The new security challenges that have arisen as a result of the rise in prominence of global terrorism have presented the European Union with a unique opportunity to rebrand itself as dominant force on the international stage. Traditionally viewed as a weak actor, it efforts to promote intelligence-sharing and by instituting wide-ranging cooperation between national police forces have ensured that the EU is well-placed to combat the challenges posed by global terrorism and have given it renewed vigour as an international actor. Through contributions from experts on the EU and global security, this book discusses the measures taken by the European Union to counter terrorism at a both national and global level as well as drawing wider conclusions on the nature and success of the confederation as an international security actor focusing specifically on JHA policy. This volume provides an original and much needed contribution to the literature on EU security governance at the global level.

Executive Politics in Times of Crisis brings together leading international scholars to consider key trends and challenges that have defined executive politics over the past decade. It showcases key debates in executive politics and contributes to an understanding of the 'executive factor' in political life.

The book examines the rapprochement between Greece and Eastern Europe during the Cold War. ''Ostpolitik'', which translates to ''Opening to the East'' is used to describe the policy of conducting affairs with the Soviet Bloc. Using primary sources from Greece, Eastern European States, Cyprus, NATO, the United States, Germany and United Kingdom, this book provides historical and foreign policy analysis of a tumultuous period in the Eastern Mediterranean. The book first illustrates Greece's position in the Cold War confrontation before moving to more detailed analysis of the Eastern Bloc's policies towards Greece and Cyprus with an emphasis in the harmonious relationship between the Greek military dictatorship and the Communist countries (1967-1974). It analyses the U-turn in Greek foreign and defence policy and the replacement of the Communist ''devil'' by a new one, an equally capitalist country and NATO-ally, Turkey. The book also covers Greece's efforts to elicit the Communist countries' support against a member of its own Western alliance, as well as the NATO response to this existential threat against its coherence. A comprehensive study of the East-West competition in South-Eastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean during the Cold War, this volume is ideal for researchers and students interested in the international relations of twentieth century Europe and the historical background of the still hot Greek-Turkish Conflict.

The book aims to offer an accessible, comprehensive and up-to-date one volume comparative overview of the systems of government and politics in the four main countries of central Europe. It will be of use to courses in modern history, politics and government and international relations that wish to integrate study of these future EU members into their courses. It will also be useful to politicians, businessmen and experts who need a handy introduction to the politics of the region. All of the key institutions are analyzed to trace the evolution of these countries from part of the Soviet bloc to independent democratic states. The role of civil society in the period of transition and the countries' future prospects at the heart of Europe are analyzed.

This book argues that ethical judgment by individual scientific policy advisors is more important than is often acknowledged. While many scientific policy advisors routinely present themselves as neutral or value free scientists, here is demonstrated that the ideal of scientific integrity as neutrality is misguided and that an alternative understanding is demanded. The book provides an overview of the type of social and political value decisions that have to be made in all phases of research and advice. It moves on to examine proposed procedures or guidelines for scientists and critically assesses plans for the democratization of decision making in science and scientific advice. The book offers a reflection on the practice of scientific advice that will appeal to practitioners and scholars of Public Administration, Public Management and Policy Analysis.

Why do policy actors create branded policy ideas like the big society and does launching them on Twitter extend or curtail their life? This book reveals how policy analysis can adapt in an increasingly mediatised world, offering interpretive insights into the life and death of policy ideas in an era of hashtag politics.

This book studies the question of e-Government development from a multi-faceted perceptive. The first introductory chapter outlines the importance of public sector digitalisation. The second chapter clarifies the used e-Government terminology and divides the concept between electronic public service delivery and electronic practice of democracy. Influential factors having an impact on the introduction of e-Government projects are divided between those of organisational, institutional, individual and technological nature and discussed in detail in the third chapter. The fourth chapter presents empirical findings from the Swiss case study that constitutes both an exceptional and exemplary model of e-Government development. High quality of public services and the participative style of democracy would seem to predestine the country to be the precursor in the field of e-Government. However, the state of e-Government development does not correspond to the potential that Swiss contextual conditions offer. The importance of the Swiss case study for the understanding of e-Government as an institutional and organisational transformation is outlined in the fifth chapter.

South Georgia - "Dog Days" - August, 1967, David Wiggins, then a mere eight year old boy, had a brief, but lasting encounter with an Eastern Diamond Back Rattlesnake. This "chance" meeting would make a "forever"change and jeopardize both the lives of David and the snake.; each having effects that would last for all time.

