The Queen of Jamaica examines our relationship with the crown and explores the possibilities for our future as a people and that of monarchy in Jamaica.

It is proposed that now is the time for Jamaica to say good-bye to Britain's Queen Elizabeth as our monarch. Before we close this chapter on the British Crown, there are a few questions to consider:

Are we ready for complete independence?

Is Jamaica inspired enough to take great strides forward on our own?

Are we prepared to outline a long-term strategy for sustainable development and see it to fruition?

Can we reform Jamaica from within, to create a powerhouse of progress and prosperity?

What will happen to Jamaicans who hold British passports?

What does it mean to be a Jamaican?

How will separation from the crown affect our identity as a people?

Will there be unexpected consequences to going it alone?

Do we really want to be a republic?

Is this form of government in keeping with our traditions in governance?

What will be gained by adopting this model for our political future? What will be lost by abandoning the monarchy?

Why not choose to have our own "working monarch?"

Have we grown accustomed to having a lofty figurehead to look up to?

Are our national interests best served by having such a person for the people to focus on as an example of what a fine and upstanding Jamaican should be?

Would having such a leader that reflects our nation inspire greatness in our people?

Learn more about the road to Jamaica's future in The Queen of Jamaica--A Crown for Our Empire.

As American Indian tribes seek to overcome centuries of political and social marginalization, they face daunting obstacles. The successes of some tribal casinos have lured many outside observers into thinking that gambling revenue alone can somehow mend the devastation of culture, community, natural resources, and sacred spaces. The reality is quite different. Most tribal officials operate with meager resources and serve impoverished communities with stark political disadvantages. Yet we find examples of Indian tribes persuading states, localities, and the federal government to pursue policy change that addresses important tribal concerns. How is it that Indian tribes sometimes succeed against very dim prospects?
In Power from Powerlessness, Laura Evans looks at the successful policy interventions by a range of American Indian tribal governments and explains how disadvantaged groups can exploit niches in the institutional framework of American federalism to obtain unlikely victories. Tribes have also been adept at building productive relationships with governmental authorities at all levels. Admittedly, many of the tribes' victories are small when viewed on their own: reaching cooperative agreements on trash collection with municipalities and successfully challenging other localities for more control over fisheries and waterway management. However, Evans shows that in combination, their victories are impressive-particularly when considering that the poverty rate among American Indians on reservations is 39 percent. Not simply a book about American Indian politics, Power from Powerlessness forces scholars of institutions and inequality to reconsider the commonly held view that the less powerful are in fact powerless.

From the first free elections in post-Soviet Russia in 1989 to the end of the Yeltsin period in 1999, Russia's parliament was the site of great political upheavals. Conflicts between communists and reformers generated constant turmoil, and twice parliamentary institutions broke down in violence. This book offers the first full account of the inaugural decade of Russia's parliament. Thomas F. Remington, a leading scholar of Russian politics, describes in unique detail the Gorbachev-era parliament of 1989-91, the interim parliament of 1990-93, and the current Federal Assembly.

Focusing particularly on the emergence of parliamentary parties and bicameralism, Remington explores how the organization of the Russian parliament changed, why some changes failed while others were accepted, and why the current parliament is more effective and viable than its predecessors. He links the story of parliamentary evolution in Russia to contemporary theories of institutional development and concludes that, notwithstanding the turbulence of Russia's first postcommunist decade, parliament has served as a stabilizing influence in Russian political life.

Leading the problems most critical to government decision makers worldwide are those that derive from privatization, democratization, and decentralization. Dr. Nagel and a panel of academics and practitioners help clarify the ways in which problems traceable to these trends are being handled -- and how they might be handled better -- in light of the goals, experiences, constraints, and other factors affecting participants in world governance. Among the many important features of the book is its interdisciplinary approach and the way it offers African, Asian, Latin American, European and North American viewpoints. It also combines the perspectives of liberal and conservative ideologies. Cross-national with concrete examples and broad concepts and principles carefully detailed, the book is an important source of background and insight. Nagel and the contributors make clear that privatizing can involve shifting from government to private operations, with or without government ownership and with or without liberal contract provisions to protect consumers, workers, or the environment. They show that democratization can include the expansion of political participation and can give minorities the legal right to convert the majority to their positions, possibly the technological and economic facilitators as well. They also investigate ways in which national or state governments can be involved as "high units" in decentralization processes, but show that decentralization can involve local governments, neighborhoods, businesses, or even individuals as the lower or "decentral units." Throughout, the book offers alternative positions and discusses their consequences from a variety of cross-nationaland interdisciplinary perspectives.

