This edited volume provides a window on the many forces that structure and shape why women and girls participate in terrorism and militancy, as well as on how states have come to view, treat, and strategize against them.

Females who carry out terrorist acts have historically been seen as mounting a challenge to the social order by violating conventional notions of gender and power, and their participation in such acts has tended to be viewed as being either as a passive victim or a feminist warrior. This volume seeks to move beyond these portrayals, to examine some of the structuring conditions that play a part in a girl or woman's decision to commit violence. Amidst the contextual factors informing her involvement, the volume seeks also to explore the political agency of the female terrorist or militant. Several of the articles are based on research where authors had direct contact with female terrorists or militants who committed acts of political violence, or with witnesses to such acts.

"From Muhammad to Bin Laden" analyzes the ideological, religious, and cultural foundations of one of the most inconceivable phenomena in contemporary world politics. Bukay analyzes the homicide bombings and atrocities perpetuated by worldwide jihad. He also uses information from primary sources to suggest how to cope with this lethal phenomenon.

The book explores the meaning and interpretation of the seemingly benign concept of "da'wah," the expansion of the Islamic community. "Da'wah" provides the religious and ideological justification for the lethal phenomenon of worldwide jihad; it describes the incentive and motivational drive that support the emergence and the operation of the fundamentalist Islamic movement. Bukay locates the dimensions of the phenomenon of jihad as well as the reasons, motivations, and aspects of the behavior of fundamentalist groups. The importance of this work lies in its skillful combination of historical perspectives and contemporary dynamics, religious and anthropological aspects of the phenomena, and its use of research tools of both the humanities and social sciences.

By exploring the religious and cultural foundations of homicide bombers' activities, Bukay explains the essence of jihad, how it is connected to the "da'wah," and together, how "da'wah" and jihad serve as the platform of the current worldwide terrorist activities. Bukay quotes religious edicts and declarations of classical and modern Islamic texts, as well as contemporary Islamic fanatic movements from Ibn Hanbal in the eighth century to Sayyid Qutb in the mid-twentieth century. He also aims to bring to the world's consciousness the aims and objectives of fundamentalist Islam. The volume concludes by challenging the free world to wake up before the bells of another world war start to ring. "From Muhammad to Bin Laden" will interest scholars, policymakers, and lay readers. Its importance is transparent, particularly in light of the current developments in the Middle East.

During the Soviet period, Islam was largely ignored in Moscow and viewed as a bourgeois phenomenon which would fade over time. Nowadays, from the ongoing conflict in Chechnya to recent upheavals in Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, Islamic militancy has become a major security threat to Russia. Mike Bowker examines the newly emerging relationship between Russia and the United States and their struggle against the common threat of international terrorism. He looks at the difficulties of such a relationship by analyzing the lingering mutual suspicion, differing views on the nature of the global terrorist threat and how each side has continued to pursue their own national interests. Students and scholars of international relations and Russian foreign policy will find this book particularly useful.

Adopting an innovative approach to the ongoing debate over homeland security and state response to terrorism, Joseph Campos investigates the contextualizing of national security discourse and its management of terrorism. New ideas developed in this book reflect ways in which national security is mobilized through specific discourse to manage threats. In addition, a review of presidential rhetoric over the last 30 years reveals that national security discourse has maintained an ideological hegemony to determine what constitutes violence and appropriate responses. The volume incorporates historical depth and critical theory in a comparative framework to provide an invaluable insight into how national security is developed and how it works with the concept of terrorism to secure the state.

Militant groups often use violence, perversely, to gain attention and resources. In this book, the authors analyze how terrorist and rebel organizations compete with one another to secure funding and supporters. The authors develop a strategic model of competitive violence among militant groups and test the model's implications with statistical analysis and case studies. A series of model extensions allow the authors to incorporate the full range of strategic actors, focusing in particular on government efforts to counter and deter violence. The results indicate that the direct effects of competition are not as clear as they may seem, and interventions to alter competitive incentives may backfire if states are not careful. This is a timely contribution to a growing body of political economy research on militant group fragmentation, rivalry, fratricide and demonstrative violence.

