This book examines the threat of a terrorist organisation constructing and detonating a nuclear bomb. It explores the role and impact of the organisational design of a terrorist organisation in implementing a nuclear terrorism plot. In order to do so, the work builds on the organisational analogy between an assumed nuclear terrorism scenario and four case studies as follows: the construction of the first atomic bombs at Los Alamos; South Africa's Peaceful Nuclear Explosives (PNE) program; Aum Shinrikyo's chemical-biological armament activities; and Al Qaeda's implementation of the 9/11 attacks. Extrapolating insights from these case studies, this book introduces the idea of an effectiveness-efficiency trade-off. On the one hand, it will be argued that a more organic organisational design is likely to benefit the effective implementation of a nuclear terrorism project. On the other hand, this type of organic organisational design is also likely to simultaneously constitute an inefficient way for a terrorist organisation to guarantee its operational and organisational security. It follows, then, that the implementation of a nuclear terrorism plot via an organic organisational design is also likely to be an inefficient strategy for a terrorist organisation to achieve its strategic and political goals. This idea of an effectiveness-efficiency trade-off provides us with a tool to strengthen the comprehensive nature of future nuclear terrorism threat assessments and sheds new light on the ongoing debates within the nuclear terrorism literature. This book will be of particular interest to students of nuclear proliferation, terrorism studies, international organisations, and security studies in general.

This book examines the national and international law, human rights and civil liberties issues involved in governments calling out the armed forces to deal with civil unrest or terrorism. The introduction of domestic military powers has become an international trend. Troops already have been seen on the streets in major Western democracies. These developments raise major political, constitutional and related problems. Examining the changes underway in eight comparable countries-the United States, Canada, Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Japan and Australia-this book provides a review and analysis of this trend, including its implications for legal and political rights. The book will be of interest to the general public, as well as students, academics and policy-makers in the areas of human rights and civil liberties, constitutional law, criminal justice and security studies.

Boko Haram analyzes the activities and atrocities of Nigeria's Jihadi terrorist group, Boko Haram, in the context of global religious fundamentalism and extremism. The book traces the early beginnings of the religious sect, the conversion of its leader to radical Islam in 2002, and the group's campaign of violence beginning in 2009 and continuing to the present. The group's attacks against a variety of targets are examined in detail as are their general tactics and strategies. The Nigerian government response is also examined in order to provide critical lessons to counterterrorism planners, policy and government officials, and scholars. The initial military response was hampered by capability and legislative constraints including a lack of arms and ammunition, a lack of modern counterterrorism equipment, training gaps, leadership issues, intelligence gaps, politicization of the conflict, and limited support to the Nigerian military by the international community. Boko Haram looks at the work that has been done thus far, and what work needs to continue, to make gains to combat, marginalize, and ultimately defeat Boko Haram and resolve the conflict facing Nigeria. Key features: Outlines the history of Boko Haram and its emergence in Nigeria Provides the latest developments on fundamentalism in Nigeria, the growth of Boko Haram and the government response Focuses on the attacks, attack methodology and targeting of Boko Haram, addressing best-practice countermeasures Examines Boko Haram's ties to other Islamist groups including ISIL/ISIS and others Details the importance for international cooperation in responding to Boko Haram's activities and threats. About the Author: Dr. Ona Ekhomu, CFE, CPP, CSP, PCI, CPOI was born in Irrua, Nigeria. He holds the PhD from University of Pittsburgh. A policy analyst and security expert, Ekhomu is Chairman Trans-World Security Systems Ltd. and Chairman School of Management and Security (Lagos, Nigeria). President of Trans-World Security Systems Inc. of Chicago, Illinois, USA, Ekhomu is also a lecturer in the Sociology Department of the University of Lagos, Nigeria. He is President of the Association of Industrial Security and Safety Operators of Nigeria; Africa Representative of the International Foundation for Protection Officers; and former Regional Vice-President (West and Central Africa) of ASIS International. Ekhomu is author of Kidnap: Face to Face with Death (2014) and Effective Personal & Corporate Security (2009).

