Benoit provides a comprehensive analysis of presidential television spots from every campaign that used this important message form, from the 1952 campaign through the last national campaign in 1996. More than 1,600 presidential spots are analyzed, from both primary and general campaigns. Republican, Democratic, and third party candidate advertisements are analyzed. He uses the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse, analyzing themes in spots as acclaims (self-praise), attacks (criticism), and defenses (responses to attacks). Themes are classified according to topic. Each of these topics is broken down further (policy: past deeds, future plans, general goals; character: personal qualities, leadership ability, ideals). Contrasts are made between spots from Republicans and Democrats as well as third parties, incumbents and challengers, and winners and losers. The spots from candidates who led, trailed, or were in close races also are contrasted. Spots are becoming more negative over time, Benoit concludes, in both primary and general campaigns. General campaigns are more negative than primary campaigns, Democrats are more negative than Republicans, and challengers are more negative than incumbents. There are no differences between winners and losers. However, candidates who trailed throughout the campaign were most negative, while candidates in close races were most positive. An important analysis for scholars and researchers in political communication and American presidential politics.

This study examines the development of Third World solidarity within the broader historical context of changing hegemonic power systems, from Pax Britannia to Pax Americana. Thomas focuses on the political, economic, and racial structures that are fundamental to hegemonic supremacy over peripheral and semiperipheral states, and he analyzes the divergent modes of Third World incorporation (subordination) into the world system. He concludes that the racial structure of global apartheid that dominated the world system during the colonial period is re-emerging under the rubric of a "New World Order."

Tim Littell has a Master's Degree in Human Resource Development and over 30 years of experience developing Training and has Leadership experience with major corporations and international companies. Here's what some of those who worked with Tim had to say: "I truly enjoyed working with Tim Littell. He is what all managers should be; a leader who could guide others to excellence." (Bob Miner, Training Center Manager, Mitsubishi Motors)"Tim is an intelligent, motivated, and caring individual. He is a great leader and led his training team at Mitsubishi to accomplish a bigger vision. His leadership was subtle, seamless, and natural." (Cindi Sinden, DENSO Sales of California)"When he took over the leadership of the National Training Department, he instituted several innovations that really took our training program to the next level...We were finally working together as a finely oiled machine " (Rick LaVarta, Training Center Manager, Mitsubishi Motors)Tim approaches Leadership from an unapologetically Christian viewpoint, starting where all authority actually begins, with God, and his initial command to Adam: "Be fruitful and multiply." Using the analogy of a fruit tree, Tim takes you through the various stages of a leader's development, starting with the seed, sprouting into a sapling, growing into a mature plant, and finally becoming a fruit-bearing tree. Modes of Leadership include Farmer, Gardener, Caretaker, and Harvester, and a couple extra modes of leadership used for special circumstances, Firefighter and Chef.Tim helps you think your way through several questions every leader has: How do you know if you are a leader? Is there a difference between a leader and a manager? What makes a leader different from those they lead? Is Leadership an innate ability or is it something that anyone can learn and develop? How do we reproduce ourselves as leaders? How does a leader actually get the authority to lead? Designed to be used as a text for Leadership Training

Since 1947, the Central Intelligence Agency has secretly worked to subvert foreign
powers and even overthrow enemy governments to further United States influence abroad. The vast array of CIA black "ops" (operations)--including covert acts against Saddam Hussein and international terrorists, secret Afghan missions, the overthrow of Guatemalan leaders, assassination plots against Castro and others, domestic and foreign narcotics conspiracies, underground Mafia relations, and even controversial plans to dupe top U.S. officials-has stretched its influence far beyond its original purpose.
A member of the Association of Former Intelligence Officers, Dr. John Jacob Nutter reveals that the U.S. has become too enamored with covert action; that black ops have become U.S. foreign policy; and that the CIA has developed into a policy maker, dangerously independent of the government that created it. Nutter explains the many and varied types of covert action-subsidies, graymail, propaganda, psychological and economic warfare, military support, paramilitary operations, coups d'etat, and assassinations-and provides detailed examples of success and failure undertaken in the name of "national security."
Unusual and exclusive, The CIA's Black Ops is a courageous and unprecedented declassification of foreign exploits and domestic secrets, covering clandestine activities from the birth of special operations to today's underground actions--many operations so covert that government officials don't know (or don't want to know) they are taking place.
A well-recognized expert on terrorism and covert operations, John Jacob Nutter is a historical researcher and former assistant professor at Michigan State University, specializing in covert action, international politics, and guerrilla warfare. He has appeared on numerous news programs including National Public Radio and CNN.

