Political dissent in Poland after World War II had changed considerably by the early 1980s. In the 1950s and 1960s it was characterized by spontaneity and lack of strategy; the opposite held true in the 1980s. The people of Poland became highly politicized and openly acting dissident organizations, hostile toward the communist state, flourished. Robert Zuzowski presents a comprehensive portrait of the unique pattern of dissent, exemplified by the Workers' Defense Committee KOR, which finally triumphed in Poland. He examines the rise of the opposition in Poland, a country which has experienced more political crises than any other East European nation.

Zuzowski argues that KOR, by introducing an innovative approach to political dissent in Poland, contributed significantly to the transformation of Polish politics. The volume also explores dissent in Poland during the two decades prior to the formation of KOR. The reasons for the formation of the Workers' Defense Committee are analyzed and its activities from its inception until the summer of 1980 are chronicled. The author then examines the Committee's relations with the Roman Catholic Church and dissident organizations. Concluding chapters discuss KOR's formal dissolution and the organization's influence on Polish political culture. This volume will interest students of communism and/or sociopolitical change, as well as all those concerned with East European politics.

This fourth edition of the classic text on the Weimar Republic begins with Germany's defeat in 1918 and the revolutionary disturbances which followed the collapse of Wilhelm II's Empire. It describes the strengths and weaknesses of the new regime, and the stresses created by the economic difficulties of the 1920s. Adolf Hitler's career is traced from its early beginnings in Munich, and the nature of his movement is assessed. This edition, updated throughout and considerably expanded, takes full account of the last decade of research, including recent debates on the nature of the German revolution of 1918-19, the relationship between political upheavals and economic crises, and the question of whether there really was an alternative to the Third Reich in January 1933. The chronological table and extensive bibliography add to the book's value as both an introduction to Weimar and a stimulus to further study.

The book examines South African history and society from a variety of comparative perspectives. It brings together work by scholars based in South Africa, USA and the UK to reflect on the nature and evolution of what was considered for a long time a unique society. Drawing on studies of social, political and intellectual processes elsewhere, the authors seek to place South African developments in a broader context that sheds light on their specific features as well as global relevance.

Public opinion polls point to a continuing decline in confidence in the Presidency, court system, Congress, the news media, state government, public education, and other key institutions. Moy and Pfau analyze the reasons for this crisis of confidence, with particular attention to the role of the media. Moy and Pfau examine the impact of sociodemographic factors, political expertise, and use of communication media on people's perceptions of confidence in democratic institutions. Their conclusions are based on two years of data collection. In three waves between 1995 and 1997, they conducted a series of content analyses of media depictions of democratic institutions in conjunction with general survey data. The result is one of the most comprehensive examinations ever conducted on the influence of the media on public confidence. It will be of great value to scholars, researchers, students, and professionals in government and the media.

The 'rule of law' is more than the mere existence and application of law within the sphere of state activity. Contemporary Chinese debate on the 'rule of law' underlines the limiting of arbitrary government, the materialisation of 'human rights', legal protection of 'rights and interests' and the principle of equality in the impartial legal mediation of conflicts within society's 'structure of interests'. Based upon China interviews and a comprehensive survey of the domestic press and Chinese-language legal journal materials, this book places pre- and post-Tiananmen Square legal reform in political context. The evolving contents of specific laws across the departments of constitutional, administrative, criminal, civil and economic law are assessed in light of the politics and intellectual dynamic of China's legal circles in their struggle to create a 'rule of law'.

Problems of governance in Pakistan are rooted in a persistently unclear and antagonistic relationship among the forces of authority, ideology and ethnicity. Based on theoretical and empirical research, this book focuses on significant themes such as the oligarchic state structure dominated by the military and bureaucracy, civil society, Islam and the formation of Muslim identity in British India, constitutional traditions and their subversion by coercive policies, politics of gender, ethnicity, and Muslim nationalism versus regional nationalisms as espoused by Sindhi nationalists and the Karachi-based Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM).

Although the Falklands War of 1982 had a decisive outcome in respect to the restoration of British control, it failed to resolve the basic cause of the war: the Anglo-Argentine dispute over sovereignty. Relations between the two countries remain unstable, whilst a series of events throughout the past three decades have emphasised the sensitive and important nature of the international problem. First published in 1988, this book stresses the dispute's significance as both a domestic and an international problem, with important consequences for other governments and such international organisations as the United Nations, as well as the two key players. The book shows an equal concern for the obvious and immediate problem of sovereignty, and for the long term future of the South Atlantic and Antarctic region. Discussing issues that remain of major political relevance, this reissue will be of particular value to students of politics, international relations and diplomatic history with an interest in the key developments within and background to the Anglo-Argentine dispute.

Although there has been intense interest in racial minorities and public policy, most research has focused on the implementation of policies after legislative passage or on the consequent effects of those policies. Few studies have focused on the definitional stage of the policy process--agenda setting--or have examined the way issues of concern to minority populations are raised. This volume fills that void by examining where policy issues originate and the impact of racial, ethnic, and other minority groups on the agenda setting process and the formulation of public policy. The work will be of interest to scholars in public policy, ethnic studies, government, and politics.