Militant groups often use violence, perversely, to gain attention and resources. In this book, the authors analyze how terrorist and rebel organizations compete with one another to secure funding and supporters. The authors develop a strategic model of competitive violence among militant groups and test the model's implications with statistical analysis and case studies. A series of model extensions allow the authors to incorporate the full range of strategic actors, focusing in particular on government efforts to counter and deter violence. The results indicate that the direct effects of competition are not as clear as they may seem, and interventions to alter competitive incentives may backfire if states are not careful. This is a timely contribution to a growing body of political economy research on militant group fragmentation, rivalry, fratricide and demonstrative violence.

Regulation and control of the financial industry has become the weapon of choice for governments struggling to control the rise in global crime and terrorism. Tim Parkman and Gill Peeling's Countering Terrorist Finance - A Training Handbook for Financial Services is a practical, specialist guide for training staff in financial institutions in the processes and skills needed to respond to terrorist financing activities. The book explains international legal responses and obligations (with particular jurisdictional emphasis on the US, the UK, and Hong Kong); dissects the financing typologies behind terrorist attacks including September 11th, Madrid, Bali and other non al-Qaeda examples; analyzes potential causes for suspicion and offers an overview of the main issues and considerations affecting compliance professionals, in their efforts to protect against terrorist financing. The accompanying collection of eight training activities, with supporting materials and presentation slides, provides compliance officers with a resource for developing awareness and appropriate behaviour amongst employees tasked with managing terrorist finance risk. Additional training resource materials, including Powerpoint presentations, audio visual slideshows and pdf handouts are available ondownloadable resources that accompany the book. The background material, practical advice and training resources make this collection an excellent starting point for organizations striving to make a difference in this complex and difficult area.

In this path-breaking book, Jeb Sprague investigates the dangerous world of right-wing paramilitarism in Haiti and its role in undermining the democratic aspirations of the Haitian people. Sprague focuses on the period beginning in 1990 with the rise of Haiti's first democratically elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and the right-wing movements that succeeded in driving him from power. Over the ensuing two decades, paramilitary violence was largely directed against the poor and supporters of Aristide's Lavalas movement, taking the lives of thousands of Haitians. Sprague seeks to understand how this occurred, and traces connections between paramilitaries and their elite financial and political backers, in Haiti but also in the United States and the Dominican Republic. The product of years of original research, this book draws on over fifty interviews--some of which placed the author in severe danger--and more than 11,000 documents secured through Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests. It makes a substantial contribution to our understanding of Haiti today, and is a vivid reminder of how democratic struggles in poor countries are often met with extreme violence organized at the behest of capital.

Contemporary international events, and indeed even the US presidential election, demonstrate the continuing need for debate and discourse over the direction and emphases of US foreign policy. Following the success of the original hardback publication, this revised and updated paperback re-conceptualizes the 'war on terrorism' and analyzes the nature of American domestic and international policy-making within the context of historical and structural constraints upon US policy. American Global Strategy and the 'War on Terrorism' addresses a wide range of themes that are crucial to understanding the 9/11 crisis and to formulating an affective American and global foreign and security policy to deal with that crisis. This study should be read by contemporary policy makers and scholars of foreign policy.

The disintegration of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s ended the Yugoslavian Federation, which for nearly fifty years had succeeded in preserving a delicate coexistence among the ethnic, religious, and national components contained within it. Following this, the Balkans became a violent arena of confrontation due to these warring factions. Islamic Terror and the Balkans describes and analyzes the growth of radical Islam in the Balkans from its inception during the years of World War II to the present.

Shay's account shows how the Bosnian War between the Muslims and the Serbs provided the historical opportunity for radical Islam to penetrate the Balkans, at a time when the Muslim world, headed by Iran and the various Islamic terror organizations, including Al-Qaida, came to the aid of the Muslims in Bosnia. In the framework of the mobilization of these entities in aiding the Muslim side in the conflict, the operational and organizational infrastructure of Iranian intelligence and the Revolutionary Guards was established, as well as those operated by other Islamic terror organizations.