The American South has long been a subject of endless scholarly fascination. Historians and social scientists have endeavored to decipher the ""enigma"" of the region and to identify the formative factors that have molded the southern experience.They have searched for a ""central theme"" that would explain southern behavior and have debated the extent to which the region was ""distinctive"" from the rest of the nation. More recently, historical scholarship has shown a growing interest in the evolution of southern culture and the forces that shaped it. The southern enigma is yet to be fully deciphered, but The Evolution of Southern Culture addresses questions crucial to an understanding of the region's history. The book brings together original, searching essays by nine of the nation's most distinguished scholars: Immanuel Wallerstein, Eugene D. Genovese, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Eric Foner, Nell Irvin Painter, George M. Frederickson, Joel Williamson, Bertram Wyatt-Brown

Throughout Europe, judicial systems are under an increasing societal and political strain to increase the speed of proceedings, to improve their organisational functioning, and to pay attention to the media and the public. As a consequence European governments have recognized the necessity to invest in their judicial systems, since they perform a growing role in the democratic life and an essential task in upholding the rule of law This difficult challenge of change can not be left only to the juridical professionals that traditionally have the domain on judicial systems. The contribution of public administration scholars will be important to develop a body of knowledge that can endorse this challenge and combine insights from different perspectives. This collection wants to stimulate further developments of public administration studies in the field of justice. These contributions describe various attempts that have been made in the different countries to cope with the increasing political and societal demands to the justice system. They reveal many existing tensions between traditional legal professional values, in particular judicial independence, and pressures to increase productivity and effectiveness of the work of the courts and public prosecutors' offices. Accountability and legitimacy of the courts are at stake here as well. Attention is also being paid to the consequences of the introduction of Information and Communication Technologies in judicial organisations.

Laws are essential to the lives of all British citizens and crucial to the survival of British Governments. This book follows the work of House of Commons bill committees as they scrutinise legislation and reveals the hidden depths of law making in the British Parliament.

Since the discovery of oil, the countries of the Persian Gulf have been caught in a vicious circle. With increasing oil revenues, rulers have made self-enrichment their motivation while foreign powers have exploited the region and provided support for oppressive regimes. Early exploitation of the region's oil was colonial in practice; today, oppressive rulers and foreigners work hand-in-hand to the detriment of the citizenry. Rulers have no incentives to foster good institutions, especially the rule of law, as independent and efficient institutions would undermine their control over oil revenues.This book takes a chronological look at the impact of oil in the region and examines how vast oil revenues have encouraged oppressive governance and corrupted development policies, impeding human, political, and economic progress. Hossein Askari argues that there is an urgent need for visionary political and economic reform in order to prevent a regional catastrophe. Rulers must start by publicly acknowledging that oil belongs to the people of all generations and that it must be managed accordingly - efficiently, equitably, and transparently.

This book describes the institutions and process through which the Georgia General Assembly adopts a budget, the executive-legislative branch politics that transpire during the process and the tax and spending policies that the process produces. It argues that the state's budget is developed by fiscal conservatives within a culture of fiscal conservatism that is conducive to low taxes and low spending. It identifies the patterns and trends of taxing and spending over several decades and during the administrations of nine governors. Its chapter on the line-item veto illustrates the nature of executive-legislative budget relationships in the state. It concludes with an examination of the important milestones in the evolution of Georgia budgeting and a comparison of Georgia with other states on several dimensions. The book offers insights and assessments that will be of interest to budgeting scholars, students of state government, and citizens who want to know more about how government taxing and spending decisions are made.

Twenty years on from South Africa’s first democratic election, the post-apartheid political order is more fractured, and more fractious, than ever before. Police violence seems the order of the day – whether in response to a protest in Ficksburg or a public meeting outside a mine in Marikana. For many, this has signalled the end of the South African dream. Politics, they declare, is the preserve of the corrupt, the self-interested, the incompetent and the violent. They are wrong. In South Africa’s insurgent citizens, Julian Brown argues that a new kind of politics can be seen on the streets and in the courtrooms of the country. This politics is made by a new kind of citizen – one that is neither respectful nor passive, but instead insurgent. The collapse of the dream of a consensus politics is not a cause for despair. South Africa’s political order is fractured, and in its cracks new forms of activity, new leaders and new movements are emerging.

