This book improves understandings of how and why clientelism endures in Latin America and why state policy is often ineffective. Political scientists and sociologists, the contributors employ ethnography, targeted interviews, case studies, within-case and regional comparison, thick descriptions, and process tracing.

Designed for undergraduate students, this reader combines essays on actual causes and issues that mobilize activists with theory and concepts of social mobilization. "The Global Activism Reader" is a unique collection of essays that introduce the various causes, actors, and organization of transnational mobilization to provide a broad, accessible survey of cases and theory. Beginning with concepts and definitions, the reader offers some historical perspective before focusing on contemporary transnational activism. This core section includes major causes or issue areas and specific campaigns. Readings on any given issue always include a critical or dissident voice. Weaving theory with case studies, the work discusses the environment, human rights, women's rights, arms control and disarmament, global justice and democracy, and religion. In addition, each essay features an introduction and conclusion by the editor as well as suggestions for further readings. The Reader addresses undergraduate students in political science and international relations in such courses as transnational activism, globalization, and global policy. It will allow students not only to learn about various contemporary movements, but also to develop a theoretical perspective to understand them.

This book is a unique collection of high quality articles analysing legal issues with particular regard to small states. The small states of the world differ considerably in their geography, history, political structures, legal systems and wealth. Nevertheless, because of their size, small states face a set of common challenges including vulnerability to external economic impacts such as changing trade regimes and limited ability to diversify economic activity; limited public and private sector capacity, including the legal and judicial infrastructure; a need for regional co-operation; a vulnerability to environmental changes as well as a limited ability to engage with supranational bodies and the forces of globalisation. This is the first volume of an exciting and unique new series, The World of Small States. In this work, legal experts from small jurisdictions and those with a particular interest in legal issues facing small states explore inter alia ethics in small jurisdictions, legal education and the profession in small states, the challenges facing small states with mixed legal systems, the constitutional arrangements in small states, small states as tax havens, and intellectual property and competition law issues.

This text uses the tools of narratology to analyze Reagan's presidential leadership from the perspective of storytelling, it explains how stories were used to revitalize the belief of the people in America. It examines how Reagan spun a web of stories combining beliefs to create America as an object of belief.

To the ongoing assessment of our current procedures for nominating presidential candidates, John Geer brings historical perspective, a careful evaluation of the accumulating evidence, and much good sense. The result is a book that challenges widely held beliefs and that will instruct all those with an interest in presidential nominations, whether as reporters, candidates, students, or citizens. "Stanley Kelley, Jr., Princeton University"

In a clearly written and wide-ranging study Geer] presents a wealth of data and conclusions. Using often original criteria, Geer concludes that voters in primaries are not very unrepresentative of appropriate control groups and that they base their votes on the personal characteristics of the candidates. Moreover, he demonstrates the conditions under which participation rates and information levels will be high. In the last part of the book, Geer discusses the role of the media and how the rules tend to undermine the ability of voters to cast meaningful votes. The author concludes with a call for regional primaries, for a greater role for party leaders, and for some ballot reforms. . . . Geer has produced a useful reference work that can stimulate undergraduate discussions. "Choice"

Are voters in presidential primaries truly qualified to choose the nominees? Although in recent years many concerned citizens, scholars, and writers have posed this question and much attention has been focussed on the subject, until Nominating Presidents there has not been an in-depth treatment of the qualifications of voters in presidential primaries. This groundbreaking study presents and systematically examines a formidable array of data on voters in primaries, including evidence from the 1988 presidential nomination. Geer examines survey research, aggregate data and more. To aid in the interpretation of these data, Geer develops a set of standards for assessing the qualifications of voters in presidential primaries. His findings suggest that although voters are more qualified than previous studies have shown, there are still problems using voters to nominate candidates. He therefore proposes a new system of selection that should overcome these problems. The real significance of this study, however, is not the proposed system of presidential nominations, but the detailed assessment of voters in presidential primaries.