This new edition of Statehood and Union: A History of the Northwest Ordinance, originally published in 1987, is an authoritative account of the origins and early history of American policy for territorial government, land distribution, and the admission of new states in the Old Northwest. In a new preface, Peter S. Onuf reviews important new work on the progress of colonization and territorial expansion in the rising American empire.

Among the most intractable problems in the public sector is how to train effective administrators. Nagel and the contributors to this wide-ranging investigation show how worldwide the training problem is, and how critical is the need to solve it. Included here are discussions of, among other issues, how to motivate, reward, promote, and sanction new and experienced hires, and also how to deal with them fairly and productively in other ways. They explore ways to provide training courses in colleges, government agencies, and private sector training facilities, how to teach specific subjects, such as financial administration (including taxation, spending, budgeting), and how to develop and implement public policies that are effective, efficient, and equitable.

Interdisciplinary as well as cross-national, the book provides viewpoints from both academics and practitioners - people from political science, public administration, public policy and related disciplines. It also offers a combination of liberal and conservative ideological viewpoints, and reaches into Africa, Asia, East and West Europe, Latin America and North America for its viewpoints. Among the book's features are its stress on the importance of well-trained public administrators, its coverage of the controversial aspects of public administration training, and its success at integrating the substance of public policy with administrative procedures. The result is a major source of information for public administrators and policy makers already in government service and for students in academic programs preparing them for it.

Members come and go, reforms are attempted and abandoned, but congressional norms of seniority, specialization, and reciprocity adapt, survive, and continue to influence the course of American government. In the first major look at congressional normative behavior in 25 years, Choate argues these resilient folkways survive because members value the institutional stability and continuity they provide. Working from extensive on-the-record interviews with past and present House members, Choate's work is the first to study the unsettling effects on norms brought on by party switching.

Across all the boroughs, The Long Crisis shows, New Yorkers helped transform their broke and troubled city in the 1970s by taking the responsibilities of city governance into the private sector and market, steering the process of neoliberalism. Newspaper headlines beginning in the mid-1960s blared that New York City, known as the greatest city in the world, was in trouble. They depicted a metropolis overcome by poverty and crime, substandard schools, unmanageable bureaucracy, ballooning budget deficits, deserting businesses, and a vanishing middle class. By the mid-1970s, New York faced a situation perhaps graver than the urban crisis: the city could no longer pay its bills and was tumbling toward bankruptcy. The Long Crisis turns to this turbulent period to explore the origins and implications of the diminished faith in government as capable of solving public problems. Conventional accounts of the shift toward market and private sector governing solutions have focused on the rising influence of conservatives, libertarians, and the business sector. Benjamin Holtzman, however, locates the origins of this transformation in the efforts of city dwellers to preserve liberal commitments of the postwar period. As New York faced an economic crisis that disrupted long-standing assumptions about the services city government could provide, its residents-organized within block associations, non-profits, and professional organizations-embraced an ethos of private volunteerism and, eventually, of partnership with private business in order to save their communities' streets, parks, and housing from neglect. Local liberal and Democratic officials came to see such alliances not as stopgap measures but as legitimate and ultimately permanent features of modern governance. The ascent of market-based policies was driven less by a political assault of pro-market ideologues than by ordinary New Yorkers experimenting with novel ways to maintain robust public services in the face of the city's budget woes. Local people and officials, The Long Crisis argues, built neoliberalism from the ground up, creating a system that would both exacerbate old racial and economic inequalities and produce new ones that continue to shape metropolitan areas today.

