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Books > Humanities > History > Australasian & Pacific history > General
Pitcairn, a tiny Pacific island that was refuge to the mutineers of
HMAV Bounty and home to their descendants, later became the stage
on which one imposter played out his influential vision for British
control over the nineteenth-century Pacific Ocean. Joshua W. Hill
arrived on Pitcairn in 1832 and began his fraudulent half-decade
rule that has, until now, been swept aside as an idiosyncratic
moment in the larger saga of Fletcher Christian's mutiny against
Captain Bligh, and the mutineers' unlikely settlement of Pitcairn.
Here, Hill is shown instead as someone alert to the full scope and
power of the British Empire, to the geopolitics of international
imperial competition, to the ins and outs of naval command, the
vicissitudes of court politics, and, as such, to Pitcairn's
symbolic power for the British Empire more broadly.
Suburban Empire takes readers to the US missile base at Kwajalein
Atoll in the Marshall Islands, at the matrix of postwar US imperial
expansion, the Cold War nuclear arms race, and the tide of
anti-colonial struggles rippling across the world. Hirshberg shows
that the displacement of indigenous Marshallese within Kwajalein
Atoll mirrors the segregation and spatial politics of the mainland
US as local and global iterations of US empire took hold. Tracing
how Marshall Islanders navigated US military control over their
lands, Suburban Empire reveals that Cold War-era suburbanization
was perfectly congruent with US colonization, military testing, and
nuclear fallout. The structures of suburban segregation cloaked the
destructive history of control and militarism under a veil of
small-town innocence.
On 8 May 1945, Victory in Europe Day-shortened to "V.E.
Day"-brought with it the demise of Nazi Germany. But for the
Allies, the war was only half-won. Exhausted but exuberant American
soldiers, ready to return home, were sent to join the fighting in
the Pacific, which by the spring and summer of 1945 had turned into
a gruelling campaign of bloody attrition against an enemy
determined to fight to the last man. Germany had surrendered
unconditionally. The Japanese would clearly make the conditions of
victory extraordinarily high. In the United States, Americans
clamored for their troops to come home and for a return to a
peacetime economy. Politics intruded upon military policy while a
new and untested president struggled to strategize among a military
command that was often mired in rivalry. The task of defeating the
Japanese seemed nearly unsurmountable, even while plans to invade
the home islands were being drawn. Army Chief of Staff General
George C. Marshall warned of the toll that "the agony of enduring
battle" would likely take. General Douglas MacArthur clashed with
Marshall and Admiral Nimitz over the most effective way to defeat
the increasingly resilient Japanese combatants. In the midst of
this division, the Army began a program of partial demobilization
of troops in Europe, which depleted units at a time when they most
needed experienced soldiers. In this context of military emergency,
the fearsome projections of the human cost of invading the Japanese
homeland, and weakening social and political will, victory was
salvaged by means of a horrific new weapon. As one Army staff
officer admitted, "The capitulation of Hirohito saved our necks."
In Implacable Foes, award-winning historians Waldo Heinrichs (a
veteran of both theatres of war in World War II) and Marc
Gallicchio bring to life the final year of World War II in the
Pacific right up to the dropping of the atomic bombs over Hiroshima
and Nagasaki, evoking not only Japanese policies of desperate
defense, but the sometimes rancorous debates on the home front.
They deliver a gripping and provocative narrative that challenges
the decision-making of U.S. leaders and delineates the consequences
of prioritizing the European front. The result is a masterly work
of military history that evaluates the nearly insurmountable trials
associated with waging global war and the sacrifices necessary to
succeed.
The first 'bushrangers' or frontier outlaws were escaped or time-expired convicts, who took to the wilderness – 'the bush' – in New South Wales and on the island of Tasmania. Initially, the only Crown forces available were redcoats from the small, scattered garrisons, but by 1825 the problem of outlawry led to the formation of the first Mounted Police from these soldiers.
The gold strikes of the 1860s attracted a new group of men who preferred to get rich by the gun rather than the shovel. The roads, and later railways, that linked the mines with the cities offered many tempting targets and were preyed upon by the bushrangers.