The text is enhanced by more than twenty tables that present graphic information on subjects ranging from the influence of presidential primaries from 1912 to 1988; the ideological composition of voters in presidential primaries; causes and percent of turnout in presidential primaries; and various aspects of news media coverage, among others. Three helpful appendices define turnout variables, describe survey questions, and review the coding of open ended comments. "Nominating Presidents" will be of particular interest to those in the fields of political science and American political history as well as to students and teachers of courses in electoral behavior, campaigns and elections, and American political parties.

Sheckels provides the first book-length study of Congressional debating. The limited work on the topic in the communication discipline has argued that such debating is tedious and inconsequential. Sheckels, however, offers a new paradigm, derived from the work of Mikhail Bakhtin, that counteracts this assumption. This paradigm also counters the often unvoiced assumption that debates are inherently biopolar with the initial premise that they are instead polyphonic. The polyphony, however, goes beyond the recognition of the multiple speakers who participate and the drama they enact, to the awareness of the voices these speakers introduce within their discourse. These voices range from the words of authorities to the narratives of average Americans, from classical prosopopoeia to what Bakhtin terms stylization. Speakers also sometimes enact what Bakhtin terms double-voiced discourse; furthermore, there are moments of what Bakhtin terms carnivalesque energy. Bakhtin's work finally alerts the critic to the illusion of finalizability in Congressional debates.

After outlining this paradigm, Sheckels uses it to examine six Congressional debates, ranging in date from a 1960 Senate filibuster on a civil rights matter to the 1999 House debate on articles of impeachment and includes analyses of such flash points as the Confederate flag, sexual harassment in the military, and partial-birth abortion. These case studies reveal both the utility and the flexibility of the Bakhtinian perspective. Thoughtful analyses that will be of great interest to scholars and researchers involved with rhetoric and political communication.

In the waning moments of the 1973 session, Washington's state legislators voted salary increases for all elected officials. Charles H. Sheldon and Frank P. Weaver (who was one of the special judges) provide a unique insider's account of this important episode.

This volume applies a systems science perspective to complex policy making dynamics, using the case of Indonesia to illustrate the concepts. Indonesia is an archipelago with a high heterogeneity. Her people consist of 1,340 tribes who are scattered over 17,508 islands. Every region has different natural strengths and conditions. In the national development process all regions depend on one another other while optimizing their own conditions. In addition to this diversity, Indonesia also employs a democratic system of government with high regional autonomy. A democratic government puts a high value on individual freedom, but on the other hand, conflicts of interest also occur frequently. High regional autonomy also often causes problems in coordination among agencies and regional governments. This uniqueness creates a kind of complexity that is rarely found in other countries.These daily complexities requires intensive interaction, negotiation processes, and coordination. Such necessities should be considered in public policy making and in managing the implementation of national development programs. In this context, common theories and best practices generated on the basis of more simplified assumptions often fail. Systems science offer a way of thinking that can take into account and potentially overcome these complexities. However, efforts to apply systems science massively and continuously in real policy making by involving many stakeholders are still rarely carried out. The first part of the book discusses the gap between the existing public policy-making approach and needs in the real world. After that, the characteristics of the appropriate policy-making process in a complex environment and how this process can be carried are described. In later sections, important systems science concepts that can be applied in managing these complexities are discussed. Finally, the efforts to apply these concepts in real cases in Indonesia are described.

What makes some Eastern European countries politically victorious and economically prosperous while others have failed in both regards? Zuzowski deals with fundamental changes in the area after the demise of communism. He argues that the past is important because it is usually a reliable indicator of things to come in the near future. He also states that if systemic transformation is to succeed, a new totalism or comprehensive change introduced swiftly and based on justice and a rule of law is necessary. After a general discussion of Eastern Europe, Russia, Poland, and the Czech Republic are examined in detail. In addition, the West's approach to Eastern Europe after the collapse of communism is analyzed. This significant assessment will be of value to scholars, researchers, students, and policy makers involved with economic, political, and social change, post-communism, and Eastern Europe.