Why should the United States cling to military alliances established during the Cold War when the circumstances are now fundamentally different? In The End of Alliances Rajan Menon makes the bold claim that our alliances in Europe and Asia have become irrelevant to the challenges the United States faces today and are slowly dissolving as a result.
The dissolution of our alliances will not, Menon emphasizes, culminate in isolationism. The United States will, and must, be actively involved beyond its borders, but by relying on contingent alignments and on coalitions whose membership will vary depending on the issue at hand. America, he reminds us, engaged the world in a variety of ways for more than 150 years before entering into formal military alliances after World War II. While a strategy that ceases to rely on alliances will mark a dramatic shift in American foreign policy, states routinely reassess and reorient their strategies. The United States, which studiously avoided alliances for much of its history only to embrace them during the Cold War, is no exception.
The End of Alliances predicts that the coming change in American strategy will force our traditional allies to rethink their choices and create new patterns in world politics. The controversial argument advanced by Menon will provoke debate among foreign policy specialists and the general public.

This unique book presents the first systematic overview of policy analysis activities in Belgium. Contributors from both sides of the Dutch-French language border (from research institutes in Flanders, Brussels and Wallonia) use original empirical data, through surveys and interviews with key players both within and outside government, to provide a comprehensive study of policy analysis in a multi-level polity. By the very nature of the Belgian experience, the volume is comparative, drawing conclusions on divergence and convergence of policy analysis, making it an important resource for both national and international scholars.

Providing overviews and case studies of states and sectors, classes and companies in the new international division of labour, this series treats polity-economy dialectics at global, regional and national levels. This volume in the series looks at the complexities of structural adjustment in Africa. Structural adjustment programs in Africa are as widespread as they are controversial. This book examines the complex economic and political nature of these programs and seeks to make them intelligible to the non-expert. It analyzes, in a concise accessible manner, the impact of specific policy measures designed to achieve structural adjustment, such as devaluation, price liberalization, fiscal restraint and privatization. It critically evaluates the past experience of countries implementing these policies and assesses the likelihood of such policies providing sustainable long-term economic solutions to the African crisis. Particular attention is paid to whether orthodox approaches to adjustment, as imposed by the IMF and World Bank as conditionality for their loans, can generate the broad political consensus required for long-term growth and stability in Africa.

This volume chronicles the 60-year history of presidential and opposition access to network television. The system has brought unprecedented exposure to twentieth century presidents but has discriminated consistently against the opposition in Congress. Networks instead have placed themselves in the role of loyal opposition, operating as the President's counterpoint. In decline, hurt by defecting audiences and advertisers, the network system is now struggling to survive into the next century. The author envisions a new order which will have a profound effect on both political communication and the balance of political power. Television Access and Politcal Power explores the 60 year history, structure, and efficiency of a network communication system which has dominated American political communication during the twentieth century. Contrary to other countries in which clear-cut rules govern the government-broadcaster relationship, American networks are free to exercise their own judgement, regardless of the consequences. The author urges reform on a system that has not worked well for either political party.

This book is based on extensive research and regular visits to East Timor since 1995. It considers the trials that the people of East Timor have undergone in their long struggle for independence, and issues that have arisen out of independence. This account places East Timor within the context of other post-colonial states, noting the problems that most of them have faced in coming to grips with their new-found freedoms, and how they have managed, or mismanaged, such freedoms. It also traces the themes and issues within the independence movement, noting how these have contributed to post-independence outcomes, in particular the political tensions that almost saw East Timor collapse as a viable state in 2006. The books concludes with an assessment of the 2007 elections which, despite some post-election violence, saw the consolidation of democratic processes in East Timor, and which marked it as having a brighter future in this one critical respect.

Against the broad historical background of economic globalisation and dwindling nation-state resources, this book examines the impact of the end of the Cold War and of the geo-political transformation of Europe on a wide range of issues, from changing perceptions of France's future world role to the internal ramifications of a new ideological and strategic environment. Multi disciplinary in focus, it draws on the expertise of historians, political scientists, sociologists and economists working in the field of French studies.

Traditional forms of top-down government are being challenged by the growing complexity and fragmentation of social and political life and the need to mobilize and activate the knowledge, ideas, and resources of private stakeholders. In response to this important challenge there has been a persistent proliferation of interactive forms of public governance that bring together a plethora of public and private actors in collaborative policy arenas. This book explores how these new forms of interactive governance are working in practice and analyses their role and impact on public policy making in different policy areas and in different countries. The need for facilitating, managing and giving direction to interactive policy arenas is also addressed through empirical analyses of different forms of metagovernance that aim to govern interactive forms of governance without reverting to traditional forms of hierarchical command and control. Finally, the normative implications of interactive policy making are assessed through studies of the democratic problems and merits associated with interactive policy making.