When war in Bosnia ended, terrorist infrastructures remained in the Balkans and served as a basis for these entities' intervention in the confrontation that developed in the Balkans in the late-1990s, specifically in Kosovo and Macedonia. Today, the Balkans serve as a forefront on European soil for Islamic terror organizations, which exploits this area to promote their activities in Western Europe, Russia, and other focal points worldwide. Shay's analysis of terror activity in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks and exposure of terror cells throughout the world, and particularly in Europe, attest to the increasing involvement of the "Balkan alumni" and of the terrorist infrastructure from this area in creating global terror activity.

How do we explain the factors that led to the murder by Muslim immigrants of Theo van Gogh in Holland? How do we explain why four young British Muslims should become suicide bombers who killed themselves and 52 innocent members of the British public and injured many more on the London underground on 7/ 7? How do we explain why a Danish journalist published a cartoon of the Prophet Mohammed and the violent reactions that this sparked throughout the world?' With a view to answering these and other topical questions this book tracks the development and progress of 'Globalization' with the intention of exposing the way that its development has centred on the technological process whilst ignoring the problems posed by its use; in particular the affect on societal cultures. This has been experienced as 'death of a way of life' leading to a loss of individual and group identity. In doing so, the author draws on comparisons with what is becoming known as 'the First Globalization'-the Industrial Revolution. The period of the Industrial Revolution was such that no parallels could be found in history and for the first time, the past ceased to throw its light upon the future; and this seems to most adequately describe what is happening today. An effect is to threaten the identity of Muslim societies who respond by mobilising groups such as Al Qaeda to commit acts of terrorism.

As the world negotiates immense loss and questions of how to memorialize, the contributions in this volume evaluate the role of culture as a means to promote reconciliation, either between formerly warring parties, perpetrators and survivors, governments and communities, or within the self. Post-Conflict Memorialization: Missing Memorials, Absent Bodies reflects on a distinct aspect of mourning work: the possibility to move towards recovery, while in a period of grief, waiting, silence, or erasure. Drawing on ethnographic data and archival material from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Argentina, Palestine, Israel, Wales, Peru, Colombia, Hungary, Chile, Pakistan, and India, the authors analyze how memorialization and commemoration is practiced by communities who have experienced trauma and violence, while in the absence of memorials, mutual acknowledgement, and the bodies of the missing. This timely volume will appeal to undergraduate and postgraduate students, postdoctoral researchers, and scholars with an interest in memory studies, sociology, history, politics, conflict, and peace studies

In response to the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, the United States embarked on a dramatic and sustained effort to reform and revitalize its homeland security policies and structures. This book offers an examination of the evolution of policy and the concurrent restructuring of existing agencies, as well as the creation of new bodies designed to counter the threat of transnational terrorism. Detailing the historical roots of US homeland security policy and its evolution in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, this book provides a unique overview of the emerging and existing agencies and bureaux at the national, state and local levels which are tasked with homeland security. Furthermore, by integrating the existing paradigms of contemporary security policy with the changing nature of threat and response, it provides an invaluable overview of existing and likely future security threats to the US homeland.

Violent Islamic extremism is affecting a growing number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa. In some, jihadi Salafi organizations have established home bases and turned into permanent security challengers. However, other countries have managed to prevent the formation or curb the spread of homegrown jihadi Salafi organizations. In this book, Sebastian Elischer provides a comparative analysis of how different West and East African states have engaged with fundamentalist Muslim groups between the 1950s and today. In doing so, he establishes a causal link between state-imposed organizational gatekeepers in the Islamic sphere and the absence of homegrown jihadi Salafism. Illustrating that the contemporary manifestation of violent Islamic extremism in sub-Saharan Africa is an outcome of strategic political decisions that are deeply embedded in countries' autocratic pasts, he challenges conventional notions of statehood on the African continent, and provides new insight into the evolving relationships between secular and religious authority.

There are many different kinds of sub-national conflicts across Asia, with a variety of causes, but since September 11, 2001 these have been increasingly portrayed as part of the global terrorist threat, to be dealt with by the War on Terror. This major new study examines a wide range of such conflicts, showing how, despite their significant differences, they share the role of the media as interlocutor, and exploring how the media exercises this role. The book raises a number of issues concerning how the media report different forms of political violence and conflict, including issues of impartiality in the media's relations with governments and insurgents, and how the focus on the 'War on Terror' has led to some forms of violence - notably those employed by states for political purposes - to be overlooked. As the issue of international terrorism remains one of the most pressing issues of the modern day, this is a significant and important book which will interest the general reader and scholars from all disciplines.

