Today the problems of reunification seem to feature more often in the international spotlight than the benefits. This timely volume offers a reassessment of Germany's postwar development from its inception through to reunification, including a thorough examination of the implications for economic, political and social policies.
The impressive team of contributors include leading names in the history of modern Germany, together with some of the ablest younger scholars in the field. They are: Hartmut Berghoff, David Childs, Immanuel Geiss, Graham Hallett, Klaus Larres, Terry McNeill, Torsten Opelland, Richard Overy, Stephen Padgett, Panikos Panayi, and Mathias Siekmeier.

The democratic nation state of the post-war era has undergone major transformations since the 1970s, and political authority has been both internationalized and privatized. The thirteen chapters of this edited collection deal with major transformations of governance arrangements and state responsibilities in the countries of the OECD world. A unified conceptual and explanatory framework is used to describe trajectories of state change, to explain the internationalization or privatization of responsibilities in the resource, law, legitimacy and welfare dimensions of the democratic nation state, and to probe the state's role in the today's post-national constellation of political authority. As the contributions show, an unravelling of state authority has indeed occurred, but the state nevertheless continues to play a key role in emerging governance arrangements. Hence it is not merely a 'victim' of globalization and other driving forces of change.

Adams surveys the impact of transnational organizations and NGOs on Latin American politics since 1990. The transition from military to civilian rule in Latin American countries has benefited local progressive forces, but resilient remnants favoring the past's authoritarian politics have compelled organizations like the UN, IMF, OAS, and World Bank to engage in various campaigns to deepen democratic institutions and norms. Adams argues that to understand current political transformations in the region, one must consider the existing role of external organizations. Latin America is offered as a prime example of the increased influence transnational authorities have over political decisions that had long been the exclusive prerogative of national governments. Beginning with the Latin American experience, Adams reviews the contemporary character of power and politics in the area, outlining how democratic transitions have been limited. UN human rights and reform initiatives are considered. Adams scrutinizes the work of the World Bank, the IMF, and the Inter-American Development Bank to modernize public administration, strengthen political institutions, enhance transparency and accountability, and fortify civil society. He also examines the work and impact and the Organization of American States and various global citizens groups.

A collective effort by American and North African scholars, this volume provides a comprehensive analysis of recent economic, social, and political events in North Africa. It shows how the Maghrebi states and societies are currently at a very important junction as they try to adjust to different ways of doing things in new regional and international orders. Using a political economy approach, the book focuses on a series of issues raised by the interaction between economic crisis and reform on the one hand, and political change or stagnation on the other. The author and his contributors provide a comprehensive and up-to-date survey of particular value to scholars and researchers of the Arab world in general and North Africa in particular.

Hopes for a peaceful settlement in Northern Ireland have again put the politics of the province under the spotlight. This new text, written by acknowledged experts on Northern Ireland, provides an immediately accessible introduction to the multi-faceted nature of the politics of the region.

Does the Coalition government represent a new politics in Britain, or is the new government just the same old Tories hiding behind an opportunist pact with the Liberal Democrats? Does Cameron differ from past Conservatives like Margaret Thatcher, and if so, how? This book looks at the Coalition government in the context of conservative ideas and seeks to assess what, if anything, is new about it. The book is aimed at undergraduates and those interested in the future direction of politics in the UK.

Despite the brouhaha accorded presidential debates by the media, which regards these confrontations as events of significant magnitude, social scientists have been less convinced of their impact and importance. They tend to assert that such performances have had little effect on voting behavior, and tend to merely reinforce viewers' already held biases. In "The Joint Press Conference," David J. Lanoue and Peter R. Schrott focus on the impact of presidential debates on voters and attempt to reconcile the disparate views of media and social science. Confronting the positive conventional wisdom of the former and the largely negative, empirical data of the latter, they arrive at some surprising conclusions. Research that emerged after the 1980, 1984, and 1988 debates strongly suggested that debates do matter and that their impact may be substantial. In addition, not only have the direct effects of debates on voting behavior come under reconsideration, but also their importance in changing and reinforcing viewers' candidate images and issue positions. This five-chapter study ties together the research of social scientists arguing that many scholars have understated the ability of debates to influence voters and elections. Lanoue and Schrott base their assertion on evidence gleaned from re-assessment of the same studies used by others to support findings of limited effects, as well as their own more recent contributions.