This is Book I ("Western Hemisphere") of Volume Seven ("World Perspectives and Emergent Systems for the New Order in the New Age") in the series Origins of Legislative Sovereignty and the Legislative State), including coverage of North and South America. Another book on the Eastern Hemisphere, comprising a larger expanse from Western Europe to Eastern Asia, will follow to round out global or worldwide considerations. Three main parts deal in turn with United States Government and Society, United States Foreign Policy, and Latin American Governments and Societies, with an Annex on Canada and North American Blocs and an Epilogue on U.S. and Other 'Union' Models. The lengthy first chapter in Part I continues the focus on U.S. presidents from the Founders to Reagan, moving ahead here from Reagan to George W. Bush. As in the case herein of Latin America, the fading out of the old order of Cold War dictatorships gave rise in the 1990s to an emergent new order of more democratic (and free trade) tendencies, often patterned around U.S. models, albeit often imperfectly or incompletely so, within the contexts of their own cultures and traditions. The nascent new order for the new decade of the 1990s and then for the new century and new millennium is still an ongoing work in progress.

In a different sense, the United States itself experienced an emerging new order in its domestic and foreign affairs in the 1990s and beyond-first with the call for a new world order under George H.W. Bush around 1991, then with the impetus toward a more global economy under Clinton, and more recently through the crusade against international terrorism under George W. Bush. As indicated in the titles of the present Book I on the Western Hemisphere and in its sequel Book II on the Eastern Hemisphere, the main subjects and sources revolve around current news history. Issues and viewpoints uppermost in the public mind as expressed in the public press through reports and accounts are crucial here.

Created in 1947, the Central Intelligence Agency plays an important part in the nation's intelligence activities, and is currently playing a vital role in the "war on terrorism." While the agency is often in the news and portrayed in television shows and films, it remains one of the most secretive and misunderstood organizations in the United States. This work provides an in-depth look into the Central Intelligence Agency and how its responsibilities affect American life. After a brief history of the agency, chapters describe its organization, intelligence/counterintelligence, covert operations, controversies, key events, and notable people.

International migration has become a major domestic political issue in many countries and a major topic of international debate. Thus far, most of the attention has centered on the plight of refugees or on ways to curb the flow of illegal immigrants. As more and more migrants cross interstate boundaries, however, governments are realizing that immigration and asylum problems cannot be separated from broader socio-economic and political issues; nor can they be resolved by countries acting unilaterally. Even with this understanding, attempts to develop multilateral strategies to ease international tensions arising from uncontrolled migration will be complicated by economic disparities, regional political tensions, and mounting population and ecological pressures. Internal migration, particularly in terms of forced resettlement and urbanization, also gives rise to a myriad of problems relating to aspects of security. The increase in other major population movements, such as tourism and business travel, also has implications for security. Until recently, the question "what is security?" was rarely asked in the context of these developments. This was because there was a perceived consensus on what the nature of security was. The nature of security was held to mean national, political, and military security. Thus security was virtually synonymous with "defense." The theoretical claim of this volume is that these developments are necessitating a redefinition of security. This volume provides major theoretical analyses of these trends as well as in-depth case studies that explore specific developments of major concern to scholars and other researchers involved with international relations, migration, and development issues.

Is the world entering a period of breakdown or breakthrough? As Suter makes clear, globalization is reducing the role of national governments, but it is not yet clear what will follow the current world order. He explains the process of globalization and uses the technique of scenario planning to examine alternative forms of global order and disorder.

The current world order is ending. The old order has been based on nation-states, or countries, with centralized national governments. As Keith Suter makes clear, the process of globalization, which is now the most important factor in world politics, is undermining that world order and leading to world disorder. Globalization is the process of the erosion of the nation-state as the basic unit of world politics, the declining power of national governments, and the reduced significance of national boundaries.

Global change is running ahead of governments' abilities to manage it. Economics is only a part of that process. Suter also deals with other vital concerns: war, crime, environment, and health. Therefore, while Suter examines the growth and impact of transnational corporations, he also takes in many other matters that comprise globalization. The process of globalization is not reversible. Therefore, there has to be a search for a new order rather than vain efforts to patch up the system of the nation-states. Suter concludes by exploring alternatives to the current world order using the technique of scenario planning. A provocative analysis that will be of interest to scholars, students, researchers, and the general public concerned with international relations, law, and economic issues.

