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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > General
In this chilling account of an America in political and cultural decline, media critics Elliot D. Cohen and Bruce W. Fraser show how mainstream media corporations like CNN, Fox, and NBC (General Electric) together with giant telecoms like Comcast, Verizon, and AT&T have become administration pawns in a well-organized effort to hijack America. Cohen and Fraser show in blunt terms how incredible power, control, and wealth have been amassed in the hands of an elite few while the rest of us have been systematically manipulated, deceived, and divested of our freedom. Calling attention to the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), a carefully devised plan for international dominion launched by high officials in the Bush administration, this book tells the story of an America quietly being stripped of its democratic way of life on its way to becoming a full-blown authoritarian state. The authors detail how mainstream media have failed us in covering issues crucial to the survival of American democracy - the Bush administration's domestic spying program; the facts about the September 11 attacks; presidential election fraud; the events leading up to the Iraq war; and the selling out of Internet freedom, to name just some. They reveal how corporate media have systematically attempted to dumb down and distract us from reality with sex and violence; how government has used corporate media to "shock and awe" Americans into surrendering their constitutional rights in the name of the "War on Terrorism"; and how media personalities have been complicit in the mass deception. The final chapter points out important ways in which Americans can counter the erosion of democracy by relying less on mainstream media and more on independent news sources, through grassroots activism, peaceful assembly, and exercising their free speech, and by using critical thinking to expose the dangers we face.
In a powerful new book, Boggs traces the historical evolution of American politics by focusing on the gradual triumph of corporate and military power over democratic institutions and practices. The consequences of expanding United States global presence since World War II--involving an integrated and interwoven system of power based in the permanent war economy, national security-state, and corporate interests--has meant erosion of democratic politics, strengthening of the imperial presidency, increased corporate and military influence over elections and legislation, weakening of popular governance, and diminution of citizenship. The events of 9/11 and their aftermath, including the War on Terror, two lengthy wars and foreign occupations, new threats of war, and massive increases in Pentagon spending, have only deepened the trend toward ever-more concentrated forms of power in a society that ostensibly embraces democratic values. Such developments, Boggs argues, have deep origins in American history going back to the founding documents, ideological precepts of the Constitution, early oligarchic rule, slavery, the Indian wars, and westward colonial expansion.
This volume presents a wide selection of studies on the issues of law, land dispute and conflict (mediation) in Africa, reconsidering the role of state agents and other actors in these matters. The focus is on analyzing how citizens, state institutions and concerned (inter)national actors aim to find solutions to disputes, tension and conflict that are part of social life. The authors have approached the subject of Land, Law and Politics in Africa from a variety of disciplinary angles. The issues at stake comprise land access and land use, state politics and democratization efforts, the relationship between constitutional/state law and customary law, the challenges of urban and rural conflicts, border issues and the conceptions of (human) rights. On the basis of new empirical studies, the authors plead for a more holistic perspective on the above issues and on developmental policy in general. The book has 15 chapters in four thematic parts, focusing on historical and cultural aspects of politics and authority; land law and land disputes; constitutionalism and politics; and conflict studies. The volume is also a tribute to the work of Gerti Hesseling (1946-2009), a Dutch Africanist with a successful career as a scholar of constitutional and land law, focusing on West Africa.
The very future of the nation was at stake. This handsome, affordable paperback edition contains James Madison's entire narrative of the stirring historic debates that led to the creation of one of the free world's most respected documents: the Constitution of the United States. Known today as the "Father of the Constitution," Madison clearly and precisely chronicles the often-heated discussions, and his is the primary record of the events that established the United States government, its division of power, and ultimately the character of American democracy. Through Madison's words we understand the essence of the personalities involved and the conflict and compromise that was inherent in the drafting of the document. The Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 includes Madison's notes and remarks as well as other requisite information for interpreting the events of that historic year. The work is divided into three parts: "Antecedents of the Federal Convention of 1787," which presents the complete text of the Declaration of Independence and the Articles of Confederation; "The Federal Convention of 1787," a day-by-day description of the debates surrounding the formation of the Constitution; and "The Constitution, Its Ratification, and Amendments," which presents the complete text of the Constitution, documents attesting to its ratification, and the Bill of Rights. With a preface by University of Richmond historian Robert Alley, this landmark work is absolutely indispensable for historians, scholars, and all those who treasure America's heritage.
'Real Common Sense' seeks to revaluate what is public and what is private, explore the importance of environmental costs and demystify the false debates which distract from the really important issues and challenges that the US faces.