How policies forged after September 11 were weaponized under Trump and turned on American democracy itself In the wake of the September 11 terror attacks, the American government implemented a wave of overt policies to fight the nation's enemies. Unseen and undetected by the public, however, another set of tools was brought to bear on the domestic front. In this riveting book, one of today's leading experts on the US security state shows how these "subtle tools" imperiled the very foundations of democracy, from the separation of powers and transparency in government to adherence to the Constitution. Taking readers from Ground Zero to the Capitol insurrection, Karen Greenberg describes the subtle tools that were forged under George W. Bush in the name of security: imprecise language, bureaucratic confusion, secrecy, and the bypassing of procedural and legal norms. While the power and legacy of these tools lasted into the Obama years, reliance on them increased exponentially in the Trump era, both in the fight against terrorism abroad and in battles closer to home. Greenberg discusses how the Trump administration weaponized these tools to separate families at the border, suppress Black Lives Matter protests, and attempt to overturn the 2020 presidential election. Revealing the deeper consequences of the war on terror, Subtle Tools paints a troubling portrait of an increasingly undemocratic America where disinformation, xenophobia, and disdain for the law became the new norm, and where the subtle tools of national security threatened democracy itself.

In this book, Hedi Viterbo radically challenges our picture of law, human rights, and childhood, both in and beyond the Israel/Palestine context. He reveals how Israel, rather than disregarding international law and children's rights, has used them to hone and legitimize its violence against Palestinians. He exposes the human rights community's complicity in this situation, due to its problematic assumptions about childhood, its uncritical embrace of international law, and its recurring emulation of Israel's security discourse. He examines how, and to what effect, both the state and its critics manufacture, shape, and weaponize the categories 'child' and 'adult.' Bridging disciplinary divides, Viterbo analyzes hundreds of previously unexamined sources, many of which are not publicly available. Bold, sophisticated, and informative, Problematizing Law, Rights, and Childhood in Israel/Palestine provides unique insights into the ever-tightening relationship between law, children's rights, and state violence, at both the local and global levels.

Highlighting the changing nature of conflict, this book examines the menace of global terrorism in terms of how nations have responded to the growing threat. Issues considered include how a small group of terrorists can force disproportionately large deployments and how nations hover between retaliatory insufficiency and retaliatory overkill. The argument is presented that the terrorist attacks on 9-11 may have been premature acts that were intended to take place after 2004 and the planned pan-Islamic consolidation in central Asia, a consolidation that would have curtailed the retaliatory possibilities of the United States. This landmark study offers a fresh perspective on how global terrorism will impact the world community and innovative suggestions for redefining terrorism in a framework that will be more successful in mobilizing the international community.

The attacks of September 11, 2001, the US response and the international community's approval of the subsequent military action represent a new paradigm in the international law relating to the use of force. Previously, acts of terrorism were seen as criminal acts carried out by private, non-governmental entities. In contrast, the September 11 attacks were regarded as an act of war which marked a turning point in international relations and law. This exceptional and timely volume examines the use of force in the war against terror. The work is based on the central theme that the use of force is visibly enrolled in a process of change and it evaluates this within the framework of the uncertainty and indeterminacy of the UN Charter regime. The status of pre-emptive self-defence in international law and how it applies to US policy towards rogue states is examined along with the use of military force, including regime change, as an acceptable trend in the fight against state-sponsored terrorism.

When Brenton Tarrant live-streamed his massacre of fifty-one Muslims in Christchurch, New Zealand, in March 2019, he was but one in a series of lone-acting white men committing violent crime to further the radical white nationalist aim to save the white race from extinction and establish a white ethnostate. From where did white nationalists get the notion of an ongoing white genocide? Why should 'resistance' against a perceived invasion of 'white' territory be launched by individual 'lone wolves' massacring noncombatants they have no prior relation to? How could slaughtering children be construed as a heroic act that a perpetrator wants to broadcast to the world? Based on a unique collection of interviews with lone wolves, their victims, and their supporters, and a close reading of lone wolf, fascist, and radical nationalist material and communication, this Element provides solid answers to these and adjacent questions of importance.

