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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > General
David Waddington, Baron Waddington, was a Conservative MP from 1968 to 1990, before becoming a life peer. For over twenty years he was a government Chief Whip, then served in the Cabinet as Home Secretary from 1989 to 1990 and Leader of the House of Lords from 1990 to 1992. A junior minister under Margaret Thatcher, he was Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Department of Employment, Minister of State at the Home Office and Chief Whip from 1987 until his elevation to Cabinet level, becoming Home Secretary in 1989. In 1990 he was created a life peer as Baron Waddington, of Read in the County of Lancashire. He served as Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords until 1992. He served as Governor of Bermuda 1992 - 1997. This book contains the fascinating reflections of a man who spent his career at the heart of power.
He was the Great Compromiser, a canny and colorful legislator whose
life mirrors the story of America from its founding until the eve
of the Civil War. Speaker of the House, senator, secretary of
state, five-time presidential candidate, and idol to the young
Abraham Lincoln, Henry Clay is captured in full at last in this
rich and sweeping biography.
In this groundbreaking work, Scott A. Frisch and Sean Q Kelly draw on significant new data from congressional archives--gleaned from the papers of both Democratic and Republican leaders from the 85th to the 103rd Congress--to reveal the complex process through which congressional members get assigned to the powerful committees of the House. They conclude that parties differ in their committee assignment methods and that party approaches can change over time depending on leadership. They also pay particular attention to the increasing roles of race and gender in the assignment process. Based on extensive primary and secondary research, this volume fills a crucial gap in our understanding of the internal dynamics of the American political system.
Western civilization tends to view secularism as a positive achievement. From this perspective, benefits of secularizing trends include the separation of church and state, the rule of law, and freedom from organized religion. In the Arab Middle East, however, Islamist intellectuals increasingly cite Western-inspired secularism as the source of the region's social dislocation and political instability. While secularism in the West led to the spread of democratic values, in the Muslim world it has been associated with dictatorship, the violation of human rights, and the abrogation of civil liberties. Islam and Secularism in the Middle East examines the origins and growth of the movement to abolish the secularizing reforms of the past century by creating a political order guided by Shariah law. Contributors explain the Islamic rejection of secularism as a failed Western Christian ideal and also discuss how secularization was pioneered by those who thought Muslims could only advance politically by emulating Western practices, including the renunciation of religion.
Since the oil boom of the 1970s, the Gulf Cooperation Council States have attempted to achieve economic stability and realise their development goals. Such efforts have so far been in vain, however, as these states' autocratic governments have closed off their political systems with the support of international allies, especially the United States. In this timely and exhaustive analysis of the political economies of the GCC since the 1970s to the present, Yousef Khalifa Al-Yousef examines the factors responsible for the failure of the states to achieve lasting change in development and security. Focusing on institutional structures where oil wealth has been confined to the few, and the consequences of failed legitimacy at home that has led to dependence on foreign powers, Al-Yousef charts the consistent disparities between governance and the needs of the local population, to the detriment of genuine development.Al-Yousef concludes that the only way to ensure stability and growth in the region is to dismantle the alliance of autocracy, oil and foreign powers. Instead, democracy and reform are key to ensuring stability in the region.
Joe Appiah lived an extraordinary life against a tumultuous background. This is the story of his life, his country, and his continent - the memoirs of an African patriot living through one of the most remarkable periods of change in Ghanian history. Appiah views his country's history from his own uniquely personal perspective: that of an Ashanti aristocrat, heir to a leading Ashanti capitalist, a devout methodist. Born in 1918, Appiah actively engaged in the politics of his country from colonial domination, through independence in 1957, and for the next 25 years of political, military, and economic unrest. He left the murky waters of politics in 1979 having suffered imprisonments and intimidations at the hands of those he helped free from colonial rule. He died in July 1990. The memoirs of Joe Appiah cover a momentous sixty year period of African colonialism and Ghanian independence. A foreword by Henry Louis Gates, Jr. acquaints the reader with Akan/Ashanti culture and modern Ghanian political history. Appiah's own story begins in 1918. His vivid description of his childhood includes a unique look at elite British colonial education. A nine year stay in London incorporates his activities with W.A.S.U., the West African Student's Union, one of the major organizations articulating demands for African independence. With Ghanian independence, we follow Appiah the politician, diplomat, and critic of an increasingly authoritarian, corrupt government. Written from his own perspective, Appiah frequently avoids dwelling on great moments but stops to reflect on private matters. Although a devout methodist, spirits and ancestors comfortably mingle through his memoirs. His readers will be absorbed by his life. They will touch his country and his continent.