The Brazilian experience is a pace setter in the transition from an authoritarian regime to the establishment of stable and democratically responsible political institutions. This insightful analysis, based on decades of field work, is the very first of its kind on a legislature outside the United States. Moreover, it addresses important issues regarding the role of executive and congressional bureaucracies in the system of government. There is no other book like this. It is very useful for understanding the Brazilian military regime and how Brazil emerged from it. The author, because of long association through a research project of his university with the Brazilian Congress, is in a unique position to study it in depth. Robert Alexander Rutgers University This in-depth report opens with a brief history of the presidential system of government in Brazil, a description of political parties, and the bureaucracy. The first chapters show how the military regime tried to reformulate the political system and how these changes affected Congress and its ability to discharge constitutional mandates. The next chapters analyze the congressional bureaucracy, its modernization of informational capabilities, and the workings of Congress in detail. The final chapters examine changes in Congress when developing new policy and when drafting a new constitution. The study closes with a discussion of the main characteristics of the new constitution and an assessment of the overall performance of Congress and the presidential system in Brazil. This inside analysis is based on decades of field work and is intended for students of comparative government, public policymaking, and Latin American studies.

North Korea's brinkmanship diplomacy has continued to disturb the world with its seemingly reckless missile testing, as the country's leader, Kim Jong-Il, is rumored to be terminally ill with pancreatic cancer. North Korea appears to be in a state of serious internal crisis not only because its dictatorial system, albeit skillful and ruthless leadership, is inherently unstable, if not skillful and ruthless leadership, but also because the main pillar of Kim Jong-Il's legitimacy is rapidly eroding due to both mass starvations and the exodus of grassroots and mass exodus of the North Korean people into nearby regions. The main objective of this book is to explore the probability of North Korea's implosion, and second to search for a feasible way for Korean reuni?cation as a possible consequence of a big bang event on the peninsula. The geopolitics of the Korean Peninsula is historically very complicated as Korea is bordered and s- rounded by four big powers; namely, China, Russia, Japan, and the United States. Each country has its own varying degrees of political, economic, and military stakes with respect to the Korean Peninsula. Thus, the Land of the Morning Calm has remained divided since 1945 mainly as a result of the domain war among these super powers. As the North nears a turning point, however, there is a new possibility for the two Koreas to reunite if the international environments work in their favor, and if both countries are well prepared to assume reuni?cation.

The Struggle for Aboriginal Rights is the first book of its kind. Not only does it tell the history of the political struggle for Aboriginal rights in all parts of Australia; it does so almost entirely through a selection of historical documents created by the Aboriginal campaigners themselves, many of which have never been published. It presents Aboriginal perspectives of their dispossession and their long and continuing fight to overcome this. In charting the story of Aboriginal political activity from its beginnings on Flinders Island in the 1830s to the fight over native title today, this book aims to help Australians better understand both the continuities and the changes in Aboriginal politics over the last 150 years: in the leadership of the Aboriginal political struggle, the objectives of these campaigners for rights for Aborigines, their aspirations, the sources of their programmes for change, their methods of protest, and the outcomes of their protest. Through the words of Aboriginal activists, across 150 years, The Struggle for Aboriginal Rights charts the relationship between political involvement and Aboriginal identity.

This is the first comprehensive study of the economics and politics of postsocialism in thirty transition economies of Europe and Asia, comparing initial conditions, shifting target models, paths to reform, and progress to date. It is written by the architect of Poland's successful economic reforms, who offers alternative policy proposals to the Washington Consensus based on his practical experience.