The MADISON PAPERS James Madison appreciated the significance of the Federal Convention and took great care to compile an accurate report of its proceedings, which were held behind closed doors. His journal, which covers the period from May 14 to September 17, 1787, is often referred to as "The Madison Papers" or "Madison's Notes." It remains the most complete record of the proceedings. This volume is based on the edition of 1840. Edited from Madison's original manuscripts, which were purchased by the Federal government from Mrs. Madison, it was published under the direction of President Jackson. The volume also includes the text of another manuscript that traces the history of American constitutionalism from 1754 to 1787 and E.H. Scott's complete "general and analytical" index. Founding father, statesman and political theorist, JAMES MADISON 1751-1836] was the primary author of the United States Constitution. While a member of the First Congress, he drafted the Bill of Rights and helped to organize the new Federal government. Along with Alexander Hamilton and John Jay, he was one of the authors of the Federalist Papers. He established the Democratic-Republican Party with Thomas Jefferson. Elected in 1809, Madison served two terms as president. He was, without question, one of the most inflfl uential national leaders in the early years of the United States.

This book discusses parliamentary oversight and its role in curbing corruption in developing countries. Over the past decade, a growing body of research at the global and regional levels has demonstrated that parliamentary oversight is an important determinant of corruption and that effective oversight of public expenditure is an essential component of national anti-corruption strategies and programs. However, little research has been undertaken at the country level regarding how parliamentary oversight is undertaken, which oversight mechanisms are effective or on how national parliaments interact with other anti-corruption stakeholders. This book presents the results of a new large-scale, quantitative analysis which identifies the mechanisms through which institutional arrangements impact corruption, specifically through country case studies on the Caribbean region, Ghana, Myanmar, Nigeria, Tanzania, and Uganda. Addressing a gap in scholarly knowledge while presenting practical policy advice for parliaments and for anti-corruption assistance agencies, this book will be of use to scholars interested in development, anti-corruption, public finance, as well as members of parliament, anti-corruption practitioners, and organizations working in parliamentary strengthening.

This book introduces the background of China's issue of nationality from the very beginning. Throughout the country's history, all the nationalities that lived and prospered on Chinese land created a pattern of cultural diversity within national unity through their interaction and integration. The formation of this pattern is due not only to the geographical fact that China covers a broad expanse on the Asian continent but also to the historical fact that it is home to disparate and ancient human heritages, and to culturally diverse historical sources.The book's five chapters explain the evolution of the CPC's policy towards nationalities. At the time of the PRC's founding, the Common Program (in essence an interim Constitution) passed by the Chinese People's Political Consultative Congress (which was composed of people from all sectors of society and all of China's nationalities) not only declared that people of all China's nationalities had equal rights, but also stipulated that: regional national autonomy would be practiced in all areas where minority nationalities were concentrated; that all nationalities had the right to develop their native languages and culture and to maintain or reform their customs and religious beliefs; and also mandated that people's governments support the development of minority nationalities in the areas of politics, the economy, culture and education.In the final section, the book demonstrates that the subject of how the CPC addresses nationality-related issues is a dynamic one that encompasses the past, present and future, and is simultaneously an answer, a process and a question.

After a conceptual reflection on the different professional regulation patterns in Europe, this book explores the main features of the currently ongoing European professional deregulation policies. It focuses on the current changes in Portugal where there seems to be an important increase of self-regulating professional associations despite the European deregulation trend and highlights the fact that experts cannot stay away any longer from the prevailing changes in society nor should they remain confined to their specific disciplines.

The inability of many democratic governments in Africa to govern effectively has been an important factor in the many problems that the continent and its constituent countries have faced over the past decades. The question for scholars has been in learning what has caused the endemic failure of public institutions throughout Africa and understanding how to create good government in the future of the continent. Strongly supported by empirical evidence, this book challenges the existing literature on the subject by breaking with the traditional notion among academics that the key to good government in Africa is through the creation of unique administrative structures, or at the very least developing significantly adapted foreign structures with an emphasis on the specific structure of African societies. Instead the author contrasts this notion with theories from other research fields suggesting that public officials are likely to be interested in following professional norms and that organizations generally strive to imitate each other, regardless of geographical location. This book presents rich original empirical research from the field of state audit in Sub-Saharan Africa where the above different theoretical approaches are empirically explored. The research results contradict many assumptions made in the literature on development and points to the importance of adding other dimensions, such as professional norms, to nuance the discussion of the future of the African continent.

This book analyzes the new political economy of land reform in South Africa. It takes a holistic approach to understand South Africa's land reform, assesses the current policy gaps, and suggests ways of filling them. Due to its cross-disciplinary approach, the book will appeal to a broad audience, and will benefit readers from the fields of policy reform, administration, law, political science, political economics, agricultural economics, global politics, resource studies and development studies.

For students of the early American republic, James Madison has long been something of a riddle, the member of the founding generation whose actions and thought most stubbornly resist easy summary. The staunchest of Federalists in the 1780s, Madison would turn on his former allies shortly thereafter, renouncing their expansive nationalism as a threat to the Constitution and to popular government.