Shinoda provides an analytical framework for examining the role of the prime minister in Japan's political decision making. He shows that two dimensions of fraction within the government and the ruling party--interagency rivalry and intraparty factions--confront the prime minister whenever a major policy issue needs to be resolved. Despite these obstacles, Shinoda shows that the prime minister can be effective.

First, Shinoda identifies the sources of power available to Japanese prime ministers--some from legal authorities and others from informal sources. Because prime ministers must rely on informal sources of power to effectively utilize institutional sources of power, their effectiveness varies depending on their background, experience, political skills, and personality. Shinoda identifies six major informal sources of power: power base within the ruling party, control over the bureaucracy, ties with the opposition parties, public support, business support, and international reputation. The national leader's leadership style can be defined depending on which sources of power they utilize in the policy process. He presents both successful and unsuccessful case studies--Hashimoto's administrative reform, Takeshita's tax reform, and Nakasone's administrative reform-- illustrate how different prime ministers have succeeded or failed in applying their political resources. After examining these three case studies, Shinoda uncovers four types of leadership among Japanese prime ministers. A major analytical resource for scholars and students of Japanese politics and political economy and comparative politics.

This book brings together leading scholars in the field of electoral studies and political representation to examine the democratization of the recruitment of political representatives in Western Europe. The study deals with long-term changes in parliamentary recruitment and patterns of political careers in eleven European countries from the middle of the 19th century until 2000. The book provides the first ever truly comparative study of parliamentary representation in Europe.

In the mid-1980s Mikhail Gorbachev's political and economic reforms promised a relaxation of tensions between the U.S.S.R. and the United States without disturbing the basic balance of power in Europe established after the Second World War. Then came the collapse of the Warsaw Pact and the vast democratic revolution that swept the Soviet empire, creating a power vacuum east of Berlin. Could such an upheaval have been a natural and logical extension of the course of reform that Gorbachev began plotting in 1985?

Gorbachev's Revolution argues persuasively that the end of Communism was never the goal of the Soviet leader but rather the unintended result of an intense and many-faceted struggle for power. Anthony D'Agostino demonstrates that the pervasive image of stable in-system reform in fact ignored evidence from history. Succession struggles in the U.S.S.R. were generally wars of ideas in which the victors got their way by challenging their opponents' interpretations of the past.

Through political memoirs, newspaper accounts, and historical documents, Gorbachev's Revolution demonstrates once again that revolutionaries change the world not only according to their own designs but also according to the world's designs on them.

Good governance, that is, effective government based on non-arbitrary decision-making, is central to a country's successful development or transition to a market-oriented economy. This Manual explores the critical relationship between law making and development. It aims to equip legislative drafters with the conceptual tools and specific techniques they need to draft laws likely to bring about the institutional transformation necessary for good governance. Designed as a practical aid for practitioners in the developing and transitional worlds, this work demonstrates how, within constitutional and other limits, a drafter should structure a bill, provides instruction in drafting amendments and subordinate legislation, and describes the skills required to write the clear, unambiguous and readily-interpreted provisions required to achieve a bill's policy objectives. It provides a model for a research report that, based on facts and logic, will justify the bill's detailed provisions and demonstrate that the responsible agency will implement them effectively. The final section focuses on drafting laws to facilitate government decision-making in accordance with the rule of law. In particular, it suggests devices for drafting defensively against corruption, thus providing the legislative environment essential for successful transition and development.

Recognizing that the quality of governance is a crucial factor in the overall development of a country, experts on government ethics and law enforcement examine the principles that need to be applied to create more effective and efficient governments. While focusing on the approaches adopted by the City of New York, case studies from around the world are also given.

As the essays make clear, it is difficult to over estimate the importance of authorities to set proper ethical standards and regulations while operating on the basis of transparency, predictability, and accountability. An important resource for scholars, researchers, and policy makers involved with public administration issues.

