To the ongoing assessment of our current procedures for nominating presidential candidates, John Geer brings historical perspective, a careful evaluation of the accumulating evidence, and much good sense. The result is a book that challenges widely held beliefs and that will instruct all those with an interest in presidential nominations, whether as reporters, candidates, students, or citizens. "Stanley Kelley, Jr., Princeton University"

In a clearly written and wide-ranging study Geer] presents a wealth of data and conclusions. Using often original criteria, Geer concludes that voters in primaries are not very unrepresentative of appropriate control groups and that they base their votes on the personal characteristics of the candidates. Moreover, he demonstrates the conditions under which participation rates and information levels will be high. In the last part of the book, Geer discusses the role of the media and how the rules tend to undermine the ability of voters to cast meaningful votes. The author concludes with a call for regional primaries, for a greater role for party leaders, and for some ballot reforms. . . . Geer has produced a useful reference work that can stimulate undergraduate discussions. "Choice"

Are voters in presidential primaries truly qualified to choose the nominees? Although in recent years many concerned citizens, scholars, and writers have posed this question and much attention has been focussed on the subject, until Nominating Presidents there has not been an in-depth treatment of the qualifications of voters in presidential primaries. This groundbreaking study presents and systematically examines a formidable array of data on voters in primaries, including evidence from the 1988 presidential nomination. Geer examines survey research, aggregate data and more. To aid in the interpretation of these data, Geer develops a set of standards for assessing the qualifications of voters in presidential primaries. His findings suggest that although voters are more qualified than previous studies have shown, there are still problems using voters to nominate candidates. He therefore proposes a new system of selection that should overcome these problems. The real significance of this study, however, is not the proposed system of presidential nominations, but the detailed assessment of voters in presidential primaries.

The text is enhanced by more than twenty tables that present graphic information on subjects ranging from the influence of presidential primaries from 1912 to 1988; the ideological composition of voters in presidential primaries; causes and percent of turnout in presidential primaries; and various aspects of news media coverage, among others. Three helpful appendices define turnout variables, describe survey questions, and review the coding of open ended comments. "Nominating Presidents" will be of particular interest to those in the fields of political science and American political history as well as to students and teachers of courses in electoral behavior, campaigns and elections, and American political parties.

This volume applies a systems science perspective to complex policy making dynamics, using the case of Indonesia to illustrate the concepts. Indonesia is an archipelago with a high heterogeneity. Her people consist of 1,340 tribes who are scattered over 17,508 islands. Every region has different natural strengths and conditions. In the national development process all regions depend on one another other while optimizing their own conditions. In addition to this diversity, Indonesia also employs a democratic system of government with high regional autonomy. A democratic government puts a high value on individual freedom, but on the other hand, conflicts of interest also occur frequently. High regional autonomy also often causes problems in coordination among agencies and regional governments. This uniqueness creates a kind of complexity that is rarely found in other countries.These daily complexities requires intensive interaction, negotiation processes, and coordination. Such necessities should be considered in public policy making and in managing the implementation of national development programs. In this context, common theories and best practices generated on the basis of more simplified assumptions often fail. Systems science offer a way of thinking that can take into account and potentially overcome these complexities. However, efforts to apply systems science massively and continuously in real policy making by involving many stakeholders are still rarely carried out. The first part of the book discusses the gap between the existing public policy-making approach and needs in the real world. After that, the characteristics of the appropriate policy-making process in a complex environment and how this process can be carried are described. In later sections, important systems science concepts that can be applied in managing these complexities are discussed. Finally, the efforts to apply these concepts in real cases in Indonesia are described.

To a degree unique among democracies, the United States has always placed responsibility for running national elections in the hands of county, city, and town officials. "The Way We Vote" explores the causes and consequences of America's localized voting system, explaining its historical development and its impact on American popular sovereignty and democratic equality.