In recent years British politics has seemed increasingly unpredictable. The Conservative Party's return to single-party government in 2015 surprised commentators and the electorate alike, and Labour's choice of Jeremy Corbyn as its leader marked a striking change in direction for the party. Cuts to public welfare and spending have led to growing dissatisfaction among sections of the public, and the increasing popularity of parties critical of the government's immigration, economic and social policies appears to represent a call for fundamental change in British politics. With a question mark hanging over the country's global standing following the EU referendum, and with further calls for Scottish independence, Britain's immediate future seems uncertain. In the 10th edition of this highly acclaimed text, leading authorities reflect on the latest developments in British politics. Drawing on current research, the chapters provide a state-of-the-art, yet accessible, account of British politics today. All the chapters are newly commissioned for this edition and together they provide a systematic analysis of key trends, issues and debates. Topics covered include the legacy of Cameron's governments, the politics of austerity, immigration, and the question of what, if anything, is distinctively 'British' about the British political system.
Professors Murphy and Choi use postmodern philosophy to expose an important source of racism and cultural domination. They examine foundationalism, which they see at the core of the Western intellectual tradition and which is shown to foster a metaphysics of domination. By contrast, postmodernism undermines this root of racism. They demonstrate that foundationalism is not needed to support identity, institutions, or political order. Indeed, they assert that true pluralism is possible once foundationalist approaches to knowledge and order are set aside. Special attention is directed to two current modes of discrimination: institutional racism and symbolic violence. Murphy and Choi provide an intriguing look at ways to undercut the justification for racism and other threats to cultural difference. This volume will be of particular interest to scholars and other researchers in the areas of race relations, cultural studies, and political theory.
This important book is a response to crises of public policy. Offering an original contribution to a growing debate, the authors argue that traditional technocratic ways of designing policy are inadequate to cope with increasingly complex challenges, and suggest co-production as a more democratic alternative. Drawing on 12 compelling international contributions from practitioners, policy makers, activists and actively engaged academics, ideas of power are used to explore how genuine democratic involvement in the policy process from those outside the elites of politics can shape society for the better. The authors present insights on why and how to generate change in policy processes, arguing for increased experimentation in policy design. The book will be a valuable resource for researchers and students in public policy, public administration, sociology and politics.
The new security challenges that have arisen as a result of the rise in prominence of global terrorism have presented the European Union with a unique opportunity to rebrand itself as dominant force on the international stage. Traditionally viewed as a weak actor, it efforts to promote intelligence-sharing and by instituting wide-ranging cooperation between national police forces have ensured that the EU is well-placed to combat the challenges posed by global terrorism and have given it renewed vigour as an international actor. Through contributions from experts on the EU and global security, this book discusses the measures taken by the European Union to counter terrorism at a both national and global level as well as drawing wider conclusions on the nature and success of the confederation as an international security actor focusing specifically on JHA policy. This volume provides an original and much needed contribution to the literature on EU security governance at the global level.
Why did George Washington personally lead the militia that put down
the Whiskey Rebellion? What drove Harry Truman to fire Douglas
MacArthur at the height of the Korean War? Did Gerald Ford know
that his pardon of Richard Nixon could very well end his political
career? Why did John F. Kennedy challenge America to reach for the
moon?
The MADISON PAPERS James Madison appreciated the significance of the Federal Convention and took great care to compile an accurate report of its proceedings, which were held behind closed doors. His journal, which covers the period from May 14 to September 17, 1787, is often referred to as "The Madison Papers" or "Madison's Notes." It remains the most complete record of the proceedings. This volume is based on the edition of 1840. Edited from Madison's original manuscripts, which were purchased by the Federal government from Mrs. Madison, it was published under the direction of President Jackson. The volume also includes the text of another manuscript that traces the history of American constitutionalism from 1754 to 1787 and E.H. Scott's complete "general and analytical" index. Founding father, statesman and political theorist, JAMES MADISON 1751-1836] was the primary author of the United States Constitution. While a member of the First Congress, he drafted the Bill of Rights and helped to organize the new Federal government. Along with Alexander Hamilton and John Jay, he was one of the authors of the Federalist Papers. He established the Democratic-Republican Party with Thomas Jefferson. Elected in 1809, Madison served two terms as president. He was, without question, one of the most inflfl uential national leaders in the early years of the United States.
The American South has long been a subject of endless scholarly fascination. Historians and social scientists have endeavored to decipher the ""enigma"" of the region and to identify the formative factors that have molded the southern experience.They have searched for a ""central theme"" that would explain southern behavior and have debated the extent to which the region was ""distinctive"" from the rest of the nation. More recently, historical scholarship has shown a growing interest in the evolution of southern culture and the forces that shaped it. The southern enigma is yet to be fully deciphered, but The Evolution of Southern Culture addresses questions crucial to an understanding of the region's history. The book brings together original, searching essays by nine of the nation's most distinguished scholars: Immanuel Wallerstein, Eugene D. Genovese, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Eric Foner, Nell Irvin Painter, George M. Frederickson, Joel Williamson, Bertram Wyatt-Brown
The intertwining of development and human rights is the subject of the twelve essays collected by the editors. The individual authors extensively examine the commonly held belief that economic development cannot take place in Third World countries without the short term sacrifice of political liberty and demonstrate that there is considerable evidence to the contrary. Following a theoretical stage-setting that concentrates on the severe power limitations and the dependency of weak Third World states, case studies focus on such issues as state terrorism, food, the right to modernize, refugees, and support of apartheid in Latin America, the People's Republic of China, the Middle East, and Africa. Several essays concern the implementation of human rights and the role of multinational corporations and international nongovernmental organizations in protecting them. The final essay considers the international framework of government, law, and organization as a means for implementing human rights development in the Third World.
