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Whether used as a political tactic to discredit news stories and media outlets, or as a description of false information manufactured and circulated for profit, the term ""fake news"" holds a particularly caustic sway in twenty-first-century society. A frequent subject of cable news broadcasts, periodical coverage, and social media chatter, and a constant talking point for political pundits, its impact spans from shaping minor differences in partisanship to influencing elections. In Fake News! Josh Grimm gathers a range of critical approaches to provide an essential resource for readers, students, and teachers interested in understanding this ever-present feature of today's media and political landscape. The opening section surveys the long history of fake news, with examples ranging from seventeenth-century satires of early newspapers to propaganda efforts in Nazi Germany, and then traces the evolution of the term over time. The following section explores how exposure to fake news impacts individuals, with particular emphasis on changes in popular discourse and the ability to assess sources critically. Essays in this section also highlight approaches developed by newsrooms and other organisations, including Facebook and Google, to fight the widespread dissemination of fake news. The volume pairs original research with articles from prominent scholarly journals, offering a wide-ranging and accessible discussion of debates central to the current post-truth era, covering topics such as social media, the Onion, InfoWars, media literacy, and the radicalization of white men. By highlighting key components and practical methods for examining misinformation in the media, Fake News! presents in-depth analysis of a topic that remains more timely than ever.
Illustrator Jules Scheele teams up with Dr Laura Locker in this comic-book introduction to the political history of the Land of Opportunity.
How did a political outsider like Trump win the 2016 presidential election? Why do some Americans feel so strongly about gun rights? Is there a role for more than two political parties in the system?
Politics isn’t something that just occurs in the West Wing or the gleaming Capitol building – it comes from the interaction between state and society, the American people living their daily lives. In this unique graphic guide, we follow modern citizens as they explore everything from the United States’ political culture, the Constitution and the balance of power, to social movements, the role of the media, and tensions over race, immigration, and LGBT rights.
Step right up, and see what lies beneath the pageantry and headlines of this great nation.
Cottam explains the patterns of U.S. intervention in Latin America by focusing on the cognitive images that have dominated policy makers' world views, influenced the procession of information, and informed strategies and tactics. She employs a number of case studies of intervention and analyzes decision-making patterns from the early years of the cold war in Guatemala and Cuba to the post-cold-war policies in Panama and the war on drugs in Peru. Using two particular images-the enemy and the dependent-Cottam explores why U.S. policy makers have been predisposed to intervene in Latin America when they have perceived an enemy (the Soviet Union) interacting with a dependent (a Latin American country), and why these images led to perceptions that continued to dominate policy into the post-cold-war era.
Looking beyond the national leadership of the suffrage movement, an acclaimed historian gives voice to the thousands of women from different backgrounds, races, and religions whose local passion and protest resounded throughout the land. For far too long, the history of how American women won the right to vote has been told as the tale of a few iconic leaders, all white and native-born. But Susan Ware uncovered a much broader and more diverse story waiting to be told. Why They Marched is a tribute to the many women who worked tirelessly in communities across the nation, out of the spotlight, protesting, petitioning, and insisting on their right to full citizenship. Ware tells her story through the lives of nineteen activists, most of whom have long been overlooked. We meet Mary Church Terrell, a multilingual African American woman; Rose Schneiderman, a labor activist building coalitions on New York's Lower East Side; Claiborne Catlin, who toured the Massachusetts countryside on horseback to drum up support for the cause; Mary Johnston, an aristocratic novelist bucking the Southern ruling elite; Emmeline W. Wells, a Mormon woman in a polygamous marriage determined to make her voice heard; and others who helped harness a groundswell of popular support. We also see the many places where the suffrage movement unfolded-in church parlors, meeting rooms, and the halls of Congress, but also on college campuses and even at the top of Mount Rainier. Few corners of the United States were untouched by suffrage activism. Ware's deeply moving stories provide a fresh account of one of the most significant moments of political mobilization in American history. The dramatic, often joyous experiences of these women resonate powerfully today, as a new generation of young women demands to be heard.