The book shows that local electoral variation has endured through dramatic changes in American political and constitutional structure, and that such variation is the product of a clear, repeated developmental pattern, not simple neglect or public ignorance. Legal materials, statutes and Congressional debates, state constitutional-convention proceedings, and the records of contested Congressional elections illuminate a long record of federal and state intervention in American electoral mechanics. Lawmakers have always understood that a certain level of disorder characterizes U.S. national elections, and have responded by exercising their authority over suffrage practices--but only in limited ways, effectively helping to construct our triply-governed electoral system.

The Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and elsewhere has highlighted the growing importance of the politics of civil society in the contemporary Middle East. In "Reproducing Sectarianism," Paul W. T. Kingston examines rights-oriented advocacy networks within Lebanon s postwar civil society, focusing on movements and political campaigns based on gender relations, the environment, and disability. Set within Lebanon s postwar sectarian democracy, whose factionalizing dynamics have long penetrated the country s civil society, Kingston s fascinating study provides an in-depth analysis of the successes and challenges that ensued in promoting rights-oriented social policies. Drawing on extensive field research, including interviews and a wealth of primary documents, Kingston has produced a groundbreaking work that will be of interest to Middle East experts and nonexperts alike."

In the waning moments of the 1973 session, Washington's state legislators voted salary increases for all elected officials. Charles H. Sheldon and Frank P. Weaver (who was one of the special judges) provide a unique insider's account of this important episode.

Sheckels provides the first book-length study of Congressional debating. The limited work on the topic in the communication discipline has argued that such debating is tedious and inconsequential. Sheckels, however, offers a new paradigm, derived from the work of Mikhail Bakhtin, that counteracts this assumption. This paradigm also counters the often unvoiced assumption that debates are inherently biopolar with the initial premise that they are instead polyphonic. The polyphony, however, goes beyond the recognition of the multiple speakers who participate and the drama they enact, to the awareness of the voices these speakers introduce within their discourse. These voices range from the words of authorities to the narratives of average Americans, from classical prosopopoeia to what Bakhtin terms stylization. Speakers also sometimes enact what Bakhtin terms double-voiced discourse; furthermore, there are moments of what Bakhtin terms carnivalesque energy. Bakhtin's work finally alerts the critic to the illusion of finalizability in Congressional debates.

After outlining this paradigm, Sheckels uses it to examine six Congressional debates, ranging in date from a 1960 Senate filibuster on a civil rights matter to the 1999 House debate on articles of impeachment and includes analyses of such flash points as the Confederate flag, sexual harassment in the military, and partial-birth abortion. These case studies reveal both the utility and the flexibility of the Bakhtinian perspective. Thoughtful analyses that will be of great interest to scholars and researchers involved with rhetoric and political communication.

An expert on East European politics and economics analyzes and evaluates Western policies toward the new East European democracies as they struggle to build stable political orders and functioning market economies. He argues that the West must give higher priority to assisting the region and reorient its strategies so as to emphasize the political and administrative dimensions of economic reconstruction. He reviews the economic legacy of past Western policies and of Eastern Europe's previous dependency on the Soviet Union, and then examines in detail the changing East-West trade patterns, the prospect for Western investment and technology transfer, the questions of finance, debt, and foreign aid, and the dilemmas of market reform. Students, scholars, policy analysts, historians, and business people will find this fascinating reading. It is an excellent text for courses in U.S. foreign policy, comparative politics, international political economy, East European and Slavic studies, comparative economics, and international trade and finance.

This study examines one organization from the radical left of the 1920s and 1930s: the American Fund for Public Service. Little known today, but infamous in its time, the American Fund represented a united front of anticapitalists--anarchists, socialists, communists, and left-liberals--which attempted to revitalize the left in order to end capitalism and, therefore, war. Financed by Charles Garland, an eccentric, 21-year-old Harvard dropout, the Fund performed the difficult task of allocating relatively meager resources among the most promising radical ventures, typically militant labor organizations. The philanthropy's directors represented a who's who of the labor left of the period: Roger Baldwin, Norman Thomas, Scott Nearing, James Weldon Johnson, and more. The fund anticipated philanthropies later in the century which meant to challenge the status quo beyond reformism. This study will be of interest to scholars of labor relations, radical politics, American history, and philanthropy.

