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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > General
In this Third Edition of STATE AND LOCAL POLITICS: INSTITUTIONS AND REFORM, Donovan, Mooney, and Smith go beyond the purely descriptive treatment usually found in state and local texts. Offering an engaging comparative approach, the Third Edition shows students how politics and government differ between states and communities, and points out the causes and effects of those variations. The text also focuses on what social scientists know about the effects of rules and institutions on politics and policy. This comparative, institutional framework enables students to think more analytically about the impact of institutions on policy outcomes, asks them to evaluate the effectiveness of one institutional approach over another, and encourages them to consider more sophisticated solutions. Written by three young, high-profile specialists who have contributed significantly to the field in the last decade, STATE AND LOCAL POLITICS: INSTITUTIONS AND REFORM incorporates the most recent scholarship available into the course, giving students access to perspectives that no other textbook on the market currently provides.
Exam Board: AQA, Edexcel, OCR & WJEC Level: A-level Subject: History First Teaching: September 2015 First Exam: June 2016 Give your students the best chance of success with this tried and tested series, combining in-depth analysis, engaging narrative and accessibility. Access to History is the most popular, trusted and wide-ranging series for A-level History students. This title: - Supports the content and assessment requirements of the 2015 A-level History specifications - Contains authoritative and engaging content - Includes thought-provoking key debates that examine the opposing views and approaches of historians - Provides exam-style questions and guidance for each relevant specification to help students understand how to apply what they have learnt This title is suitable for a variety of courses including: - OCR: Democracy and Dictatorships in Germany 1919-1963
The leaders of the oil-rich rentier states of the Middle East, and in particular in the Gulf, have hitherto often predicated their legitimacy on a tacit social contract with their (much poorer) populations. This social contract consists of little or no direct taxation, with some sort of subsidized living. But the casualty of this tacit agreement is often political participation, an issue which has come to the forefront in the Middle East following the 'Arab Spring' of 2011. Here, Sulaiman Al-Farsi looks at the impact the rentier nature of the Gulf States has on political participation, focusing on the nexus between tribe, religion and a new generation of young, highly educated citizens that is present in Oman. Specifically exploring the concept of shura (consultation), and how nascent concepts of democracy in the practice of shura have impacted and shaped the process of democratization, Al-Farsi's book is vital in the examination of the political discourse surrounding democratization across one of the most strategically important, but little understood states in the Middle East.
Though they work largely out of the eye of the public, political consultants - "image merchants" and "kingmakers" to candidates - play a crucial role in shaping campaigns. They persuaded Barry Goldwater to run for president, groomed former actor Ronald Reagan for the California governorship, helped derail Bill Clinton's health care initiative, and carried out the swiftboating of John Kerry. As Dennis Johnson argues in this history of political consulting in the United States, they are essential to modern campaigning, often making positive contributions to democratic discourse, and yet they have also polarized the electorate with their biting messages. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, political campaigns were run by local political parties, volunteers, and friends of candidates; but as party loyalties among voters began to weaken, and political parties declined as sources of manpower and strategy, professional consultants swept in to carry the day. Political consulting emerged as a profession in the 1930s with writers Leone Baxter and Clem Whitaker, the husband and wife team who built their business, in part, with a successful campaign to destroy Upton Sinclair's 1934 bid for governor of California. With roots in advertising and public relations, political consulting has since developed into a highly professionalized business worth hundreds of millions of dollars. In fact, some of the top campaign consulting outfits have more recently come full circle and merged to create new public relations firms, serving not just candidates but also shaping public advocacy campaigns for businesses and nonprofits. Johnson, an academic who has also worked on campaigns alongside the likes of James Carville and pollster Peter D. Hart, suffuses his history with the stories of the colorful characters who have come to define the profession of consulting, from its beginning to its present. This will be the most complete and sweeping story of the profession to date. As such it tells not just the making of a political business but the very contours of modern American politics.