Despite explicit commitments to gender equality, women experience complex modes of disadvantage and discrimination in all nations of the world. Offering sophisticated insights into the persistence of gendered differences in opportunities, roles, power, and rights in societies across the globe, this volume investigates factors that both enable and constrain women's advancement. From intimate relations within families, to social norms, relations, ideologies, and structures of power, to political institutions, electoral systems, and public policies, the chapters analyze possibilities for and obstacles to inclusive democratic practices and identify interventions essential to enable democratic values to take root. Contributors from Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, and the USA provide detailed assessments of the social, economic, and political condition of women, their mobilizations to produce transform gendered power and authority in diverse nations, and their efforts to enhance the quality of their lives, their communities, and democratic governance.
Nationalism has played a uniquely powerful role in Argentine history, in large part due to the rise and enduring strength of two variants of anti-liberal nationalist thought: one left-wing and identifying with the "people" and the other right-wing and identifying with Argentina's Catholic heritage. Although embracing very different political programs, the leaders of these two forms of nationalism shared the belief that the country's nineteenth-century liberal elites had betrayed the country by seeking to impose an alien ideology at odds with the supposedly true nature of the Argentine people. The result, in their view, was an ongoing conflict between the "false Argentina" of the liberals and the "authentic"nation of true Argentines. Yet, despite their commonalities, scholarship has yet to pay significant attention to the interconnections between these two variants of Argentine nationalism. Jeane DeLaney rectifies this oversight with Identity and Nationalism in Modern Argentina. In this book, DeLaney explores the origins and development of Argentina's two forms of nationalism by linking nationalist thought to ongoing debates over Argentine identity. Part I considers the period before 1930, examining the emergence and spread of new essentialist ideas of national identity during the age of mass immigration. Part II analyzes the rise of nationalist movements after 1930 by focusing on individuals who self-identified as nationalists. DeLaney connects the rise of Argentina's anti-liberal nationalist movements to the shock of early twentieth-century immigration. She examines how pressures posed by the newcomers led to the weakening of the traditional ideal of Argentina as a civic community and the rise of new ethno-cultural understandings of national identity. Identity and Nationalism in Modern Argentina demonstrates that national identities are neither unitary nor immutable and that the ways in which citizens imagine their nation have crucial implications for how they perceive immigrants and whether they believe domestic minorities to be full-fledged members of the national community. Given the recent surge of anti-immigrant sentiment in Europe and the United States, this study will be of interest to scholars of nationalism, political science, Latin American political thought, and the contemporary history of Argentina.
In this important book, one of Latin America's foremost critical theorists examines the use and abuse of memory in the wake of the social and political trauma of Pinochet's Chile. Focusing on the period 1990-2015, Nelly Richard denounces the politics and aesthetics of forgetting that have underpinned both the protracted transition out of dictatorship and the denial of justice to its survivors and victims. What are the perils and social costs of a culture of forgetting? What forms do memories of injustice take in newly formed democracies? How might a history of violence and an ethics of reparation be reconciled in post-autocratic societies? In addressing these and other questions, Richard exposes the abuses of the past and the present while also attending to the residues of memory that are manifested in street protests, literature, and the media, and in artistic practices from architecture and urban design to installation and film. While cultural artifacts can be powerful devices for resistance and critique, Richard argues that they can also be complicit in reproducing and collaborating with forms of institutional and political oblivion. Both within Chile and beyond, Richard offers a trenchant critique of how authoritarian regimes and neoliberal states whittle away at memory's critical capacity. At a time of seismic political realignments in Latin America and internationally, Eruptions of Memory makes a powerful case for the ethical, political, and aesthetic value of memory.
This book challenges the conventional wisdom that government bureaucrats inevitably seek secrecy and demonstrates how and when participatory bureaucracy manages the enduring tension between bureaucratic administration and democratic accountability. Looking closely at federal level public participation in pharmaceutical regulation and educational assessments within the context of the vast system of American federal advisory committees, this book demonstrates that participatory bureaucracy supports bureaucratic administration in ways consistent with democratic accountability when it focuses on complex tasks and engages diverse expertise. In these conditions, public participation can help produce better policy outcomes, such as safer prescription drugs. Instead of bureaucracy's opposite or alternative, public participation can work as its complement.