Following the introduction, Chapter 2 presents an analytical and critical history of the presidential debates since 1960 and focuses on the conventional wisdom on these debates. An area largely ignored by students of debating, the content of presidential debates, is examined in Chapter 3 which also presents a brief history of the use and evolution of content analysis in the study of political communication. Chapter 4 organizes and integrates the post-1960 findings of social scientists emphasizing the importance of reinforcement as an electorally significant phenomenon. Chapter 5 presents a model of debate effects that takes into consideration the direct and indirect paths between debate watching and attitude change and indicates that early reports of the electoral triviality of debates were premature. The groundbreaking reinterpretations contained in this first comprehensive analysis of the issue of debate effects will be required reading for students and scholars of mass media and communications, public opinion, and journalism.

Exploring the visions of the end of the Cold War that have been put forth since its inception until its actual ending, this volume brings to the fore the reflections, programmes, and strategies that were intended to call into question the bipolar system and replace it with alternative approaches or concepts. These visions were associated not only with prominent individuals, organized groups and civil societies, but were also connected to specific historical processes or events. They ranged from actual, thoroughly conceived programmes, to more blurred, utopian aspirations - or simply the belief that the Cold War had already, in effect, come to an end. Such visions reveal much about the contexts in which they were developed and shed light on crucial moments and phases of the Cold War.

8 February 2015 marked the 200th anniversary of the birth of Thomas Erskine May. May is the most famous of the fifty holders of the office of Clerk of the House of Commons. His continued renown arises from his Treatise upon the Law, Privileges, Proceedings and Usage of Parliament, first published in 1844 and with its 25th edition currently in preparation. It is known throughout those parts of the world that model their constitutional arrangements on Westminster as the 'Bible of Parliamentary Procedure'. This volume celebrates both the man and his book. Bringing together current and former Clerks in the House of Commons and outside experts, the contributors analyse May's profound contribution to the shaping of the modern House of Commons, as it made the transition from the pre-Reform Act House to the modern core of the UK's constitutional democracy in his lifetime. This is perhaps best symbolised by its enforced transition between 1834 and 1851 from a mediaeval slum to the World Heritage Palace of Westminster, which is the most iconic building in the UK. The book also considers the wider context of parliamentary law and procedure, both before and after May's time. It constitutes the first sustained analysis of the development of parliamentary procedure in over half a century, attempting to situate the reforms in the way the central institution of our democracy conducts itself in the political contexts which drove those changes.

A study of budgeting and financial administration in developing countries, which probes reasons for failure and solutions for improvement. The contributors are all involved in relating prescription to practice, and theory to reality in this area. Their essays all seek to provide practical advice to administrators caught up in the ever-changing, unpredictable contemporary environment.

This study offers the first detailed examination of the varied means by which parliament through its committees and the work of individual members has sought to scrutinise the British intelligence and security agencies and the government's use of intelligence.

Explores the paths of development unfolding from the inter-dependent histories of postwar Germany and the European integration process. The contributors explore these histories within the idea of 'semi-sovereignty': a set of constraints on the German state's power within the external constraints of Germany's multilateral commitments.

The British Isles is a multi-national arena, but its history has traditionally been studied from a distinctively English -- often, indeed, London -- perspective. Now, however, the interweaving of the distinct but mutually-dependent histories of the four nations is at the heart of some of the liveliest historical research today. In this major contribution to that research, eleven leading scholars consider key aspects of the internal relations of England, Scotland, Ireland and Wales in the early modern period, and the problems of accommodating different -- and resistant -- cultures to a single centralizing polity.
The contributors are: Sarah Barber; Toby Barnard; Ciaran Brady; Keith M. Brown; Jane Dawson; Steven G. Ellis; David Hayton; Philip Jenkins; Alan Macinnes; Michael Mac Craith; and John Morrill.

Will the British retain the monarchy and the English church establishment into the 21st century? The preservation of the monarchy and of the establishment of the church of England is a matter that cuts deep in fact and theory. The monarchy and the church are symbols of civil liberty, and as such they carry the freight of British national identity. Yet it is difficult to take those institutions seriously now because Britons give too little consideration to serious reforms of any kind for the monarchy or the church. This book suggests possible reforms.

Gender quotas are a growing worldwide phenomenon, yet their variable implementation remains under-researched. Using the prominent case study of France, this book approaches quotas from the perspective of the key actors responsible for them - political parties.

An exploration of how the EU is influenced by multilateral institutions. There has recently been a dramatic increase in interaction between the EU and multilateral institutions. This book shows that international institutions shape EU policies, as well as acting as a source of preferences and strategies for EU stances internationally.

This is a comprehensive analysis of the Third World based on three historical currents: independence, liberation, and revolution. The author puts forth the philosophy that the struggle of the Third World for a new international economic, information, and communication order is interrelated with and parallel to the struggles in the capitlist and socialist worlds. It is primarily a book on communication--what takes place between peoples and their political, economic and cultural environments. From an historical viewpoit, the volume seeks to provide a link within seemingly disconnected world events.