Neoliberalism Reloaded: Authoritarian Governmentality and the Rise of the Radical Right analyzes the violent enforcement of neoliberal governmentality and its relationship to the emergence of a new political and cultural Right that combines political authoritarianism, ethnocentric nationalism, racism, misogyny, and antifeminism with neoliberal economic principles. Many critical thinkers have defined this post-2008 crisis phase as a fascist moment of neoliberalism since far-Right movements and parties are not only enhancing their political representation but also setting the agenda of today's politics. However, such a crucial political moment needs more precise analytical tools. In this framework, Neoliberalism Reloaded: Authoritarian Governmentality and the Rise of the Radical Right seeks to understand the emergence of the New Right and punitive neoliberalism not only as a reaction to a crisis of accumulation but also as an outcome of neoliberal reason and the historical neoliberal alliance with conservative and reactionary political forces. Therefore, far from thinking this moment as exceptional, this book seeks the roots of today's punitive neoliberalism in its theoretical framework and in the violence inherent to neoliberal capitalism towards those racialized, colonized, genderized and precarized populations that cannot adjust to the norm of competitiveness. Thus, Neoliberalism Reloaded seeks to contribute to understanding the challenges of our present as a necessary step to imagine alternative futures.

This book seeks to contribute to prior research facing the discussion about public value creation in Smart Cities and the role of governments. In the early 21st century, the rapid transition to a highly urbanized population has made societies and their governments around the world to be meeting unprecedented challenges regarding key themes such as sustainability, new governance models and the creation of networks. Also, cities today face increasing challenges when it comes to providing advanced (digital) services to their constituency. The use of information and communication technologies (usually ICTs) and data is thought to rationalize and improve government and have the potential to transform governance and organizational issues. These questions link up to the ever-evolving concept of Smart Cities. In fact, the rise of the Smart City and Smart City thinking is a direct response to such challenges, as well as providing a means of integrating fast evolving technology into our living environment. This focus on the public value creation in Smart Cities could be of interest for academics, researchers, policy-makers, public managers, international organizations and technical experts involved in and responsible for the governance, development and design of Smart Cities

This book examines human-interest stories, unpacking from them violence inherent to neoliberalism, and considers if it is possible to find in these stories hints of people and labour that suggest other narratives.

Harvey C. Mansfield analyzes the development of executive power, including its concept, purpose, and philosophical influence. Striving to bring clarity to the purpose and need for modern executive power, Taming the Prince discusses the philosophical influences of executive power and considers the role of the executive in business and politics. "A sparkling, incisive historical and philosophical study of executive power. The right place to begin." - Aaron Wildavsky, Professor of Political Science and Public Policy, University of California, Berkeley

This volume provides an introduction to the Eastern Mediterranean region and introduces the concept of the Eastern Mediterranean as a new regional subsystem. Due to recent events in contemporary international politics, the Eastern Mediterranean can be seen as a laboratory where the balance of power among Great Powers and regional states are being tested. Written by leading academics in their respective fields, this book addresses key developments in the area and argues that the Eastern Mediterranean should be viewed as a distinct region. Particular emphasis is given to the initiatives undertaken by Israel, Greece, Cyprus, and Turkey; the role played by the United States and Russia; and the issues of energy, migration, and Islamic terrorism. Bringing together relevant information and theoretical debates, this book will be of interest to graduate students and academics studying international relations and politics in the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as policymakers and journalists who want to have a clearer understanding of developments in the region.