At the nexus of political science, development studies, and public policy, Developing States, Shaping Citizenship analyzes an overlooked driver of political behavior: citizens' past experience with the government through service provision. Using evidence from Zambia, this book demonstrates that the quality of citizens' interactions with the government through service provision sends them important signals about what they can hope to gain from political action. These interactions influence not only formal political behaviors like voting, but also collective behavior, political engagement, and subversive behaviors like tax evasion. Lack of capacity for service delivery not only undermines economic growth and human development, but also citizens' confidence in the responsiveness of the political system. Absent this confidence, citizens are much less likely to participate in democratic processes, express their preferences, or comply with state revenue collection. Economic development and political development in low-capacity states, Hern argues, are concurrent processes. Erin Accampo Hern draws on original data from an original large-N survey, interviews, Afrobarometer data, and archival materials collected over 12 months in Zambia. The theory underlying this book's framework is that of policy feedback, which argues that policies, once in place, influence the subsequent political participation of the affected population. This theory has predominantly been applied to advanced industrial democracies, and this book is the first explicit effort to adapt the theory to the developing country context.
This book explains why contemporary liberal democracies are based on historical templates rather than revolutionary reforms; why the transition in Europe occurred during a relatively short period in the nineteenth century; why politically and economically powerful men and women voluntarily supported such reforms; how interests, ideas, and pre-existing institutions affected the reforms adopted; and why the countries that liberalized their political systems also produced the Industrial Revolution. The analysis is organized in three parts. The first part develops new rational choice models of (1) governance, (2) the balance of authority between parliaments and kings, (3) constitutional exchange, and (4) suffrage reform. The second part provides historical overviews and detailed constitutional histories of six important countries. The third part provides additional evidence in support of the theory, summarizes the results, contrasts the approach taken in this book with that of other scholars, and discusses methodological issues.
This book explores how political structures and relations affect the 'black box of power' between governmental levels. It draws on case studies in Canada, the UK and continental Europe to illustrate how the design of political structures and the relative hierarchy of the relations between actors affect how governments deliver services.
Available Open Access under CC-BY-NC licence. Engagement with non-academic groups and actors - such as policy-makers, industry, charities and activist groups, communities, and the public - in the co-production of knowledge and real-world impact is increasingly important in academic research. Drawing on empirical research, interdisciplinary methodologies, and broad international perspectives, this collection offers a critical examination of the liminal space of interactions between policy and research as spaces of difference and engagement, showing them to be far from apolitical. The authors consider what, and who, are present in these encounter spaces and examine how pre-existing perceptions about differences in social identity, positionality and knowledge can affect engagement, equity and research outcomes.
The NROTC Guide is the authoritative, first-to-market comprehensive guide to all aspects of the NROTC program. Written specifically for the audience most important to the health and vibrancy of the program-talented young people potentially interested in a career as an officer in the naval service. On an average year, the NROTC program commissions almost a quarter of the Navy's active-duty officer accessions, approximately equal to the number commissioned by the U.S. Naval Academy. While myriad works exist describing the Annapolis experience, there is currently no book-format guide to the NROTC program, the application process, college life as an NROTC midshipman, commissioning options, or other concerns. Thus, this guide fills an information gap in an increasingly competitive market for America's talented youth.
"A really interesting and provocative take on 1968. This book addresses the truly global dimensions-and the unexpected, often long-term consequences-of that year of protest. It's an original and highly usable comparative history sure to attract student interest." -Peter N. Stearns, George Mason University
Prominent observers complain that public discourse in America is shallow and unedifying. This debased condition is often attributed to, among other things, the resurgence of religion in public life. Steven Smith argues that this diagnosis has the matter backwards: it is not primarily religion but rather the strictures of secular rationalism that have drained our modern discourse of force and authenticity.
Thus, Rawlsian public reason filters appeals to religion or other comprehensive doctrines out of public deliberation. But these restrictions have the effect of excluding our deepest normative commitments, virtually assuring that the discourse will be shallow. Furthermore, because we cannot defend our normative positions without resorting to convictions that secular discourse deems inadmissible, we are frequently forced to smuggle in those convictions under the guise of benign notions such as freedom or equality.
Smith suggests that this sort of smuggling is pervasive in modern secular discourse. He shows this by considering a series of controversial, contemporary issues, including the Supreme Court s assisted-suicide decisions, the harm principle, separation of church and state, and freedom of conscience. He concludes by suggesting that it is possible and desirable to free public discourse of the constraints associated with secularism and public reason.