A powerful re-reading of modern South African history following apartheid that examines the violent transformation during the transition era and how this was enacted in the African townships of the Witwatersrand. In 1993 South Africa state president F.W. de Klerk and African National Congress (ANC) leader Nelson Mandela were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize "for their work for the peaceful termination of the apartheid regime". Yet, while bothdeserved the plaudits they received for entering the negotiations that led to the end of apartheid, the four years of negotiations preceding the April 1994 elections, known as the transition era, were not "peaceful": they were the bloodiest of the entire apartheid era, with an estimated 14,000 deaths attributed to politically related violence. This book studies, for the first time, the conflicts between the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party that took place in South Africa's industrial heartland surrounding Johannesburg. Exploring these events through the perceptions and memories of combatants and non-combatants from war-torn areas, along with security force members, politicians and violence monitors, offers new possibilities for understanding South Africa's turbulent transition. Challenging the prevailing narrative which attributes the bulk of the violence to a joint state security force and IFP assault against ANC supporters, the author argues for a more expansive approach that incorporates the aggression of ANC militants, the intersection between criminal and political violence, and especially clashes between groups alignedwith the ANC. Gary Kynoch is Associate Professor of History at Dalhousie University. He has written one previous book, We are Fighting the World: A History of the Marashea Gangs in South Africa, 1947-1999 (OhioUniversity Press, 2005). Southern Africa (South Africa, Namibia, Lesotho, Zimbabwe and Swaziland): Wits University Press
Laird accomplishes two major goals: he provides an analytical, blow-by-blow description of the collapse of the Soviet Union under Mikhail GorbacheV's leadership, and he explores the legacy left by the experiment in communism by the Soviet Union. Laird concludes that the burden of that legacy is so great that for many years--probably generations--authoritarian systems, perhaps disguised as democracies, will prevail in the newly independent republics, and the economies of the republics will continue to deteriorate before they get better.
Through a detailed historical and empirical account of post-independence years, this book offers a new assessment of the role of the judiciary in Pakistani politics. Instead of seeing the judiciary as helpless or struggling against an authoritarian state, it argues that the judiciary has been a crucial link in the creation of state and political inequality in Pakistan. This rubs against the central role given to the judiciary in developing countries to fix the 'corrupt politicians and stubborn bureaucracies' in the World Bank's 'Good Governance' paradigm and rule of law initiatives. It also challenges the contemporary legal and judicial discourse that extols the virtues of Public Interest Litigation. While the book's core analysis is a critique of the contemporary liberal legal project, it also adds to the critical tradition of social theory by linking political economy to a social theory of law. The theoretical aspect of the study is applicable to any developing society whose judiciary is going through foreign-sponsored 'rule of law' judicial reforms.
American politics is increasingly driven by apocalyptic rhetoric. The religious right foretells an end of time battle between good and evil, but their voices are only the most obvious of several strains of apocalyptic thought. Immigration reformers, financial elites, and environmentalists all present doomsday scenarios. This book examines their rhetoric, narratives, and policy agendas as well as mainstream media treatment. Highlighting possible adverse consequences of such politics for our freedom and quality of life, the book suggests alternative policy agendas, religious and philosophical discourses, cultural framing and modes of daily living in an effort to defuse what it takes to be a divisive politics that paradoxically increases the very risks it highlights.
Hazlehurst explores the political importance of ethnicity for a minority indigenous population, the Maori of New Zealand. Drawing on close ethnographical observation and extensive interviews with key participants, Kayleen Hazlehurst provides a comprehensive narrative and analysis of the creation of the Mana Motuhake party and its formative electoral experiences. Hazlehurst places the emergence of the party in the early 1980s in the context of historical patterns of resistance and cooperation with the European majority. Modern political networks, leadership styles, mobilization strategies, ideologies, political rhetoric and symbology are examined. The study provides an overview of the contested nature of Maori ethnicity and of conflicting modern and traditional loyalties.
Through a unique collection of essays drawn from rich case studies, Authoritarianism in the Middle East provides important insights into the ongoing instabilities of the Middle East, and the authoritarianism and democratisation processes that have led to dramatic socio-political transformations.
This volume analyzes the changing power relations in the Russian regions and in their relationship with the centre. Some papers analyze Russian federalism and the significant changes to it that Putin has introduced, both at the broad systemic level and in the case of individual regions. Others look at the distribution of power at the regional level, in particular the role of business in regional politics. The result is a rich survey of the state of federal relations in Russia.
Katharine Adeney demonstrates that institutional design, rather than the role of religion, is the most important explanatory variable in understanding the different types and intensities of conflict in India and Pakistan. Deploying an innovative methodological approach, Adeney focuses on the rationale behind the creation and different designs of federal and consociational structures in the two countries. Deftly interweaving historical narrative with an analysis of the salient cleavages in both countries, Adeney examines the politics of institutional design and ethnic conflict regulation, as well as the extent to which previous constitutional choices explain current conflicts.
Populism comes in many guises. Both Berlusconi's personalization of politics and the Northern League's antiimmigrant regionalist movement are viewed as examples of the phenomenon of populism. A type of leftwing populism embodied by Hugo Chavez swept across Latin America. Insurgent and antisystem movements and parties in places as different as the Netherlands, India, Norway, Thailand, Russia and the United States have experienced what have been labeled populists movements. Such varied manifestations beg the question: what is populism? The objective of this edited volume is to provide an answer by examining "the many faces of populism." The unifying element across the different explorations of the phenomenon of populism is that there is a shared genus that allows for a typology of the different faces of populism and a demarcation of what is not a form of populism.