For many decades after the American Revolution, the image of the Republic shaped people's thinking and influenced events. Yet the simple republic and a growing, increasingly complex, capitalist America represented a clear paradox in American thinking. James Kirke Paulding was at one pole of that paradox. The first American writer to devote his career to describing America and Americans, to social commentary and social criticism, Paulding came to his subject as a crusader, his cause being the defense of the republic as a way of life, an economic and social system, and an ethical code. Although this book is Paulding's story, it is even more an attempt to describe America as Paulding saw it. Chapter 1 focuses on Paulding's part in urging the ongoing reasons for liberation from England and the protection of a unique American society. In Chapter 2, the discussion shifts to Paulding's view of the simple republic, and Chapter 3 considers the role of the West in preserving the simple republic. Although Paulding considered the West to be America's future, the South became for him its present. Chapter 4 considers his focus on the South in his struggle to save the heritage of the Revolution. Yet society was changing, and Chapter 5 focuses on Paulding's role in politics and his relationship with politicians in his last efforts to have both a noble past and a rapidly changing present. As the Civil War approached, the country, in Paulding's eyes, fell into the hands of fanatics who would sacrifice its heritage for the sake of a cause. His efforts to resist that fanaticism are the subject of the final chapter.

This book is a translation and celebration of Slovenian politician France Bucar's seminal work. Divided into two parts, the book first contains several studies of Bucar's arguments. As Bucar applied his system theory to a variety of issues, so too the conglomerate of scholars and issues critically assessed is interdisciplinary, ranging from political science and economics, to law and philosophy, as well as to natural sciences. The contributors and the questions of their essays in the edited volume are as follows. Peter Verovsek (University of Sheffield) examines different branches of Critical Theory and classifies Bucar within them. Mark Hamilton (Inter-American Defense College) discusses system dynamics of Bucar's system theory. Urska Velikonja (Georgetown University) applies Bucar's system theory to the question of the ethics, rules, and regulations in financial economics. Finally, Matej Drev (Georgia Institute of Technology) connects Bucar to the issue of artificial intelligence and inequality. The second part is the English translation of Bucar's book At A New Crossroads, which addresses the role of ethics in society. Bucar normatively redefines national identity as the crux of his novel understanding of ethics. Using system theory, he addresses the problems of globalization and governance, presenting a post-modern synthesis of the logic of free flow of capital and global citizenship, with national and cultural identity. Speaking to contemporary society, he shows how society and ethical life are reproduced. Bucar provides the reader with new tools to think about national identity and global politics. Bringing an important work on ethics, government, and identity to an entirely new readership, this book will appeal to a broad academic audience, namely students and practitioners in the fields of economics, social sciences, and humanities.

Pluralism is more than difference in behavioral patterns. It is a fundamental difference in worldviews, and Nigeria typifies it. It implies that autonomous individuals within a societal continuum do not constitute an integral amalgamation of a body-politic. A multi-cultural, multi-religious, multi-ethnic and multi-lingual blend, Nigeria serves as a good laboratory for pluralist test. What Nigeria needs is authority in order to articulate these plural and conflicting world-views into a reasonable discourse or committed dialogue. It is then the challenge of authority in Nigeria to reconcile the apparent incompatibilities within the multiple groups into a reasonable consensus. Plagued with the pathological equivocations of human rights, incessant military coups and counter-coups, vicious ethnic discrimination and lack of regard for meritocracy, Nigeria stands as a classical example of a leaderless society. Derided by foes as a political patchwork, and portrayed by friends as a potential volcano, all that Nigeria needs is authority that can articulate her numerous but diversified potentials into a catalyst for human development. No sustainable political or social foundations could be laid in the absence of this desideratum.

Analyses the impact of the managerial reforms of the European Commission. In 1999 the resignation of the College of Commissioners triggered the implementation of a White Paper which listed 98 measures to overhaul the way the Commission did business. Ten years later what impact have the reforms had on the European Commission and European governance?