At the end of the Cold War, the United States emerged as the world's most powerful state, and then used that power to initiate wars against smaller countries in the Middle East and South Asia. According to balance-of-power theory-the bedrock of realism in international relations-other states should have joined together militarily to counterbalance the United States' rising power. Yet they did not. Nor have they united to oppose Chinese aggression in the South China Sea or Russian offensives along its western border. This does not mean balance-of-power politics is dead, argues renowned international relations scholar T. V. Paul; instead it has taken a different form. Rather than employ familiar strategies such as active military alliances and arms buildups, leading powers have engaged in "soft balancing," which seeks to restrain threatening powers through the use of international institutions, informal alignments, and economic sanctions. Paul places the evolution of balancing behavior in historical perspective, from the post-Napoleonic era to today's globalized world. This book offers an illuminating examination of how subtler forms of balance-of-power politics can help states achieve their goals against aggressive powers without wars or arms races.
The book presents the dual risk model of the welfare state. Previous research on the welfare state has predominantly studied the role of modernization and the associated labor market risks. As a corrective to this focus, the book discusses a distinct class of social risks, namely those related to the life cycle. The book relates the two types of risks to the political process of the welfare state, which encompass public opinion formation, party competition, and public policy-making.
In an EU increasingly worried about the security of its citizens and its territory, how should the European Parliament make policy decisions in these areas? This study investigates how the empowerment of the European Parliament has led it to abandon its defence of civil liberties in order to become a full partner in inter-institutional negotiations
The fierce polarisation of contemporary politics has encouragedAmericans to read back into their nation's past a perpetual ideologicalstruggle between liberals and conservatives. However, in this timely book,David S. Brown advances an original interpretation that stresses the criticalrole of moderate statesmen, ideas, and alliances in making our politicalsystem work. Beginning with John Adams and including such key figuresas Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., and BillClinton, Brown charts the vital if uneven progress of centrism through thecenturies. Moderate opposition to both New England and southern secessionistsduring the early republic and later resistance to industrial oligarchyand the modern Sunbelt right are part of this persuasion's far-reaching legacy.Time and again moderates, operating under a broad canopy of coalitions,have come together to reshape the nation's electoral landscape. Today's bitter partisanship encourages us to deny that such a moderatetradition is part of our historical development-one dating back to theConstitutional Convention. Brown offers a less polemical and far more compellingassessment of our politics.
There has been a surge in scholarship on policy design over the last ten years, as scholars seek to understand and develop existing concepts, theories, and methods engaged in the study of policy design in the context of modern governance. This Element adds to the current discourse on the study of policy design by (i) presenting behavioral assumptions and structural features of policy design; (ii) presenting a multi-level analytical framework for organizing policy design research; (iii) highlighting the role of policy compatibility and policy adaptability in influencing policy efficacy; and (iv) presenting future research recommendations relating to these topics.
The Constitution requires that states be represented in the House of Representatives in accordance with their population. It also requires that each state have at least one Representative, and that there be no more than one Representative for every 30,000 persons. For the 2010 apportionment, this could have meant a House of Representatives as small as 50 or as large as 10,306 Representatives. This book examines apportioning seats in the House of Representatives among the states in proportion to state population as required by the Constitution, which appears to be a simple task. In fact, however, the Constitution presented Congress with issues that have provoked extended and recurring debate, which are discussed in this compilation.
Democracy, Capitalism, and the Welfare State investigates political thought under the conditions of the postwar welfare state, focusing on the Federal Republic of Germany (1949-1989). The volume argues that the welfare state informed and altered basic questions of democracy and its relationship to capitalism. These questions were especially important for West Germany, given its recent experience with the collapse of capitalism, the disintegration of democracy, and National Socialist dictatorship after 1930. Three central issues emerged. First, the development of a nearly all-embracing set of social services and payments recast the problem of how social groups and interests related to the state, as state agencies and affected groups generated their own clientele, their own advocacy groups, and their own expert information. Second, the welfare state blurred the line between state and society that is constitutive of basic rights and the classic world of liberal freedom; rights became claims on the state, and social groups became integral parts of state administration. Third, the welfare state potentially reshaped the individual citizen, who became wrapped up with mandatory social insurance systems, provisioning of money and services related to social needs, and the regulation of everyday life. Peter C. Caldwell describes how West German experts sought to make sense of this vast array of state programs, expenditures, and bureaucracies aimed at solving social problems. Coming from backgrounds in politics, economics, law, social policy, sociology, and philosophy, they sought to conceptualize their state, which was now social (one German word for the welfare state is indeed Sozialstaat), and their society, which was permeated by state policies.
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