In a study that combines penetrating textual analysis with deep historical awareness, Gary Rosen stakes out important new ground by showing the philosophical consistency in Madison's long and controversial public life. The key, he argues, is Madison's profound originality as a student of the social compact, the venerable liberal idea into which he introduced several novel, and seemingly illiberal, principles.

Foremost among these was the need for founding to be the work of an elite few. For Madison, prior accounts of the social compact, in their eagerness to establish the proper ends of government, provided a hopelessly naive account of its origin. As he saw it, the Federal Convention of 1787 was an opportunity for those of outstanding prudence (understood in its fullest Aristotelian sense) to do for the people what they could not do for themselves. This troublesome reliance on the few was balanced, Rosen contends, by Madison's commitment to republicanism as an end in itself, a conclusion that he likewise drew from the social compact, accommodating the proud political claims that his philosophical predecessors had failed to recognize.

Rosen goes on to show how Madison's idiosyncratic understanding of the social compact illuminates his differences not only with Hamilton but with Jefferson as well. Both men, Madison feared, were too ready to resort to original principles in coming to terms with the Constitution, putting at risk the fragile achievement of the founding in their determination to invoke, respectively, the claims of the few and the many.

"As American Compact" persuasively concludes, Madison's ideas on the origin and aims of the Constitution are not just of historical interest. They carry crucial lessons for our own day, and speak directly to current disputes over diversity, constitutional interpretation, the fate of federalism, and the possibilities and limits of American citizenship.

The Book of Lord Shang was probably compiled sometime between 359 and 338 BCE. Along with the Han Fei-Tzu, it is one of the two principal sources of Legalism, a school of Chinese political thought. Legalism asserts that human behavior must be controlled through written law, rather than ritual, custom or ethics, because people are innately selfish and ignorant. The law is not effective when it is based on goodness or virtue; it is effective when it compels obedience. This is essential to preserve the stability of the State. Reprint of Volume XVII in Probsthain's Oriental Series. With a Chinese index and an index of names and references."The Book of Lord Shang or Shang-tzu is said to consist of 29 paragraphs, of which the text for nos. 16, 21, 27, 28 and 29 being no longer extant. The translation of Prof. Duyvendak therefore covers only twenty-four paragraphs and is based on an edition published by Yang Wan-li in 1793, which was reprinted by the Ch -chiang-shu-ch in 1876 in the "Collection of Twenty-two Philosophers." Of all the editions published before or after that date, this is the best known. (...) The Chinese text of the Book, like many other ancient writings, is obscure in some parts and corrupt in others. (...) The reviewer is therefore forcibly struck by the faithfulness, definiteness and clearness of Dr. Duyvendak's translation." --13 Chinese Soc. & Pol. Sci. Rev. 459-460, 462 1929.J.J.L. Duyvendak 1889-1954] was an interpreter for the Dutch embassy in Peking from 1912-1918. In 1919 he became a lecturer in Chinese at the University of Leiden. He was the author of China's Discovery of Africa; Lectures Given at the University of London on January 22 and 23, 1947 (1949) and edited and translated several works, including The Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan; Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles by Shan Jing (1924). He established the Sinological Institute at the University of Leiden in 1930. It is now one of the leading libraries for Chinese Studies in the Western world.

From the outset, Silvio Berlusconi's career was expected to be short, and he has been considered finished several times, only to have reemerged victorious. This fascinating political and historical study shows that Berlusconi's success and resilience have lain in his ability to provide answers to longstanding questions in Italian history.

El Genocastricidio es una obra que denuncia ante todo al mundo lo crimenes, horrores y las perennes violaciones de los derechos humanos a los que el pueblo cubano esta sometido permanentemente desde hace mas de cinco decadas por la dinastica dictadura castrista castrense de la Habana. Cada capitulo narra detalladamente, periodos y etapas diferentes de las mas de cinco decadas de ocupacion castrista castrense del territorio nacional. Comenzando por el primer capitulo. En este se muestran las etapas de la Cuba sin los Castro. En pequeno pais de alrededor de cinco millones de habitantes en ese entonces que pese a la inestabilidad politica que existia por encontrarse gobernada por la dictadura de Fulgencio Batista, menospreciando los problemas del tambaleante gobierno dictatorial, este trataba de salir adelante, desarrollarse y crecer economicamente y lo estaba consiguiendo pese a la incertidumbre en que se vivia. El 1ro de Enero del 2010, la dictadura castrista-castrense fascista de la Habana cumplio cincuenta y un anos en el poder, por las causas que fueren, durante ese periodo de tiempo el mayor logro que ha tenido su gobierno genocastricida de la Habana es haber