Order and Compromise questions the historicity of government practices in Turkey from the late Ottoman Empire up to the present day. It explores how institutions at work are being framed by constant interactions with non-institutional characters from various social realms. This volume thus approaches the state-society continuum as a complex and shifting system of positions. Inasmuch as they order and ordain, state authorities leave room for compromise, something which has hitherto been little studied in concrete terms. By combining in-depth case studies with an interdisciplinary conceptual framework, this collection helps apprehend the morphology and dynamics of public action and state-society relations in Turkey. Contributors are: Marc Aymes, Olivier Bouquet, Nicolas Camelio, Nathalie Clayer, Anouck Gabriela Corte-Real Pinto, Berna Ekal, Benoit Fliche, Muriel Girard, Benjamin Gourisse, Sumbul Kaya, Noemi Levy Aksu, Elise Massicard, Jean-Francois Perouse, Clemence Scalbert Yucel, Emmanuel Szurek and Claire Visier.
Looking at a series of Swiss political debates, this book offers a case study of a revolutionary transformation to a rights-based society and political culture. Based on a tradition of political innovation and experimentation, Swiss citizens recalibrated their understanding of liberty and republicanism from 1750 to 1848. The resulting hybrid political culture centered around republican ideas, changing understandings of liberty and self-rule. Drawing from the public political debates in three characteristic cantons, A Laboratory of Liberty places the Swiss transformation into a European context. Current trends in Revolutionary studies focus on the revolution in its global context and this book demonstrates that the Swiss case enhances our understanding of the debates over the nature of liberty in the transatlantic world during the Age of Revolution.
Born in Gering, Nebraska on May 2, 1920, Dale Cannady has witnessed a dramatically changing world. Using the GI Bill to gain his college education at the University of Washington in Seattle, Dale rose to be Assistant City Planning Director in Portland, Oregon. My Thoughts is the culmination of 92 years of experience and observation.
Every politically sentient American knows that Congress has been dominated by special interests, and many people do not remember a time when Congress legislated in the public interest. In the 1960s and '70s, however, lobbyists were aggressive but were countered by progressive senators and representatives, as several books have documented. What has remained untold is the major behind-the-scenes contribution of entrepreneurial Congressional staff, who planted the seeds of public interest bills in their bosses' minds and maneuvered to counteract the influence of lobbyists to pass laws in consumer protection, public health, and other policy arenas crying out for effective government regulation. They infuriated Nixon's advisor, John Ehrlichman, who called them ""bumblebees,"" a name they wore as a badge of honor. For his insider account, Pertschuk draws on many interviews, as well as his fifteen years serving on the staff of the Senate Commerce Committee that Senator Warren Magnuson chaired and as the committee's Democratic Staff Director. That committee became, in Ralph Nader's words, ""the Grand Central Station for consumer protection advocates.
Offers the most accessible overview of the topic currently available. Suitable for students coming to the topic without a law background. The authors have diverse backgrounds in academia, journalism and practice, and present the subject clearly and dynamically.
Land and Dignity in Paraguay analyzes the sociopolitical mobilization around land rights of the indigenous communities in this country. Throughout Paraguay, indigenous communities have seen their lands sold to private agriculture business, in addition to being subjected to arrests, intimidation, and torture. Since the fall of Stroessner's dictatorship in 1989, these communities have been organizing to oppose neoliberal policies, especially that of land privatization. Such mobilization nearly always coalesces around an organizing frame, and the prominence of dignity in the framing of the Paraguayan movement is clear. Drawing on media coverage and extensive interviews with indigenous leaders, civil society leaders, and government officials, the book argues that active social mobilization developed around the dignity frame and concludes by looking at the implications for conflict resolution processes and for Paraguay's new democracy. A unique case study, Land and Dignity in Paraguay will interest anyone studying indigenous politics, Latin American politics, as well as issues of development and human rights.
Presidential Puppetry documents what many millions have long suspected: secretive elites guide our government leaders. The first book to analyze the Obama second term is also one of the first to examine the 2012 elections. Puppetry reveals scandals and shows why Congress, courts, and other watchdog institutions fail to report key facts about even the biggest news makers. Puppetry unfolds like a mystery extending over decades to the present. By the end, this compelling narrative documented with 1,200 endnotes shows hidden links between puppet masters, political leaders, spy agencies, and the economic austerity now being imposed on a hapless public. By exposing key secrets, it provides a roadmap for reform.