This book, available for the first time in paperback, looks at the liberalisation process in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) during the period 1987-89, focusing on Gorbachev's initiative to encourage perestroika in all the fraternal regimes of CEE outside the Soviet Union. Archival materials, interviews and textual analysis identify a joint initiative among these fraternal communist parties to perpetuate the one-party system. For this purpose, fraternal parties were expected to follow the example of the CPSU in convening the national party conference, an all-party meeting on a similar scale to the five-yearly congress, and yet mysteriously, one which was barely described in the Party Statutes and rarely convoked. Gorbachev made use of CEE dependence on the Soviet Union for energy supplies to ensure that at least some fraternal parties followed his line. This book will be of interest to those studying the transition process in CEE, democratisation, comparative politics more generally and students of research methods. -- .

What makes some Eastern European countries politically victorious and economically prosperous while others have failed in both regards? Zuzowski deals with fundamental changes in the area after the demise of communism. He argues that the past is important because it is usually a reliable indicator of things to come in the near future. He also states that if systemic transformation is to succeed, a new totalism or comprehensive change introduced swiftly and based on justice and a rule of law is necessary. After a general discussion of Eastern Europe, Russia, Poland, and the Czech Republic are examined in detail. In addition, the West's approach to Eastern Europe after the collapse of communism is analyzed. This significant assessment will be of value to scholars, researchers, students, and policy makers involved with economic, political, and social change, post-communism, and Eastern Europe.

This book is the first study of the power of the Russian Parliament in the policy process from 1994-2001, within the context of executive-legislative relations. It challenges the widely held view that between 1994 and 2001 Russia had a presidential system with a strong, authoritarian leader who ruled by decree and a weak parliament which did not have much power.

How does the Chinese government deal with its social problems and set up its systems of social security, health care, environmental control, population control, and economic development? In this book, Chinese and Western experts analyze the nature of public policymaking in China, specific measures and alternatives, and various methodological approaches. Students, scholars, policymakers, and practitioners in political science and public administration will find this unique study an invaluable one for understanding the little-known public policy process in China.

This expert analysis opens with two chapters providing background on the study of public policy and political science in China today. Four chapters then define specific policy problems and measures to reform the social security system, health care administration, and environmental control and to promote economic development in relation to decentralization or centralization of government administration. Two chapters describe super-optimizing analysis and solutions in policy problems. The collection closes with an insider's perspective and a frequent visitor's perspective on public policy in China today.

Activists - protecting rainforests, demanding increased childcare, developing local community housing, campaigning for AIDS funding or protecting consumers - are as much part of the political landscape as the media, parliament, peak industry groups, political parties or trade unions. This collection explores the idea of policy activism and its relationship to the processes that not only set but implement and deliver the policy agenda.Policy activists operate both inside and outside government. They include community-based organisers, activist bureaucrats, service providers and professionals.Policy activism has been barely explored in existing literature. This collection puts the idea on the map. It is an innovative contribution to the literature, using case studies across a broad range of policy areas.'This volume opens the window on an aspect of the policy process that rarely receives attention from students of politics or policy anywhere across the globe. The framework presented and the cases included in these pages provide a glimpse of the workings of a complex democracy, describing a range of actors responding creatively to the dynamics of social, political and economic change. It is fascinating to see how policy functions and social values appear to be more important to these processes than the formal structures of the government in which they are placed.' - Beryl A. Radin, Professor of Public Administration and Policy, State University of New York at Albany

Japan's policymaking is, given that nation's economic prowess and history, of considerable worldwide interest. Quansheng Zhao makes a highly original and important contribution to an improved understanding of Japanese policymaking processes by examining several informal approaches or mechanisms, which in their interrelationships directly impact policy formulation. He examines kuromaku or the informal organizations or political actors; isuskiai or social connections; and nemawashi or the behind the scenes preparations and shows their effect on policy through detailed empirical analysis.

Four case studies involving Japan's policies toward China offer special, and captivating, insights into Sino-Japanese relations and provide lessons relative to the country's international policies. The highly informed treatment of political institutions, social environments, and political cultures will provide a needed understanding of essential elements affecting the stance Japan takes vis-a-vis other countries.