Politics Through a Looking-Glass is a ground-breaking exploration of the connection between storytelling and politics. Author Eloise Buker examines how stories--both imaginative narratives and historical narratives--offer new ways of understanding social and political life. Basing her analysis on extensive field studies she conducted in two diverse political cultures--a rural working-class community in Hawaii and a suburban upper-middle class community in Ohio--Buker begins by developing a model for interpreting narratives which builds upon structural analysis and philosophical hermeneutics. She then applies her model to the interpretation of narratives from political leaders in the two different communities, arguing that stories are windows through which we gain insight into a community's experiences, values, struggles, and conflicts.
This book investigates the consecutive shifts between three types of intermediary institutions in the European context: Corporatist, Neo-corporatist and Governance institutions. It does so by combining insights from European Political Economy; European Integration and governance studies; and, socio-legal studies in the European context.
Hoy establishes a basis for a naturalistic political theory that can be sustained as a continuity from Aristotle through the Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment contributions of David Hume, John Dewey, Evolutionary Biology, and Deep Ecology. This entails several contentions. First he argues that the contemporary relevance of Aristotelian naturalism can be defended within the context of a pragmatic realism without recourse to a no-longer-tenable metaphysical biology. Second, he calls for an emphasis on a historicized nature--the human capacities for language, sociality, and habituation that are the product of biological-cultural interaction in human evolution. Third, Hoy contends that, while humans are perceived as the apex of other forms of life, a compassionate relation of humans to non-human nature is a logical extension of human community and moral obligation. His final contention is that an integrative framework for a naturalistic political theory can be formulated within the theoretical categories contributed by John Dewey. Scholars and students of political theory, philosophy, evolutionary biology, and deep ecology in particular will find this study of interest.
His message was simple, repeated almost like a mantra: cut taxes, cut spending, reduce bureaucracy, deregulate. His followers saw him as a conservative revolutionary; his detractors saw him as Mr. Magoo. Now that Reagan's achievements and failures have become more obvious, it is time for a new nonpartisan appraisal of his leadership and its impact on the nation. That is precisely what John Sloan delivers. Sloan focuses especially on the questions raised in the highly polemical debates between conservatives and liberals concerning Reagan's economic policies. He gives equal time to both sides, showing how liberals were wrong in their predictions of gloom, while conservatives continue to grant Reagan more credit and status than he deserves. "The Reagan Effect" reveals how the failures of the Carter administration set the stage for Reagan's success, describes how he united diverse conservative factions, and shows how Reagan's personality affected his decision-making style. In examining the economic record, it explains how Reagan persuaded Congress to pass budget and tax cuts while funding a costly defense buildup, and it analyzes the construction of a policy regime that prolonged the growth phase of the business cycle by lowering the threat of inflation. It also provides fresh insights into the Reagan administration's responsibility for the savings and loan disaster and tells how it dealt with trade imbalances. The political success of Reagan's presidency, observes Sloan, can largely be attributed to the combined efforts of conservatives, pragmatists, and public relations experts. Reagan was a populist anti-intellectual, a former actor who knew how to deliver his message in a way that pleased his audiences, and who never allowed "the facts" to undermine his convictions. Sloan stresses that Reagan's rhetoric functioned to keep consevatives loyal while masking pragmatic compromises. While Sloan suggests that the net effects of Reagan's presidency were positive, he is not uncritical. He contends that Reagan's ridicule of attempts to promote social justice ultimately diminish his image as a great moral leader. He also observes that effective government-such as relying on the Federal Reserve to control inflation-was an essential component in Reagan's leadership, thus contradicting the anti-government stance of many conservatives. Sloan concludes that Reagan's impact, as opposed to his rhetoric, was not to displace liberalism but to weld conservatism to it, and that neither the era of big government nor the need for effective national public policies is over.
Mayne provides an integrated analysis of contemporary and future politics and government. He first examines major problems and issues occurring worldwide, surveys different regimes, and assesses the wide variety of active and emerging political movements. Mayne then explores political paradigms and ideologies through a main political spectrum to various alternatives. He outlines some possible elements for a new political paradigm that would be holistic in several different ways. Finally, he outlines scenarios for three possible futures and presents conclusions that indicate what can be done to achieve a political transiton to maximize the prospects for a good human future in the 21st century.
Who were the Progressive reformers arguing with? The answer might surprise you. Drawing together a veritable powerhouse of scholars from across the political spectrum, "In Defense of the Founders Republic" examines the historical roots of these critics as well as their potential contribution to current debates about government and role of politics and institutions in our constitutional republic. Profiles and debates across a variety of progressive-era dissenters including politicians, community activists, political scientists, and socialists create a more complete picture of the national conversation, and the development of this monumental American political era. With clear contemporary relevance, ""In Defense of the Founders Republic""is required reading for anyone interested in the complete progressive debate.
In an EU increasingly worried about the security of its citizens and its territory, how should the European Parliament make policy decisions in these areas? This study investigates how the empowerment of the European Parliament has led it to abandon its defence of civil liberties in order to become a full partner in inter-institutional negotiations |
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