Examines the perspectives of Democrats and Republicans on dozens of major foreign policy issues of the 21st century, illuminating both areas of consensus and issues where partisan divisions are wide. From the earliest days of the republic through the Cold War and to the present day, American foreign policy has been colored by the beliefs and values of America's major political parties. Surveying the breadth and depth of partisan divisions on a variety of key foreign policy issues yields a better understanding of how partisanship has helped define U.S. leadership in the modern era. This book treats 38 individual foreign policy issues, each chosen for its timeliness and importance to American interests in the 21st century. For example, readers will learn about the partisan feelings regarding U.S. foreign policy toward Cuba that surfaced in the wake of President Obama's visit to Cuba in 2016 and his decision to resume diplomatic relations. These feelings serve as an excellent example of both partisan and intergovernmental divisions on a key U.S. foreign policy issue. Each entry contains an historical overview that will quickly bring readers "up to speed" on the issue, followed by an authoritative survey of positions and statements held by presidents, key leaders of Congress, and other important voices in both the Republican and Democratic parties. The book will serve as a vital and highly accessible reference for anyone—undergraduate university students, advanced high school students, and general readers—who needs a one-stop source for information about partisanship and U.S. foreign policy.
Hailed in the Times Literary Supplement as ‘probably the finest piece of non-fiction to come out of South Africa since the end of apartheid’, The Dream Deferred is back in print and updated with a brilliant new epilogue. The prosperous Mbeki clan lost everything to apartheid. Yet the family saw its favourite son, Thabo, rise to become president of South Africa in 1999. A decade later, Mbeki was ousted by his own party and his legacy is bitterly contested – particularly over his handling of the AIDS epidemic and the crisis in Zimbabwe. Through the story of the Mbeki family, award-wining journalist Mark Gevisser tells the gripping tale of the last tumultuous century of South Africa life, following the family’s path to make sense of the liberation struggle and the future that South Africa has inherited. At the centre of the story is Mbeki, a visionary yet tragic figure who led South Africa to freedom but was not able to overcome the difficulties of his own dislocated life. It is 15 years since Mbeki was unceremoniously dumped by the ANC, giving rise to the wasted years under Jacob Zuma. With the benefit of hindsight, and as Mbeki reaches the age of 80, Gevisser examines the legacy of the man who succeeded Mandela.
A key book for conflict and peace studies, reveals the gendered nature of peacebuilding, its consequences, and the importance of women playing a part in peace processes in Africa. Even in the best of circumstances, women are all too often excluded from formal peacemaking and peacebuilding processes and relegated to the sidelines as observers or limited to informal peacebuilding strategies. Yet there is enormous potential in these strategies as women often strive to build bridges across political, ethnic, religious, clan and other differences through alliances arising from common concerns around violence, land, access to resources, and protection of their families and communities, and address sources of conflict at both national and local levels. Drawing on cutting-edge research by scholars and women's rights activists in South Sudan, Sudan, Algeria, northern Nigeria, and Somalia, this book focuses on the consequences of the continuing exclusions of women from peace talks and from post-conflict governance structures. The case studies reveal how peacebuilding is gendered and why this matters in developing meaningful and sustainable approaches to peacebuilding. Examining how women activists have made a difference through informal peacebuilding activities, the contributors explore women's efforts to reshapethe post-conflict context by struggling for legislative and constitutional reforms and by advocating for political representation and political inclusion more generally within peacebuilding processes. They also look at how women have pushed back against the conservative Islamist forces that today dominate much armed conflict in Africa. Suggesting that women's formal participation in peace negotiations is vital in bringing about an end to conflict and preventing its resumption, as well as the one of the most effective strategies, this book will be essential reading for scholars and NGOs involved in development, conflict resolution and peacebuilding. The book is the product of a research project on Women and Peacebuilding in Africa, funded by Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Norwegian Foreign Ministry.
From 1924 to 1946 the Republic of Turkey was in effect ruled as an authoritarian single-party regime. During these years the state embarked upon an extensive reform programme of modernisation and nation-building. Alexandros Lamprou here offers an alternative understanding of social change and state-society relations in Turkey, shifting the focus from the state as the prime instigator of change to the population's participation in the process of reform. Through the study of the 'People's Houses', the community centres opened and operated by the Republican People's Party in most cities and towns of Turkey, and using previously unpublished archival material, Lamprou analyses how ordinary people experienced, negotiated and resisted the reforms in the 1930s and 1940s and how this process contributed to the shaping of social identities. This book will be essential reading for students and scholars of nation-building, socio-cultural change and state-society relations in modern Turkey.