This book maps and analyses the official British construction of the threat of cyberterrorism. By using interpretive discourse analysis, this book identifies 'strands' from a corpus of policy documents, statements, and speeches from UK Ministers, MPs, and Peers between 12 May 2010 and 24 June 2016. The book examines how the threat of cyberterrorism was constructed in the UK, and what this securitisation has made possible. The author makes novel contributions to the Copenhagen School's 'securitisation theory' framework by outlining a 'tiered' rather than monolithic audience system; refining the 'temporal' and 'spatial' conditioning of a securitisation with reference to the distinctive characteristics of cyberterrorism; and, lastly, by detailing the way in which popular fiction can be ascribed agency to 'fill in' an absence of 'cyberterrorism' case studies. He also argues that the UK government's classification of cyberterrorism as a 'Tier One' threat created a central strand upon which a discursive securitisation was established. This book will be of interest to students of Critical Security Studies, terrorism studies, UK politics, and international relations.

The contributors to this book analyse the different approaches and modes of terrorist rehabilitation that have been attempted by Malaysia, and other countries in Southeast Asia. With an emphasis on the particular contexts within which they operate, this book examines the factors that determine the relative successes and failure of a wide range of community initiatives in integrating terrorists back into society. These initiatives include using methods based on social psychology, religion, and entrepreneurship to develop a comprehensive approach to rehabilitating and deradicalizing terrorists in Malaysia as well as Singapore, Indonesia and the Philippines. As such it makes an important contribution to the global policy debate, coloured by the unique characteristics of the South East Asia region. A valuable resource for researchers and policymakers seeking constructive ways to counter violent extremism.

This book investigates everyday practices of intelligence cooperation in anti-terrorism matters, with a specific focus on the relationship between Europe and Britain. The volume examines the effective involvement of British anti-terrorism efforts in European cooperation arrangements, which until now have been overshadowed by the UK-US 'special relationship' and by political debates that overstate the divide between Britain and continental Europe. In arguing that British intelligence has always had a European dimension, it provides a distinct perspective to the study of intelligence cooperation and the role of British intelligence therein. Mobilizing a 'field theory' approach, the book provides an original contribution to the understanding of intelligence cooperation by investigating everyday bureaucratic practices of 'ground-level' security professionals and police forces, embedded in a European 'field' structured around the exchange of anti-terror intelligence. It also accounts for the drivers behind cooperation by using 'field analysis,' which explains the trajectory and positioning of actors according to their 'capitals' rather than necessities dictated by threats or state decisions. This book will be of much interest to students of Security Studies, International Political Sociology, Intelligence Studies, and International Relations in general.

The War on Terror has established a new global order of political structures, legislation, and technologies designed to spy on the world's Muslims. This book explains the origins and trajectories of this political system. The contributors argue that a constellation of Western ideas about Muslims have evolved over time to produce an insatiable desire for all-pervasive, ever-expanding surveillance in our contemporary moment. The book posits that the surveillance order is not, however, only the result of conceptions of Muslims. It is, rather, the outcome of centuries of European thought regarding religion, governance, and revolution. Islamophobia and Surveillance traverses the existential desire for wakeful vigilance, the religious wars of early modern Europe, colonial India, the Balkan frontier of the EU, and the walls of the United States-Mexico border. The consequences of the new surveillance order transcend the West's Muslim Question and threaten the very existence of the liberal democratic state. This book will, therefore, be of interest to those studying a range of subjects related to international co-operation, modern political systems, and security studies, as well as Islamophobia. Islamophobia and Surveillance was originally published as a special issue of Ethnic and Racial Studies.

Targets of Terror: Contemporary Assassination, aims to address the repercussions of assassination as a tactic of terrorism and delineate post-assassination political and societal outcomes across target type. Assassination of heads of state, such as John F. Kennedy and Yitzhak Rabin, are rare events but the political murders of police personnel, local government officials, politicians, and journalists occur frequently. These 'softer' targets (low-level and mid-level government officials, for instance) are often targeted during broader campaigns of terrorist violence and the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) records a significant number of these assassination events-16,246 to be exact-between 1977 and 2017. Both qualitative and quantitative methods are utilized in this project-using survival analysis to examine the span of time from a terrorist assassination to potential shifts in state political institutions. Changes in political institutions in authoritarian, mixed or tumultuous regimes are compared against democratic regimes (utilizing Polity score changes from the Polity IV Index as the indicator of institutional change and detailed further below). Repressive and non-repressive regimes are delineated and changes in political institutions are examined in order to determine the extent to which the type of assassination target may or may not be linked to political institutional change. The assassinations and target data is derived from the GTD and repression levels are measured using the Political Terror Scale (PTS). Establishing differences in post-assassination political outcomes across regimes and target types provides a baseline study upon which to build future examinations of the types and severity of risks to governmental institutions as well as to the broader society.