Policy Analysis in Australia offers a distinctly Australian interpretation of policy scholarship with eighteen chapters strongly reflecting the outstanding contributions of Australian scholars to the field of public policy. It provides a coherent overview of the strengths and opportunities for policy analysis in Australia. It recognises that government agencies are no longer regarded as the sole source of sound policy analysis, and takes a broad view of policy analysis capacity, both within institutions at all levels of government, and beyond government in the media, political parties, business, and non-government associations. It provides a valuable contribution to Australian scholarship about policy analysis in academic, professional, teaching and learning contexts, and is a key addition to research and teaching in comparative policy analysis and policy studies more generally.

The economic and political transition in Central and Eastern Europe has now entered its second decade. Although the post-communist countries shared many similarities at the outset of the transition, their economic and political experiences have been strongly divergent. Some countries succeeded in stabilizing their economies and are now set on course toward rapid growth, convergence, and accession to the European Union. Others, however, experienced severe and protracted recessions and their prospects for sustained recovery are still doubtful. On the political front, the past decade was marked similarly by important achievements but also grave setbacks. While democracy became firmly embedded in a number of post-communist countries, other transition countries reverted to authoritarian rule and/or experienced breakdowns of law and order, inter-ethnic conflicts, or even outright civil wars.
Political Economy of Transition and Development collects the proceedings of an international conference that brought the leading thinkers in this field to the Center for European Integration Studies of the University of Bonn in May, 2002. The contributions analyze the various interactions between institutions, policy choices, economic developments, and political outcomes in transition and developing countries. The first five chapters give a relatively broad assessment of the various reform paths and outcomes in the transition and developing countries. The remaining eight chapters proceed to analyze important aspects of transition such as voting behavior, political-regime choice, corruption, social capital, growth and inequality, and EU enlargement. The resulting volume thus combines a bird's eyeperspective with a relatively narrow focus on selected key issues pertaining to the ongoing transition process in Central and Eastern Europe.

This edited volume seeks to provide guidance on how we can approach questions of governing and agency-particularly those who endeavour to embark on grounded empirical research- by rendering explicit some key challenges, tensions, dilemmas, and confluences that such endeavours elicit. Indeed, the contributions in this volume reflect the growing tendency in governmentality studies to shift focus to empirically grounded studies. The volume thus explicitly aims to move from theory to practice, and to step back from the more top-down governmentality studies approach to one that examines how one can/does study how relations of power affect lives, experience and agency. This book offers insight into the intricate relations between the workings of governing and (the possibility for) people's agency on the one hand, and about the possible effects of our attempts to engage in such studies on the other. In numerous ways, and from different starting points, the contributions to this volume provide thoughtful insights into, and creative suggestions for, how to work with the methodological challenges of studying the agency of being governed. This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of international relations, global governance and research methods.

Political managers-public office holders, legislative staff, campaign managers, policy advocates, and partisan communicators-are united by a common language, a set of shared skills, a strategic mindset, and, we can hope, an appreciation of their professional responsibilities to the institutions of democracy. While political managers are divided by vision and purpose, the best among them are simultaneously visionaries and manipulators, and they balance themselves precariously between these values as they develop and implement strategy. Campaigns often more closely resemble war and sports than the world of commercial business, and in the political arena, achieving victory requires calculated strategy. In Strategy in Politics, F. Christopher Arterton seeks to clarify the meaning of strategy through four perspectives: the dynamics of strategic planning, the conduct of warfare, the theories of persuasive political communications, and the logic of interpersonal competition. Drawing on classic texts of statesmanship and warfare by Sun Tzu, Machiavelli, and Clausewitz, and complementing those with contemporary understandings of strategic planning, communications, game theory, and military tactics, Arterton delineates a defensible method of pursuing victory in politics. Recognizing that unbridled pursuit of power can be corrupting, Arterton advocates certain guardrails that political managers should live by in their strategic maneuvers and their employment of power. In turn, Arterton shows those engaged with the institutions of democratic politics how to be adroit in their strategic thinking, so that they may enter this battlefield better prepared for the conflict of ideas. Strategy in Politics will help readers to understand the dilemmas inherent in democratic politics, between power and purpose, between strategy and leadership, and between empowerment and manipulation.

Bakken addresses important issues of constitutional history in the context of a seminal period in the history of the American West. He describes the challenges which faced the participants in eight Western constitutional conventions. His analysis answers questions of how consensus was reached and how that consensus reflected the compromise between the particular needs of the states and fundamental principles. Bakken outlines the issues of public policy which the constitution makers faced: issues ranging from resource allocation and taxation to the role of corporations in the community. He also explains how the delegates attempted to express the values of their constituencies while striving to define the concept of the public good.

This collection is concerned with revisiting and redefining the political economy - both empirical and theoretical - of 'foreign policy' in the South as we approach the twenty-first century: the position of post-colonial states and societies in the post-Bretton Woods and Cold War world. With a focus on Africa, Asia, the Caribbean and Latin America, this collection comparatively examines the impact of changing political and economic structures upon policy-makers and civil societies in the South.