This study of Cold War politics explores the attitudes of William Stuart Symington, a consummate Cold Warrior and Democratic senator from Missouri. The book focuses on his transition from being an avid supporter of the military and the CIA to his dovish position on the Vietnam War, as he questioned all foreign commitments, as well as military and CIA budgets. His ideas influenced presidential administrations ranging from Truman's to Nixon's. He exposed covert activity associated with the Vietnam War and worked to restore the constitutional balance between the executive and legislative branches of the government.

Symington held several appointive positions within the Truman administration where he was instrumental in the unification of the armed services: he served as the first Secretary of the Air Force, a post responsible for the conduct of the Berlin Blockade. As a senator, he was a strong voice for the military, and he openly criticized President Eisenhower for his defense policies and meager budgets. A vociferous advocate of the big bomber and ICBMs, he helped establish the missile gap myth, providing the Democratic Party with a key issue in the 1960 presidential race. This well-documented study highlights the importance of and the interplay among significant personalities, circumstances, and public policy at a key point in our nation's history.

In 1981, the Commonwealth of Virginia, which had been dominated for decades by "the Organization," a political machine led by former Governor and U.S. Senator Harry Byrd Sr., took its first baby steps to becoming the vibrant state it is today. That year, Charles Robb rejected the machine and began a new Democratic Party in his campaign for governor. Instead of running against African Americans, Robb reached out to Douglas Wilder, the state's only African American State Senator and other leaders in the African American Community to rally voters of color to support the Democratic ticket. With the help of a heavy African American turnout, Robb won and the Byrd machine was crushed. In 1985, just four years later, Doug Wilder won the party's nomination for Lieutenant Governor against the cries of "Virginia isn't ready" and, later that year, defied the naysayers by being elected to that office. Within five years, he would be sworn in as the first elected African American governor in American history. SON OF VIRGINIA by L. Douglas Wilder details the events of the author's life to paint a portrait of the changing face of America. It will be a story of constant struggle and conflict, not only Wilder's struggle, but also that of courageous people who stood up to decades of discrimination, corruption and greed. The book will stand as a road map for continued American progress in our elections and laws and a stark warning of what may happen if we relax our commitment to this program.

Parliamentary Democracy provides a comparative study of the parliamentary regimes since 1789. The book covers the road to parliamentarization of former constitutional monarchies and the creation of parliamentary regimes by exercising the constitution-making power of the people. What has been called democratization in most of the 'transitology' literature was until 1918 mostly only 'parliamentarization'. Democratization of the regimes frequently caused a certain destabilization of the parliamentary regimes by new parties and extremist movement entering the political arena. This is the first book to cover the entire range of parliamentary systems, including the semi-presidential systems.

This collection examines the political themes and strategies utilized by candidate Bush in 1988 and President Bush in 1992, as told by the actual players as well as presidential and political scholars. Also considered are the role of the Vice President, the Cabinet, relations with Congress and the Supreme Court, the presidency and the media, and the role of the First Lady.

This volume focuses on the political world inside the Bush White House. Domestic political actors and institutions such as the vice president, chief of staff, Congress, and the Supreme Court all interact to create a president's political world. In George Bush's inaugural speech he spoke of the keys to success, saying these ideas are timeless: duty, sacrifice, commitment. These themes are seen by many of the writers in the collection as characterizing the political world of George Bush.

Equal consideration is given to the political themes and strategies utilized by candidate Bush in 1988 and President Bush in 1992. Also considered are the role of the Vice President, the Cabinet, relations with Congress and the Supreme Court, the presidency and the media, and the role of the First Lady. Essential reading for scholars and other researchers of the Bush presidency and American history of the late 1980s.

This classic text -- thoroughly revised to take into account the effects of unification -- explores the relationship between state policy and social change in modern German history. Particular emphasis is placed on the Wilhelmine Empire (pre-1918), the Weimar Republic (1918-1933) and West Germany since 1945.
Chapters address:
- the social implications of industrial medicine since the 19th century;
- official attitudes to the employment of female civil servants in the Weimar Republic;
- public health in the Weimar Republic; and
- the role of municipal finance in 20th-century economics and politics.
This is an invaluable sourcebook for students and scholars looking for insights into current debates about German state policy, the preconditions for the rise of Nazism, and the evidence that the process of reunification provides for the character of the GDR and the future of the Federal Republic.