This book addresses women's civil strategies for negotiation and leadership through careful analysis of social science research and management theory as well as interviews with women legislators, documenting how women in Washington are affecting the development of the world at all levels. In October 2013, after the war between Republican and Democratic men in Congress resulted in a government shutdown, Time magazine referred to the women legislators as "the only adults left in Washington." In Why Congress Needs Women: Bringing Sanity to the House and Senate, editor Michele A. Paludi and various contributors explain how women in Washington have redefined leadership and power by embracing a transformational leadership style: a style that incorporates empowerment, ethics, nurturance, inclusiveness, and social justice, transcending their own self-interests for the good of the group—or, in the case of the shut-down, for the good of the nation. A resource that will prove invaluable for anyone interested in politics and leadership as well as students taking courses in politics, women's studies, gender studies, or management, the chapters provide an in-depth review of the ways women in Washington are striving to find lasting solutions to our nation's challenges. The contributors document the mindset and methodologies women legislators are using to achieve their legislative goals and work toward creating gender-equitable environments in Washington's well-established climate where bullying, harassment, and sexual exploitation is perceived as normative. Insights from interviews with women senators and congress members enhance the scholarship discussed in this book.
Philip tackles the major problems posed by military radicalism in Peru between 1968 and 1976. He discusses the ideology of the military, the commitment of the officer corps to reform, the degree of reformism, and the limits of popular participation, and attempts to answer why it was possible for a radical military government to arise in Peru. The answers contribute not only to an understanding of modern Peru but also to the general study of the military in politics.
The study of British politics has been reinvigorated in recent
years as a generation of new scholars seeks to build-upon a
distinct disciplinary heritage while also exploring new empirical
territory, and finds much support and encouragement from previous
generations in forging new grounds in relation to theory and
methods. It is in this context that The Oxford Handbook of British
Politics has been conceived. The central ambition of the Handbook
is not just to illustrate both the breadth and depth of scholarship
that is to be found within the field. It also seeks to demonstrate
the vibrancy and critical self-reflection that has cultivated a
much sharper and engaging, and notably less insular, approach to
the terrain it seeks to explore and understand. In this emphasis on
critical engagement, disciplinary evolution, and a commitment to
shaping rather than re-stating the discipline The Oxford Handbook
of British Politics is consciously distinctive.
This richly detailed biography of Andrew Jackson Donelson (1799-1871) sheds new light on the political and personal life of this nephew and namesake of Andrew Jackson. A scion of a pioneering Tennessee family, Donelson was a valued assistant and trusted confidant of the man who defined the Age of Jackson. One of those central but background figures of history, Donelson had a knack for being where important events were happening and knew many of the great figures of the age. As his uncle's secretary, he weathered Old Hickory's tumultuous presidency, including the notorious ""Petticoat War."" Building his own political career, he served as US charge d'affaires to the Republic of Texas, where he struggled against an enigmatic President Sam Houston, British and French intrigues, and the threat of war by Mexico, to achieve annexation. As minister to Prussia, Donelson enjoyed a ringside seat to the revolutions of 1848 and the first attempts at German unification. A firm Unionist in the mold of his uncle, Donelson denounced the secessionists at the Nashville Convention of 1850. He attempted as editor of the Washington Union to reunite the Democratic party, and, when he failed, he was nominated as Millard Fillmore's vice-presidential running mate on the Know Nothing party ticket in 1856. He lived to see the Civil War wreck the Union he loved, devastate his farms, and take the lives of two of his sons.
This book explores the theoretical issues, empirical evidence, and
normative debates elicited by the concept of multi-level governance
(MLG). The concept is a useful descriptor of decision-making
processes that involve the simultaneous mobilization of public
authorities at different jurisdictional levels as well as that of
non-governmental organizations and social movements. It has become
increasingly relevant with the weakening of territorial state power
and effectiveness and the increase in international
interdependencies which serve to undermine conventional
governmental processes. This book moves towards the construction of
a theory of multi-level governance by defining the analytical
contours of this concept, identifying the processes that can
uniquely be denoted by it, and discussing the normative issues that
are raised by its diffusion, particularly in the European Union.
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