This volume collects the papers presented at a conference sponsored by the Hebrew University of Jerusalem to mark the bicentennial of the framing and adoption of the U.S. Constitution. The conference joined distinguished members of the American judiciary, bar, and academia and their Israeli counterparts in an intensive debate on the part the Constitution has assumed in American life during the 200 years of its existence. Each paper focuses specifically on one aspect of the Constitution; the subject matter ranges from executive-legislative relations to minority rights, religious freedom, and constitutional reform. Throughout, comments and rebuttals are also included. Unique in its international approach to constitutional issues and developments, this volume will be of significant interest to constitutional and legal scholars. Following two papers that provide a backdrop to the debate by reviewing the historical background of the Constitution and examining the rise of the Supreme Court, the contributors move on to address such issues as: the issue of executive-legislative relations and the impacts of the Constitution on these relations over the years; the inherent tensions that exist between the establishment and free exercise clauses in the First Amendment; the question of minority rights under the Constitution as relates to both race and gender; and the newly discovered right of privacy under the constitution. Subsequent papers address whether the Constitution needs amending and explore the impact of the U.S. Constitution on Israeli jurisprudence. In the final group of essays, the contributors deal with the possible assumption by the U.S. Supreme Court of a new role--a more forthright involvement in promoting social justice.
At the beginning of 2000, with the launch of the so-called Third Chimurenga, Zimbabwean nationalism revealed some of its most grotesque aspects, resulting in a polarisation of the nation into 'patriots' and 'sell-outs' and dividing academics into groups such as 'regime intellectuals', left-nationalists, left-internationalists, 'nativists' and 'neo-liberals'. Drawing upon the arguments and insights of an array of scholars, many based in Zimbabwe, this book offers a new analysis of the grotesque character of Zimbabwean nationalism, a nationalism that has provoked ambivalent responses locally, regionally and internationally.
For students of the early American republic, James Madison has long been something of a riddle, the member of the founding generation whose actions and thought most stubbornly resist easy summary. The staunchest of Federalists in the 1780s, Madison would turn on his former allies shortly thereafter, renouncing their expansive nationalism as a threat to the Constitution and to popular government. In a study that combines penetrating textual analysis with deep historical awareness, Gary Rosen stakes out important new ground by showing the philosophical consistency in Madison's long and controversial public life. The key, he argues, is Madison's profound originality as a student of the social compact, the venerable liberal idea into which he introduced several novel, and seemingly illiberal, principles. Foremost among these was the need for founding to be the work of an elite few. For Madison, prior accounts of the social compact, in their eagerness to establish the proper ends of government, provided a hopelessly naive account of its origin. As he saw it, the Federal Convention of 1787 was an opportunity for those of outstanding prudence (understood in its fullest Aristotelian sense) to do for the people what they could not do for themselves. This troublesome reliance on the few was balanced, Rosen contends, by Madison's commitment to republicanism as an end in itself, a conclusion that he likewise drew from the social compact, accommodating the proud political claims that his philosophical predecessors had failed to recognize. Rosen goes on to show how Madison's idiosyncratic understanding of the social compact illuminates his differences not only with Hamilton but with Jefferson as well. Both men, Madison feared, were too ready to resort to original principles in coming to terms with the Constitution, putting at risk the fragile achievement of the founding in their determination to invoke, respectively, the claims of the few and the many. "As American Compact" persuasively concludes, Madison's ideas on the origin and aims of the Constitution are not just of historical interest. They carry crucial lessons for our own day, and speak directly to current disputes over diversity, constitutional interpretation, the fate of federalism, and the possibilities and limits of American citizenship.
Laws are essential to the lives of all British citizens and crucial to the survival of British Governments. This book follows the work of House of Commons bill committees as they scrutinise legislation and reveals the hidden depths of law making in the British Parliament.
The chapters in this volume provide a varied yet consistent analysis of the ways in which ideologies have been used, misused, or abandoned in Latin America in the twentieth century. The volume offers scholars and students a challenging collection of interpretations of and explanations for the ways in which ideologues and ideologies have played a crucial role in the political development of the continent. And, while illuminating key reasons for the rise and fall of specific ideologies and their repeated betrayal throughout the century--from anarchism to communism, to socialism, to Peronism, to neoliberalism--the volume indicates how much there is still left to learn about the importance of ideological discourse in the mind and polity of Latin America. With chapters examining Mexico, Chile, Cuba, Paraguay, and Argentina, this work will be of interest to all Latin Americanists. |
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