The Four Faces of Nuclear Terrorism, a new book from the Center for Nonproliferation Studies, assesses the motivations and capabilities of terrorist organizations to acquire and use nuclear weapons, to fabricate and and detonate crude nuclear explosives, to strike nuclear power plants and other nuclear facilities, and to build and employ radiological weapons or "dirty bombs."

The Four Faces of Nuclear Terrorism, a new book from the Center for Nonproliferation Studies, assesses the motivations and capabilities of terrorist organizations to acquire and use nuclear weapons, to fabricate and detonate crude nuclear explosives, to strike nuclear power plants and other nuclear facilities, and to build and employ radiological weapons or dirty bombs. The authors maintain that there is a greater likelihood today than any time in the past three decades that nuclear weapons will actually be used. This stark assessment is based upon two premises: 1) Non-state actors have emerged who seek nuclear weapons in order to use them and 2) Crude but real nuclear weapons, as distinct from radiological dispersal devices, are well within the technical reach of some terrorist organizations. The authors urge the United States and its international partners to take immediate steps to prevent the most catastrophic forms of nuclear terrorism and to reduce the consequences of the most likely nuclear terror attacks. Russia; securing, consolidating, and eliminating highly enriched uranium globally; and providing for secure storage and disposal of radioactive materials used in medicine, scientific research, and industry. The book also stresses the need to educate the public on the real risks of radiation exposure and radioactive contamination to help psychologically immunize citizens against fear of radiological attacks, which the authors conclude are all but inevitable in the coming years.

This book provides a multidisciplinary commentary on a wide range of religious traditions and their relationship to acts of violence. Hate and violence occur at every level of human interaction, as do peace and compassion. Scholars of religion have a particular obligation to make sense out of this situation, tracing its history and variables, and drawing lessons for the future. From the formative periods of the religious traditions to their application in the contemporary world, the essays in this volume interrogate the views on violence found within the traditions and provide examples of religious practices that exacerbate or ameliorate situations of conflict.

This book examines the effects of the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington of 11 September 2001 on America's human rights and counter-terrorism policies towards a number of countries in Asia. Five countries have been chosen for examination, divided into two front-lines states (Pakistan and Uzbekistan), two second-front countries (Indonesia and Malaysia), and a third-front country, China. The paper also looks at changes in US domestic legislation and its treatment of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay and elsewhere in order to analyze the extent to which the US promotion of an external human rights policy might also have been compromised by its own legislative changes as a result of the struggle against terrorism.
The paper concludes that the attacks on US territory, overall, have constrained America's willingness and capacity to promote an external human rights policy with respect to these five countries. However, some attention--especially at the rhetorical level--to these countries' human rights records has been retained to differing degrees among the five states. This degree of difference is not explained entirely in reference to a country's perceived centrality to the struggle against terrorism. It depends on the extent to which the US executive and legislative branches are united-- either singly or in combination--in their disapproval of a state's record, or in their understanding about how best to reach the policy goals that are sought.

This innovative book examines radicalization from new psychological perspectives by examining the different typologies of radicalizing individuals, what makes individuals resilient against radicalization, and events that can trigger individuals to radicalize or to deradicalize. What is radicalization? Which psychological processes or events in a person's life play a role in radicalization? What determines whether a personal is resilient against radicalization, and is deradicalization something that we can achieve? This book goes beyond previous publications on this topic by identifying concrete key events in the process of radicalization, providing a useful theoretical framework that summarizes the current state-of-the-art research on radicalization and deradicalization. A model is presented in which a distinction is made between different levels of radicalization and deradicalization, with key underlying psychological needs discussed: the need for identity, justice, significance, and sensation. The authors also describe what makes people resilient against messages from "the outside world" when they belong to an extremist group and discuss observable events which may "trigger" a person to radicalize (further) or to deradicalize. Including real-world examples and clear guidelines for interventions aimed at prevention of radicalization and stimulation of deradicalization, this is essential reading for policy makers, researchers, practitioners, and students interested in this crucial societal issue.