The relationship between American Indians and the U.S. political system is both vitally important and unique. Yet American Indians--as individuals and as tribal nations--typically receive scant attention in introductory courses on American government and politics. This is the only reader on Native America and U.S. politics designed to be incorporated into introductory government courses. It will help students to obtain a clearer understanding of such contemporary issues as Indian fishing rights and gaming casinos and to see topics central to the course--the Constitution, the structure of federalism, citizenship, and civil liberties--from the perspective of groups that have often sought a protected place outside the U.S. polity rather than inclusion within. Enabling students to compare the American Indian experience with the ideas presented in other course materials, the readings in this book are keyed to the topics most commonly found in the course syllabi. Selected for their insight and accessibility as well as diversity of viewpoints and topics, the essays provide a unique insight into the character of the American political system from the perspective of American Indians, teaching the reader much about both the tribes and the character of politics and government in the U.S. generally.

Elazar examines the social and political processes that determined the character of Fascist organization in Italy and its seizure of state power first in the provinces and then in the nation. She argues that the Fascists' "modus operandi" shaped the political struggles they engaged in and reflexively determined their own political significance. Employing both primary and secondary historical sources, Elazar reveals the crucial internal political struggles and inner contradictions through which Fascism was invented.

The political strategy of paramilitary organization and assault on labor and the Socialists carried out by the Fascist Action Squads in collusion with men of property was crucial in determining their seizure of power. But this also determined the ideological and organizational contours of Fascism itself. The Fascist Squads' alliances with men of property made them a formidable faction within the Fascist organization that could and did challenge Mussolini's authority. The making of Fascism is thus marked by the irony of the relationship between Mussolini and his political power base--the Squads. The very element of paramilitary organization that was decisive in the Fascists' seizure of power in the provinces had to be submerged by Mussolini if he was to preserve his power. Historical and comparative sociologists, political sociologists, and students of Italian Fascism and Italian history will find this new explanation of the making of Fascism both provacative and fascinating.

Outbursts of regional conflict within national boundaries have characterized recent years. Sub-national states--including parts of the Soviet Union, India, Canada, and Yugoslavia--dissatisfied with their central governments, seek forms of independence to pursue autonomous development paths. These region/state conflicts have occurred in nations at all levels of development (Canada and Indonesia, France and Papua New Guinea), under diverse economic systems (the USSR and Canada, Yugoslavia and Spain), and across political systems (federations such as India and unitary states such as Italy). Bookman's study develops methods whereby both state and region can evaluate the region's potential to sustain economic growth autonomously--filling the gap in current perceptions of inter-regional relations. Bookman introduces the concept of discontinuous development to facilitate the analysis of sub-national regions that have varying levels of development. The volume's emphasis on high-income regions within both agricultural and industrial nations and on the economic basis of conflict makes it a unique contribution that assesses the viability of regions as autonomous entities. The major part of the volume studies empirical evidence from India and Yugoslavia, especially timely in light of present ethnic and religious conflicts in both countries.

The volume is divided into three sections: Foundations; Discontinuous Development and Inter-regional Conflict; and Empirical Evidence from India and Yugoslavia. The first section presents a theoretical framework for issues internal to regions, as well as regions relative to the nation. It also outlines four ways of studying inter-regional conflict which are explored in the empirical chapters. Part 2 analyzes eight high-income regions characterized by discontinuous development and relates their experiences to the four hypotheses presented earlier. The last section contains empirical chapters testing the model in the context of India and Yugoslavia. The final chapter contains a full discussion of the hypotheses pertaining to secession, and offers some suggestions concerning the possibilities of secession as the outcome of inter-regional conflict. The explosive consequences of recent trends make it imperative that scholars in development economics, political economy, political science, and macroeconomics as well as policy makers comprehend the inter-regional economic and political relationships behind these conflicts.

Once again, Sarason leads the way, with a unique and provocative perspective on organizational collaboration.
In this penetrating work, Sarason and Lorenz tackle the problem of decreased in schools and health and social service agencies. They show how collaboration between organizations can work, and how this pooling of resources can add up to more than the sum of parts. The authors the role of networks for maximizing the use of resources, the special role and characteristics of a network coordinator, and the energy and sense of community that will result.