A groundbreaking work that identifies the real culprit behind one of the great economic crimes of our time-- the growing inequality of incomes between the vast majority of Americans and the richest of the rich.
We all know that the very rich have gotten a lot richer these past few decades while most Americans haven't. In fact, the exorbitantly paid have continued to thrive during the current economic crisis, even as the rest of Americans have continued to fall behind. Why do the "haveit- alls" have so much more? And how have they managed to restructure the economy to reap the lion's share of the gains and shift the costs of their new economic playground downward, tearing new holes in the safety net and saddling all of us with increased debt and risk? Lots of so-called experts claim to have solved this great mystery, but no one has really gotten to the bottom of it--until now.
In their lively and provocative "Winner-Take-All Politics, "renowned political scientists Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson demonstrate convincingly that the usual suspects--foreign trade and financial globalization, technological changes in the workplace, increased education at the top--are largely innocent of the charges against them. Instead, they indict an unlikely suspect and take us on an entertaining tour of the mountain of evidence against the culprit. The guilty party is American politics. Runaway inequality and the present economic crisis reflect what government has done to aid the rich and what it has not done to safeguard the interests of the middle class. The winner-take-all economy is primarily a result of winner-take-all politics.
In an innovative historical departure, Hacker and Pierson trace the rise of the winner-take-all economy back to the late 1970s when, under a Democratic president and a Democratic Congress, a major transformation of American politics occurred. With big business and conservative ideologues organizing themselves to undo the regulations and progressive tax policies that had helped ensure a fair distribution of economic rewards, deregulation got under way, taxes were cut for the wealthiest, and business decisively defeated labor in Washington. And this transformation continued under Reagan and the Bushes as well as under Clinton, with both parties catering to the interests of those at the very top. Hacker and Pierson's gripping narration of the epic battles waged during President Obama's first two years in office reveals an unpleasant but catalyzing truth: winner-take-all politics, while under challenge, is still very much with us.
"Winner-Take-All Politics"--part revelatory history, part political analysis, part intellectual journey-- shows how a political system that traditionally has been responsive to the interests of the middle class has been hijacked by the superrich. In doing so, it not only changes how we think about American politics, but also points the way to rebuilding a democracy that serves the interests of the many rather than just those of the wealthy few.

An expert on East European politics and economics analyzes and evaluates Western policies toward the new East European democracies as they struggle to build stable political orders and functioning market economies. He argues that the West must give higher priority to assisting the region and reorient its strategies so as to emphasize the political and administrative dimensions of economic reconstruction. He reviews the economic legacy of past Western policies and of Eastern Europe's previous dependency on the Soviet Union, and then examines in detail the changing East-West trade patterns, the prospect for Western investment and technology transfer, the questions of finance, debt, and foreign aid, and the dilemmas of market reform. Students, scholars, policy analysts, historians, and business people will find this fascinating reading. It is an excellent text for courses in U.S. foreign policy, comparative politics, international political economy, East European and Slavic studies, comparative economics, and international trade and finance.

This study examines one organization from the radical left of the 1920s and 1930s: the American Fund for Public Service. Little known today, but infamous in its time, the American Fund represented a united front of anticapitalists--anarchists, socialists, communists, and left-liberals--which attempted to revitalize the left in order to end capitalism and, therefore, war. Financed by Charles Garland, an eccentric, 21-year-old Harvard dropout, the Fund performed the difficult task of allocating relatively meager resources among the most promising radical ventures, typically militant labor organizations. The philanthropy's directors represented a who's who of the labor left of the period: Roger Baldwin, Norman Thomas, Scott Nearing, James Weldon Johnson, and more. The fund anticipated philanthropies later in the century which meant to challenge the status quo beyond reformism. This study will be of interest to scholars of labor relations, radical politics, American history, and philanthropy.

