threats. Ultimately, the book suggests that national approaches towards European strategic autonomy mainly stem from pragmatic national security and foreign policy considerations, while largely ignoring grand strategic ideas. This book will be of much interest to students of European politics, security studies, and international relations.

Phishing for Nazis is an evidence-based, undercover study of neo-Nazi communities on anonymous communication platforms that helps to shine a light on the dark web. It unveils how hatred and conspiracies spread and thrive online and how white supremacy is becoming prominent as extremists find shelter in the online dank underbelly of society. Phishing for Nazis explains how online manifestations of hate radicalize people into taking "real-world" action, such as shooting sprees. Methodologically, this book is unique, as it incorporates undercover cyberethnography, a method frequently used by law enforcement and intelligence agencies, unlike traditional academic studies of racism or social behavior that rely on secondary sources or surveys. With a particular interest on how race issues translate online, the book presents the true phenomenon of racism without relying on political correctness or whitewashing. It contributes to the field of cyber communication, as it details why and how people communicate and manage entire communities without knowing one another. The book also contributes to public policy, regulators, and technology companies as they deal with the practice of online anonymity and extremism.

This book attempts to provide a comprehensive understanding of the circumstances which have shaped India's approach towards its international borders and the framework it has developed to better manage its borders. The book argues that persistence of various cross-border threats and challenges and an absence of robust intra-regional trade among its neighbouring countries forced India to employ a security-centric and unilateral approach to border management with emphasis on hardening the borders to cross-border trade and travel and keeping the border areas underdeveloped to act as a buffer against external conventional threats. Besides discussing the threats and challenges that India faces along the borders, the book aims to develop an understanding of India's border management practices by analysing various programmes and initiatives such as the raising of border guarding forces; building of physical and electronic fences; the establishment of modern facilities for smoothening legitimate cross-border travel; the development of the border areas through special programmes; and increasing trade and connectivity as well as other cooperative bilateral mechanisms. Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan).

Attentive to intersecting issues of colonialism, political marginalization, and ethnic diversity, this book examines the crucial role that local actors play in working towards sustainable peace in Mindanao, Philippines. Interviewees include both those involved in the formal peace process between the Bangsamoro people and the government of the Philippines, as well as those who have worked more broadly in building a local culture of peace through activities such as education, dialogues, awareness-building, or social reconciliation. This book provides provocative insights for multidimensional peacebuilding strategies in conflict-impacted communities, regions, and nations.

This book outlines the threats from information warfare faced by the West and analyses the ways it can defend itself. Existing on a spectrum from communication to indoctrination, information can be used to undermine trust, amplify emotional resonance, and reformulate identities. The West is currently experiencing an information war, and major setbacks have included: 'fake news'; disinformation campaigns; the manipulation of users of social media; the dissonance of hybrid warfare; and even accusations of 'state capture'. Nevertheless, the West has begun to comprehend the reality of what is happening, and it is now in a position defend itself. In this volume, scholars, information practitioners, and military professionals define this new war and analyse its shape, scope, and direction. Collectively, they indicate how media policies, including social media, represent a form of information strategy, how information has become the 'centre of gravity' of operations, and why the further exploitation of data (by scale and content) by adversaries can be anticipated. For the West, being first with the truth, being skilled in cyber defence, and demonstrating virtuosity in information management are central to resilience and success. This book will be of much interest to students of strategic studies, information warfare, propaganda studies, cyber-security, and International Relations.