Mikhail Gorbachev was a major force at the center of political change in the latter half of the 20th century. His emphasis on the spoken word and the visual image was so pronounced that the character of the reform program he introduced became both a reflection and an extension of his own political persona. To promote his political program, Gorbachev depended upon the media to assist him in delivering his message and restructuring the Soviet experience; it was almost as if he believed that he could talk a revolution into existence. He hoped to promote both real and symbolic change, but found instead that such efforts led to his own downfall.

GorbacheV's case is an example of the power of personality in transforming a political culture. The author organizes his material into three topic areas: "perestroika," "glasnost," and New Thinking in foreign policy; and, in each of these areas he highlights GorbacheV's relations with the media, his public image, and the political influence of the media. GorbacheV's New Thinking influenced Soviet foreign policy and set in motion a change in the international environment, as he preached disarmament and international understanding as opposed to military confrontation and nuclear conflict. The net result, however, was the loss of the Soviet Empire in Eastern Europe and the end of the Soviet Union's superpower status.

This book considers the historical role of the communist movement in its global context. It covers both the ruling and non-ruling communist parties, from Europe to Asia and Latin America. It provides an overview of political developments during the period since 1945, and examines the ideology and culture of the movement.

The book opens with an assessment of the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. This was a time characterized by the spread of Soviet influence in Europe, communist-inspired colonial revolt, the Cold War and the use by Stalin of terror as an instrument of rule. The author then considers such issues as the process of destalinization after 1953, the hopes raised by Soviet technological breakthroughs, the pressures from the West in a bipolar world, and the schism in the communist world following the dispute between Soviet and Chinese leaderships.

The second part of the book examines the successes and failures of the various communist regimes and their impact on the non-ruling communist parties. It also considers the spread of communist influence in the developing world. The book charts the breakdown in the Soviet bloc from the 1980s and, finally, it assesses the extent to which the collapse of communism by the 1990s was inevitable.

The transformation of political systems is explored in this edited collection by assessing the relationships among political conflict, political development, and public policy. The continuous collapse and regeneration of political systems accompanied by violence and destruction are experiences shared by a majority of the world's population. Most often this larger phenomenon is conceived of in terms of political conflict, repression, and political development. This volume is devoted to exploration of this behavior as a means of understanding system transformation.

William Jennings Bryan is probably best remembered today for two rhetorical transactions: his "The Cross of Gold" acceptance speech, delivered at the 1896 Democratic national convention in Chicago, and his exchanges with Clarence Darrow in the 1925 Scopes Trial in Tennessee. But, as Donald Springen illustrates in this volume, Bryan's speaking brilliance went far beyond these two noted orations, flavoring his own two presidential campaigns, his tenure as Secretary of State, and the second campaign of Woodrow Wilson. This work examines the oratory skills of William Jennings Bryan, tracing and critically analyzing his development as a speaker, and providing the texts of important addresses that spanned much of his career. The first section offers a narrative and critical history of Bryan's oratory. Separate chapters chart his background and development up to the 1896 "Cross of Gold" address, and the speechmaking that revolved around his presidential campaigns in 1900 and 1908. His years as Wilson's Secretary of State are carefully analyzed; in particular the strong stand he took against entering World War I. A chapter on reforms, reactionaries, and the Ku Klux Klan displays Bryan's dualistic way of thinking, while his speaking on the Chautauqua circuit shows him to be a true articulator of small-town American thinking. A final chapter on the Scopes Trial analyzes his rhetorical battle with Darrow, and Bryan's mistake in allowing himself to be cross-examined. Section two offers the texts of a number of Bryan's significant speeches, including "The Cross of Gold," "Lincoln as an Orator," and "Democracy's Deeds and Duty." A chronology of speeches and a selected bibliography conclude the work.This study will be a useful tool for students of history, political science, and political communications, as well as anyone interested in effective and persuasive speaking. College, university, and public libraries will also consider it a valuable addition to their collections.

The Republic of Turkey has experienced impressive growth since its establishment in 1923 after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Dr. Tachau presents Turkey as an intriguing case for political analysis: a Third Wold nation whose political development began some 25 years earlier than most of the rest of the Third World.