Interest in the relationship between Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and new Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in the context of electoral and change politics in Africa has intensified recently among donors, scholars, and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). This book takes a critical look at claims, developments and initiatives linking CSOs, new media, and democracy. Based on research carried out among urban political non-governmental actors in Nairobi and Lusaka, and observations of trends in the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, the author argues that ICTs enhance the efficiency and operations of CSOs and make it easier for them to overcome ideological and other state obstacles but that states still remain powerful controllers of key instruments of dominance thus making real impact of new media minimal.

Harvey C. Mansfield analyzes the development of executive power, including its concept, purpose, and philosophical influence. Striving to bring clarity to the purpose and need for modern executive power, Taming the Prince discusses the philosophical influences of executive power and considers the role of the executive in business and politics. "A sparkling, incisive historical and philosophical study of executive power. The right place to begin." - Aaron Wildavsky, Professor of Political Science and Public Policy, University of California, Berkeley

This book examines human-interest stories, unpacking from them violence inherent to neoliberalism, and considers if it is possible to find in these stories hints of people and labour that suggest other narratives.

The relationship between American Indians and the U.S. political system is both vitally important and unique. Yet American Indians--as individuals and as tribal nations--typically receive scant attention in introductory courses on American government and politics. This is the only reader on Native America and U.S. politics designed to be incorporated into introductory government courses. It will help students to obtain a clearer understanding of such contemporary issues as Indian fishing rights and gaming casinos and to see topics central to the course--the Constitution, the structure of federalism, citizenship, and civil liberties--from the perspective of groups that have often sought a protected place outside the U.S. polity rather than inclusion within. Enabling students to compare the American Indian experience with the ideas presented in other course materials, the readings in this book are keyed to the topics most commonly found in the course syllabi. Selected for their insight and accessibility as well as diversity of viewpoints and topics, the essays provide a unique insight into the character of the American political system from the perspective of American Indians, teaching the reader much about both the tribes and the character of politics and government in the U.S. generally.

Elazar examines the social and political processes that determined the character of Fascist organization in Italy and its seizure of state power first in the provinces and then in the nation. She argues that the Fascists' "modus operandi" shaped the political struggles they engaged in and reflexively determined their own political significance. Employing both primary and secondary historical sources, Elazar reveals the crucial internal political struggles and inner contradictions through which Fascism was invented.

The political strategy of paramilitary organization and assault on labor and the Socialists carried out by the Fascist Action Squads in collusion with men of property was crucial in determining their seizure of power. But this also determined the ideological and organizational contours of Fascism itself. The Fascist Squads' alliances with men of property made them a formidable faction within the Fascist organization that could and did challenge Mussolini's authority. The making of Fascism is thus marked by the irony of the relationship between Mussolini and his political power base--the Squads. The very element of paramilitary organization that was decisive in the Fascists' seizure of power in the provinces had to be submerged by Mussolini if he was to preserve his power. Historical and comparative sociologists, political sociologists, and students of Italian Fascism and Italian history will find this new explanation of the making of Fascism both provacative and fascinating.

Islamic states the process of definition and the source of legitimacy of public policy is complex and potentially more controversial than in secular states. This complexity arises from applying the interpretations of the divine law, the Shari'a, to contemporary social issues. The Shari'a is the code of social conduct and the means of regulating social discourse as well a social change. fundamental issues arise. First, what is the legitimate source and process of interpretation of the precepts of Islamic law, the Shari'a? And second, how are the specific dictums of the Shari'a affected by the fundamental changes in the social and technological circumstances of life? to this politico-theological issues. The problem has evolved into the more fundamental questions of what is Islam? and whose Islam? frequently asked by Muslim revivalists groups themselves, who claim that theirs is the true Islam. practical applications of a major issue in public policy, and with the controversies that may exist on the interpretation of Islamic precepts on the topic. In this respect, this volume is planned to be a cohesive and integrated collection, seeking to reflect the difference in methodological approaches of various authors.