This 1860s generation boasted many famous outlaws who passed into legend for their boldness. The last outbreak came in Victoria in 1880, when the notorious Kelly Gang staged several hold-ups and deliberately ambushed the pursuing police. Their last stand at Glenrowan has become a legendary episode in Australian history. Fully illustrated with some rare period photographs, this is the fascinating story of Australia's most infamous outlaws and the men tasked with tracking them down.
Nauru is often figured as an anomaly in the international order.
This book offers a new account of Nauru's imperial history and
examines its significance to the histories of international law.
Drawing on theories of jurisdiction and bureaucracy, it
reconstructs four shifts in Nauru's status - from German
protectorate, to League of Nations C Mandate, to UN Trust
Territory, to sovereign state - as a means of redescribing the
transition from the nineteenth century imperial order to the
twentieth century state system. The book argues that as
international status shifts, imperial form accretes: as Nauru's
status shifted, what occurred at the local level was a gradual
process of bureaucratisation. Two conclusions emerge from this
argument. The first is that imperial administration in Nauru
produced the Republic's post-independence 'failures'. The second is
that international recognition of sovereign status is best
understood as marking a beginning, not an end, of the process of
decolonisation.
Little has been written about when, how and why the British
Government changed its mind about giving independance to the
Pacific Islands. Using recently opened archives, Winding Up the
British Empire in the Pacific Islands gives the first detailed
account of this event. As Britain began to dissolve the Empire in
Asia in the aftermath of the Second World War, it announced that
there were some countries that were so small, remote, and lacking
in resources that they could never become independent states.
However, between 1970 and 1980 there was a rapid about-turn.
Accelerated decolonization suddenly became the order of the day.
Here was the death warrant of the Empire, and hastily-arranged
independence ceremonies were performed for six new states - Tonga,
Fiji, Solomon Islands, Tuvalu, Kiribati, and Vanuatu. The rise of
anti-imperialist pressures in the United Nations had a major role
in this change in policy, as did the pioneering examples marked by
the release of Western Samoa by New Zealand in 1962 and Nauru by
Australia in 1968. The tenacity of Pacific Islanders in maintaining
their cultures was in contrast to more strident Afro-Asia
nationalisms. The closing of the Colonial Office, by merger with
the Commonwealth Relations Office in 1966, followed by the joining
of the Commonwealth and Foreign Offices in 1968, became a major
turning point in Britain's relations with the Islands. In place of
long-nurtured traditions of trusteeship for indigenous populations
that had evolved in the Colonial Office, the new Foreign &
Commonwealth Office concentrated on fostering British interests,
which came to mean reducing distant commitments and focussing on
the Atlantic world and Europe.
The definitive history of American war reporting in the Pacific
theater of World War II, from the attack on Pearl Harbor to the
atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. After almost two years
slogging with infantrymen through North Africa, Italy, and France,
Ernie Pyle immediately realized he was ill prepared for covering
the Pacific War. As Pyle and other war correspondents discovered,
the climate, the logistics, and the sheer scope of the Pacific
theater had no parallel in the war America was fighting in Europe.
From Pearl Harbor to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, The War Beat, Pacific
provides the first comprehensive account of how a group of highly
courageous correspondents covered America's war against Japan, what
they witnessed, what they were allowed to publish, and how their
reports shaped the home front's perception of some of the most
pivotal battles in American military history. In a dramatic and
fast-paced narrative based on a wealth of previously untapped
primary sources, Casey takes us from MacArthur's doomed defense on
the Philippines and the navy's overly strict censorship policy at
the time of Midway, through the bloody battles on Guadalcanal, New
Guinea, Tarawa, Saipan, Leyte and Luzon, Iwo Jima and Okinawa,
detailing the cooperation, as well as conflict, between the media
and the military, as they grappled with the enduring problem of
limiting a free press during a period of extreme crisis. The War
Beat, Pacific shows how foreign correspondents ran up against
practical challenges and risked their lives to get stories in a
theater that was far more challenging than the war against Nazi
Germany, while the US government blocked news of the war against
Japan and tried to focus the home front on Hitler and his
atrocities.