This book tells the story of Kwame Nkrumah, the first post-colonial president of an independent African country. The book utilizes previously unpublished and recently declassified IS State Department documents to give an analysis and a chronology of Nkrumah's fall. The book is written for a general audience and for academic historians and students.

This study examines a political-military tradition in sub-Saharan Africa which has survived colonialism as well as the Cold War. Five modern African insurgencies are evaluated: Madagascar 1947, Kenya (Mau Mau) 1952-63, Cameroon (UPC) 1955-70, Congo/Zaire (Kwilu) 1964-8 and Mozambique (RENAMO) 1977-92. These case-studies demonstrate a persistent link between traditional African religion and contemporary nationalist movements whose political as well as military significance has frequently been underestimated and often misunderstood.

Sig Mickelson, former president of CBS News and pioneer in television coverage of political events, gives an eyewitness account of Television's complicated interaction with the U.S. political system. From Whistle Stop to Sound Bite explores the origins of the relationship between television and politics and offers an analysis of the factors that led to the decline of substance in the political campaign. With a fine eye for detail and many years of political coverage experience behind him, Mickelson probes four decades of TV history and defines the changes that this new media has wrought on the political scene. Television and politics would seem to have been made for each other, Sig Mickelson was there as a major figure at their first meeting. It might be said he introduced them. Here is his carefully documented account of their frequently stormy courtship--and his cogent analysis of the flaws and dangers in the unbreakable marriage. The book is fascinating, profound, and important. "Walter Cronkite"

... a superb and useful study that substantially informs our understanding of the role of television and modern politics. "Everette E. DenniS"

... an important book--filled with insight, wisdom, and value.

"Newton MinnoW"

Sig Mickelson, former president of CBS News and pioneer in television coverage of political events, gives an eyewitness account of television's complicated interation with the U.S. political system. "From Whistle Stop to Sound Bite" explores the origins of the relationship between television and politics and offers an analysis of the factors that led to the decline of substance in the political campaign. With a fine eye for detail and many years of political coverage experience behind him, Mickelson probes four decades of TV history and defines the changes that this new media has wrought on the political scene: bright hopes for debate that were dimmed as candidates took control of the media machinery; the weakening of the party structure as television, rather than the party, became the candidate's link with the public; and the decline of the convention.

Mickelson recounts events from the days of early television when the fledgling medium was testing the political waters, eventually opting for full immersion. By placing the origins of television's relationships with politics and politicians under close surveillance, writes Mickelson, we may equip ourselves with better tools to assess the merits and weaknesses of the present system and to better analyze proposed remedial measures. Professional and student journalists, communications specialists, political managers, candidates and potential candidates as well as the general reader interested in television and politics will find valuable information here about television's indelible mark on the U.S. political system.

What are the key factors that have transformed the Israeli political center and how will they shape Israel's role in the Middle East in the 1990s? Well-known experts join the editors, Reich and Kieval, in giving a unique picture of current and future trends in Israeli politics, focusing on the movement of the Israeli body politic to the right-of-center and the growing hold of Likud. They define future prospects, taking into account foreign policy, economic, and demographic issues. Academics, policymakers, and journalists will find this volume indispensable to understanding the critical role that Israel will play in the Middle East in the next decade and how domestic politics in Israel will define that role. This survey of political developments by eleven authorities is based on a study of the latest events, on long reflection, and on two conferences that brought together sixty of the most knowledgeable experts on the Middle East today, drawn from the academic world and from various U.S. government departments and agencies. This analysis of political trends assesses Likud's centrality in the governmental system, the role of religious and settler movements, the linkage of domestic politics to the question of Arab-Israeli peace and the future of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and demographic, attitudinal, and other factors that affect political leadership and decisionmaking. The influx of Jewish immigration to Israel from the Soviet Union is viewed in terms of future implications as well. A detailed bibliography is provided.

This book offers an in-depth examination of party finance and political corruption in a variety of political contexts. Its central focus is on the relationship between different forms of raising party finance and the consequent implications for improper influence over policy making and implementations. It presents both a general discussion of the issues and a set of case studies which illuminate the particular experiences of Britain, the United States, Russia, Italy, Germany and Southeast Asia.