Outbursts of regional conflict within national boundaries have characterized recent years. Sub-national states--including parts of the Soviet Union, India, Canada, and Yugoslavia--dissatisfied with their central governments, seek forms of independence to pursue autonomous development paths. These region/state conflicts have occurred in nations at all levels of development (Canada and Indonesia, France and Papua New Guinea), under diverse economic systems (the USSR and Canada, Yugoslavia and Spain), and across political systems (federations such as India and unitary states such as Italy). Bookman's study develops methods whereby both state and region can evaluate the region's potential to sustain economic growth autonomously--filling the gap in current perceptions of inter-regional relations. Bookman introduces the concept of discontinuous development to facilitate the analysis of sub-national regions that have varying levels of development. The volume's emphasis on high-income regions within both agricultural and industrial nations and on the economic basis of conflict makes it a unique contribution that assesses the viability of regions as autonomous entities. The major part of the volume studies empirical evidence from India and Yugoslavia, especially timely in light of present ethnic and religious conflicts in both countries.

The volume is divided into three sections: Foundations; Discontinuous Development and Inter-regional Conflict; and Empirical Evidence from India and Yugoslavia. The first section presents a theoretical framework for issues internal to regions, as well as regions relative to the nation. It also outlines four ways of studying inter-regional conflict which are explored in the empirical chapters. Part 2 analyzes eight high-income regions characterized by discontinuous development and relates their experiences to the four hypotheses presented earlier. The last section contains empirical chapters testing the model in the context of India and Yugoslavia. The final chapter contains a full discussion of the hypotheses pertaining to secession, and offers some suggestions concerning the possibilities of secession as the outcome of inter-regional conflict. The explosive consequences of recent trends make it imperative that scholars in development economics, political economy, political science, and macroeconomics as well as policy makers comprehend the inter-regional economic and political relationships behind these conflicts.

Mikhail Gorbachev was a major force at the center of political change in the latter half of the 20th century. His emphasis on the spoken word and the visual image was so pronounced that the character of the reform program he introduced became both a reflection and an extension of his own political persona. To promote his political program, Gorbachev depended upon the media to assist him in delivering his message and restructuring the Soviet experience; it was almost as if he believed that he could talk a revolution into existence. He hoped to promote both real and symbolic change, but found instead that such efforts led to his own downfall.

GorbacheV's case is an example of the power of personality in transforming a political culture. The author organizes his material into three topic areas: "perestroika," "glasnost," and New Thinking in foreign policy; and, in each of these areas he highlights GorbacheV's relations with the media, his public image, and the political influence of the media. GorbacheV's New Thinking influenced Soviet foreign policy and set in motion a change in the international environment, as he preached disarmament and international understanding as opposed to military confrontation and nuclear conflict. The net result, however, was the loss of the Soviet Empire in Eastern Europe and the end of the Soviet Union's superpower status.

The transformation of political systems is explored in this edited collection by assessing the relationships among political conflict, political development, and public policy. The continuous collapse and regeneration of political systems accompanied by violence and destruction are experiences shared by a majority of the world's population. Most often this larger phenomenon is conceived of in terms of political conflict, repression, and political development. This volume is devoted to exploration of this behavior as a means of understanding system transformation.

This book considers the historical role of the communist movement in its global context. It covers both the ruling and non-ruling communist parties, from Europe to Asia and Latin America. It provides an overview of political developments during the period since 1945, and examines the ideology and culture of the movement.

The book opens with an assessment of the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. This was a time characterized by the spread of Soviet influence in Europe, communist-inspired colonial revolt, the Cold War and the use by Stalin of terror as an instrument of rule. The author then considers such issues as the process of destalinization after 1953, the hopes raised by Soviet technological breakthroughs, the pressures from the West in a bipolar world, and the schism in the communist world following the dispute between Soviet and Chinese leaderships.

The second part of the book examines the successes and failures of the various communist regimes and their impact on the non-ruling communist parties. It also considers the spread of communist influence in the developing world. The book charts the breakdown in the Soviet bloc from the 1980s and, finally, it assesses the extent to which the collapse of communism by the 1990s was inevitable.