The 1820s to the 1860s were a foundational period in Australian
history, arguably at least as important as Federation.
Industrialization was transforming Britain, but the southern
colonies were pre-industrial, with economies driven by pastoralism,
agriculture, mining, whaling and sealing, commerce, and the
construction trades. Convict transportation provided the labour on
which the first settlements depended before it was brought to a
staggered end, first in New South Wales in 1840 and last in Western
Australia in 1868. The numbers of free settlers rose dramatically,
surging from the 1820s and again during the 1850s gold rushes. The
convict system increasingly included assignment to private masters
and mistresses, thus offering settlers the inducement of unpaid
labourers as well as the availability of land on a scale that both
defied and excited the British imagination. By the 1830s schemes
for new kinds of colonies, based on Edward Gibbon Wakefield's
systematic colonization, gained attention and support. The pivotal
development of the 1840s-1850s, and the political events which form
the backbone of this story were the Australian colonies' gradual
attainment of representative and then responsible government.
Through political struggle and negotiation, in which Australians
looked to Canada for their model of political progress, settlers
slowly became self-governing. But these political developments were
linked to the frontier violence that shaped settlers' lives and
became accepted as part of respectable manhood. With narratives of
individual lives, Settler Society shows that women's exclusion from
political citizenship was vigorously debated, and that settlers
were well aware of their place in an empire based on racial
hierarchies and threatened by revolts. Angela Woollacott
particularly focuses on settlers' dependence in these decades on
intertwined categories of unfree labour, including
poorly-compensated Aborigines and indentured Indian and Chinese
labourers, alongside convicts.
We leave base camp and start our trek across this vast country. We
invite you to walk with us in a movement of the Australian people
for a better future. On 26 May 2017, after a historic process of
consultation, the Uluru Statement from the Heart was read out. This
clear and urgent call for reform to the community from Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander peoples asked for the establishment of a
First Nations Voice to Parliament protected in the constitution and
a process of agreement-making and truth-telling. Voice. Treaty.
Truth. What was the journey to this point? What do Australians need
to know about the Uluru Statement from the Heart? And how can these
reforms be achieved? Everything You Need to Know about the Uluru
Statement from the Heart, written by Megan Davis and George
Williams, two of Australia's best-known constitutional experts, is
essential reading on how our Constitution was drafted, what the
1967 referendum achieved, and the lead-up and response to the Uluru
Statement. Importantly, it explains how the Uluru Statement offers
change that will benefit the whole nation.
This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open
Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com.
Why have the struggles of the African Diaspora so resonated with
South Pacific people? How have Maori, Pasifika and Pakeha activists
incorporated the ideologies of the African diaspora into their
struggle against colonial rule and racism, and their pursuit of
social justice? This book challenges predominant understandings of
the historical linkages that make up the (post-)colonial world. The
author goes beyond both the domination of the Atlantic viewpoint,
and the correctives now being offered by South Pacific and Indian
Ocean studies, to look at how the Atlantic ecumene is refracted in
and has influenced the Pacific ecumene. The book is empirically
rich, using extensive interviews, participation and archival work
and focusing on the politics of Black Power and the Rastafari
faith. It is also theoretically sophisticated, offering an
innovative hermeneutical critique of post-colonial and subaltern
studies. The Black Pacific is essential reading for students and
scholars of Politics, International Relations, History and
Anthropology interested in anti-colonial struggles, anti-racism and
the quests for equality, justice, freedom and self-determination.
Cal Flyn was very proud when she discovered that her ancestor,
Angus McMillan, had been a pioneer of colonial Australia. However,
when she dug deeper, she began to question her pride. McMillan had
not only cut tracks through the bush, but played a dark role in
Australia's bloody history. In 1837 Angus McMillan left the
Scottish Highlands for the other side of the world. Cutting paths
through the Australian frontier, he became a feted pioneer, to be
forever mythologised in status and landmarks. He was also Cal
Flyn's great-great-great-uncle. Inspired by his fame, Flyn followed
in his footsteps to Australia, where she would face horrifying
family secrets. Blending memoir, history and travel,Thicker Than
Water' evokes the startlingly beautiful wilderness of the
Highlands, the desolate bush of Victoria and the reverberations on
one from the other. A tale of blood and bloodlines, it is a
powerful, personal journey into dark family history, grief and
guilt.