The economic performance of African countries south of the Sahara generally has been poor during the past two decades. External factors such as high oil prices, deteriorating terms of trade, and wars, and formidable internal factors such as corruption, chauvinism, authoritarianism, and violence have continued to plague the region. Whereas in the 1980s the Subsahara was overwhelmed by drought, devaluation, and debt, the 1990s have brought the paradox of civil strife and a complex transition to democracy. This volume surveys the major political, economic, social, ecological, and gender related aspects of Subsaharan Africa's struggle toward democracy. Its essays pose two fundamental sets of ideas: that the internal equilibrium can be restored only through institutional changes with these countries; and that the political and economic dilemmas in the region are closely related to issues of gender and the environment. The volume will be of interest to scholars and students of comparative politics, developmental economics, and African studies.

Political parties and democratic politics go hand in hand. Since parties matter, it matters too when elected politicians change party affiliation. This book shows why, when, and to what effects politicians switch parties in pursuit of their goals, as constrained by institutions and in response to their environments.

In 1787, the new United States of America formulated a Constitution, which for more than two hundred years has remained the greatest single advance in the long evolution of democracy and freedom. The authors of the Constitution, fearing the religious intolerance and persecution that was typical of many European governments, deliberately avoided a church-state union and limited the federal government to purely secular matters. The First Amendment explicitly stated, "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; ..". In the debate over the separation between church and state, attention is often focussed solely on the national Constitution. The fact is sometimes overlooked that the state constitutions, some of which were written before the federal Constitution, include explicit protections of religious liberty and church-state separation, some even more comprehensive and specific in their guarantees and prohibitions than the U.S. Constitution. All of the state constitutions deal with religious freedom and all support the church-state separation principle. Forty-six states explicitly protect freedom of worship or conscience, while thirty-five states prohibit establishment of any state religion. Interestingly, five states still have provisions requiring that office holders believe in a Supreme Being, despite the fact that the Supreme Court declared these requirements to be unconstitutional in 1961. This comprehensive volume brings together all of the religious-liberty and church-state provisions of the fifty state constitutions. The only work of its kind, Religious Liberty and State Constitutions will serve as a useful referencework for people in the fields of education, law, and religion.

King seeks to understand how the transition from state-socialism to capitalism was accomplished in Eastern Europe. The purpose of studying the process of transition is uo understand the end-point of the transition; that is, the structure of the postcommunist economy results from the different ways that private property was made by enterprise level actors. King identifies strategies of transition employed by postcommunist economic elites to transform property and acquire various property rights discusses, the conditions under which different strategies are likely to be selected, lists and, the resources used by actors to implement these strategies.

As King illustrates through his case studies, when aggregated, these strategies are primarily responsible for the structuring of the postcommunist capitalist systems. This is done through the creation of different types of property (such as multinationals or management buy-outs) and integrating mechanisms (such as markets or state redistribution). The resulting property forms and integrative mechanisms that emerge from this process are assessed for their possible effect on economic performance and long-term development. Differences that exist among the various postcommunist economies are explained by the institutional legacies from the reform period of communism. This book is of particular interest to scholars, students, and researchers involved with East European studies, political and economic sociology, and international political economy.

Twenty years on from South Africa’s first democratic election, the post-apartheid political order is more fractured, and more fractious, than ever before. Police violence seems the order of the day – whether in response to a protest in Ficksburg or a public meeting outside a mine in Marikana. For many, this has signalled the end of the South African dream. Politics, they declare, is the preserve of the corrupt, the self-interested, the incompetent and the violent. They are wrong. In South Africa’s insurgent citizens, Julian Brown argues that a new kind of politics can be seen on the streets and in the courtrooms of the country. This politics is made by a new kind of citizen – one that is neither respectful nor passive, but instead insurgent. The collapse of the dream of a consensus politics is not a cause for despair. South Africa’s political order is fractured, and in its cracks new forms of activity, new leaders and new movements are emerging.

Through a long public life and short presidency, Herbert Hoover carefully cultivated reporters and media owners as he rose from a relief administrator to president of the United States. During his service to government, he held the conviction that journalists were to be manipulated and mistrusted. When the nation fell into economic disaster, Hoover's misconceptions about the press and press relations exacerbated a national calamity. This book traces the entire history of Hoover's relationship with magazines, newspapers, newsreel organizations, and radio, and demonstrates how an attitude toward the U.S. press can help or hinder a public figure throughout his career. The book draws upon diaries of Hoover aides, oral histories from journalists and other media figures, newspaper and magazine clippings, radio broadcasts, newsreels, public documents, archival manuscripts, and a plethora of published secondary books and articles. This may be the most complete and best-documented study of a single president and the media.