Winding Up the British Empire in the Pacific Islands is the first
detailed account, based on recently-opened archives, of when, how,
and why the British Government changed its mind about giving
independence to the Pacific Islands. As Britain began to dissolve
the Empire in Asia in the aftermath of the Second World War, it
announced that there were some countries that were so small,
remote, and lacking in resources that they could never become
independent states. However, between 1970 and 1980 there was a
rapid about-turn. Accelerated decolonization suddenly became the
order of the day. Here was the death warrant of the Empire, and
hastily-arranged independence ceremonies were performed for six new
states - Tonga, Fiji, Solomon Islands, Tuvalu, Kiribati, and
Vanuatu. The rise of anti-imperialist pressures in the United
Nations had a major role in this change in policy, as did the
pioneering examples marked by the release of Western Samoa by New
Zealand in 1962 and Nauru by Australia in 1968. The tenacity of
Pacific Islanders in maintaining their cultures was in contrast to
more strident Afro-Asia nationalisms. The closing of the Colonial
Office, by merger with the Commonwealth Relations Office in 1966,
followed by the joining of the Commonwealth and Foreign Offices in
1968, became a major turning point in Britain's relations with the
Islands. In place of long-nurtured traditions of trusteeship for
indigenous populations that had evolved in the Colonial Office, the
new Foreign & Commonwealth Office concentrated on fostering
British interests, which came to mean reducing distant commitments
and focussing on the Atlantic world and Europe.
This revisionist history of convict transportation from Britain and
Ireland will challenge much that you thought you knew about
religion and penal colonies. Based on original archival sources, it
examines arguments by elites in favour and against the practice of
transportation and considers why they thought it could be reformed,
and, later, why it should be abolished. In this, the first
religious history of the anti-transportation campaign, Hilary M.
Carey addresses all the colonies and denominations engaged in the
debate. Without minimising the individual horror of transportation,
she demonstrates the wide variety of reformist experiments
conducted in the Australian penal colonies, as well as the hulks,
Bermuda and Gibraltar. She showcases the idealists who fought for
more humane conditions for prisoners, as well as the 'political
parsons', who lobbied to bring transportation to an end. The
complex arguments about convict transportation, which were engaged
in by bishops, judges, priests, politicians and intellectuals,
crossed continents and divided an empire.
INSIDE THE FORBIDDING STONE WALLS OF NEW ZEALANDS MOST INFAMOUS
GAOL. Grim, Victorian, notorious, for 150 years Mount Eden Prison
held both New Zealand's political prisoners and its most notorious
criminals. Te Kooti, Rua Kenana, John A. Lee, George Wilder, Tim
Shadbolt and Sandra Coney all spent time in its dank cells. Its
interior has been the scene of mass riots, daring escapes and
hangings. Highly regarded historian Mark Derby tells the prison's
inside story with verve and compassion. .
Emotions are not universal, but are experienced and expressed in
diverse ways within different cultures and times. This overview of
the history of emotions within nineteenth-century British
imperialism focuses on the role of the compassionate emotions, or
what today we refer to as empathy, and how they created relations
across empire. Jane Lydon examines how empathy was produced,
qualified and contested, including via the fear and anger aroused
by frontier violence. She reveals the overlooked emotional
dimensions of relationships constructed between Britain, her
Australasian colonies, and Indigenous people, showing that ideas
about who to care about were frequently drawn from the intimate
domestic sphere, but were also developed through colonial
experience. This history reveals the contingent and highly
politicised nature of emotions in imperial deployment. Moving
beyond arguments that emotions such as empathy are either 'good' or
'bad', this study evaluates their concrete political uses and
effects.
The recent floods that ravaged Queensland saw three-quarters of the
state declared a disaster zone.from the capital city on the
Brisbane River to remote rural communities.and caused billions of
dollars worth of damage, forcing thousands to abandon their homes.
This latest assault by nature reminds us all that, despite its
stark beauty, the Australian landscape has a deadly edge. It is a
place of flood, fire, earthquake and ferocious storms. The
Australian Book of Disasters features enthralling stories of
catastrophe.and survival and courage in the face of enormous odds.
With chapters covering the breadth of this harsh land, it includes
detailed accounts of the events burnt into Australia's national
memory, from the Dunbar shipwreck in 1857 to the Black Saturday
bushfires of 2009, and finishing with an in-depth look at the
Queensland floods of 2010-2011. From the same series as The
Australian Book of True Crime and The Australian Book of Heroism.
Throughout the first year of the war in the Pacific during World
War II the USAAF was relatively ineffective against ships. Indeed,
warships in particular proved to be too elusive for conventional
medium-level bombing. High-level attacks wasted bombs, and torpedo
attacks required extensive training. But as 1942 closed, the Fifth
Air Force developed new weapons and new tactics that were not just
effective, they were deadly. A maintenance officer assigned to a
B-25 unit found a way to fill the bombardier's position with four
0.50-cal machine guns and strap an additional four 0.50s to the
sides of the bomber, firing forward. Additionally, skip-bombing was
developed. This called for mast-top height approaches flying the
length of the target ship. If the bombs missed the target, they
exploded in the water close enough to crush the sides. The
technique worked perfectly when paired with "strafe" B-25s. Over
the first two months of 1943, squadrons perfected these tactics.
Then, in early March, Japan tried to reinforce their garrison in
Lae, New Guinea, with a 16-ship convoy - eight transports guarded
by eight destroyers. The Fifth Air Force pounced on the convoy in
the Bismarck Sea. By March 5 all eight transports and four
destroyers had been sunk This volume examines the mechanics of
skip-bombing combined with a strafing B-25, assessing the strengths
and weaknesses of the combatants (B-25 versus destroyer), and
revealing the results of the attacks and the reasons why these
USAAF tactics were so successful.
Anzac and Empire is the remarkable story of George Foster Pearce -
a carpenter who became one Australia's most influential
politicians, and the man central to how Australia planned for, and
fought in, World War I. The nation's longest-serving defence
minister - holding the portfolio before, during and after the Great
War - Pearce saw no contradiction in being both a fierce Australian
nationalist, and also a loyal subject of the British Empire.Anzac
and Empire is the first full-length biography of this extraordinary
Australian. Written by one of Australia's leading military
historians, this book shows that to understand Australia in the
Great War, you must understand the man behind it.
Australia's constitutional crisis of 1975 was not simply about the
precise powers of the Senate or the Governor-General. It was about
competing accounts of how to legitimate informal constitutional
change. For Prime Minister Gough Whitlam, and the parliamentary
tradition that he invoked, national elections sufficiently
legitimated even the most constitutionally transformative of his
goals. For his opponents, and a more complex tradition of popular
sovereignty, more decisive evidence was required of the consent of
the people themselves. This book traces the emergence of this
fundamental constitutional debate and chronicles its subsequent
iterations in sometimes surprising institutional configurations:
the politics of judicial appointment in the Murphy Affair; the
evolution of judicial review in the Mason Court; and the
difficulties Australian republicanism faced in the Howard
Referendum. Though the patterns of institutional engagement have
varied, the persistent question of how to legitimate informal
constitutional change continues to shape Australia's constitution
after Whitlam.
This is the first major collaborative reappraisal of Australia's
experience of empire since the end of the British Empire itself.
The volume examines the meaning and importance of empire in
Australia across a broad spectrum of historical issues-ranging from
the disinheritance of the Aborigines to the foundations of a new
democratic state. The overriding theme is the distinctive
Australian perspective on empire. The country's adherence to
imperial ideals and aspirations involved not merely the building of
a 'new Britannia' but also the forging of a distinctive new culture
and society. It was Australian interests and aspirations which
ultimately shaped 'Australia's Empire'.
While modern Australians have often played down the significance of
their British imperial past, the contributors to this book argue
that the legacies of empire continue to influence the temper and
texture of Australian society today.
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