In the wake of the publication of the Chilcot report, this book reinterprets the relationship between British public opinion and the Blair government's decision-making in the run-up to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. It highlights how the government won the parliamentary vote and got its war, but never won the argument that it was the right thing to do. Understanding how, why and with what consequences Britain wound up in this position means understanding better both this specific case and the wider issue of how democratic publics influence foreign policy processes. Taking an innovative constructivist approach to understanding how public actors potentially influence foreign policy, Strong frames the debate about Iraq as a contest over legitimacy among active public actors, breaking it down into four constituent elements covering the necessity, legality and morality of war, and the government's authority. The book presents a detailed empirical account of the British public debate before the invasion of Iraq based on the rigorous interrogation of thousands of primary sources, employing both quantitative and qualitative content analysis methods to interpret the shape of debate between January 2002 and March 2003. Also contributing to the wider foreign policy analysis literature, the book investigates the domestic politics of foreign policy decision-making, and particularly the influence public opinion exerts; considers the domestic structural determinants of foreign policy decision-making; and studies the ethics of foreign policy decision-making, and the legitimate use of force. It will be of great use to students and scholars of foreign policy analysis, as well as those interested in legitimacy in international conflict, British foreign policy, the Iraq War and the role of public opinion in conflict situations.

A frequent assumption of the American-led 'war on terror' and its accompanying discourse originated largely with the George W. Bush Administration, and that there was a counterterrorism policy revolution in the U.S. political arena. Challenging these assumptions, through a genealogical analysis of U.S. terrorism and counterterrorism discourses, this book demonstrates a distinct continuity (and lack of change) of U.S. counterterrorism policy, from Ronald Reagan, to Bill Clinton, and through to George W. Bush. The book focuses on President Clinton's discursive construction of 'new terrorism', or 'catastrophic terrorism', and the counterterrorism practices implemented by the Clinton Administration, while simultaneously comparing it with President Reagan's and President George W. Bush's approaches to counterterrorism. It shows how the war on terror can be traced to earlier periods, and that the so-called Bush revolution was largely built upon the existing framework established by President Reagan and President Clinton. Prior to the 2001 terrorist attacks, Clinton had expanded Reagan's first 'war on terrorism' discourse and constructed the 'new terrorism' discourse, characterised by the notions of borderless threats, 'home-grown' terrorism, WMD-terrorism, cyberterrorism, and rogue states. Clinton's 'new terrorism' discourse provided a useful framework for George W. Bush to discursively respond to the terrorist attacks on September 11th, 2001. Aiming to uncover the myth of President George W. Bush's foreign policy revolution and contribute to a deeper historical understanding of the U.S.-led war on terror, it will be of great use to postgraduates and scholars of US foreign policy, security studies and terrorism studies.

Islam, Judaism, and Christianity are engaged not in a 'clash of civilizations' but in a sectarian conflict among branches of a single civilization traditionally steeped in apocalyptic imagery and beliefs. Apocalypticism is a religious luxury that modern civilizations can no longer afford. Many would agree that the propagandists of the Christian Right have raised apocalyptic tensions to a dangerous level since 9/11, but in this book Richard Fenn takes on the mainline church leaders for their role in promoting an apocalyptic view of history. Those who keep apocalyptic beliefs in a respectable place in religious faith and practice must bear their share of responsibility for global terror. It is not only tragic but ironic that the churches have given apocalyptic literature such a respectable place in their sacred texts, because the apocalyptic imagination itself has its sources in non-Biblical literature: the Hellenistic prophesies that gave comfort and courage to the victims of war in the near and middle east from the time of Alexander the Great and Darius. Fenn goes on to hold apocalyptic enthusiasts in the mainline churches, as well as on the Right, responsible for keeping old grievances alive in their demands for a day of final reckoning, and he demonstrates that totalitarian and imperial regimes have made effective use of apocalyptic literature to justify their own violence and to terrify their subjects and enemies.

Recruitment is key to a terrorist network's survival strategy. Steady enrollment is needed, not just to fight against perceived injustice, but to keep the network's grand strategy alive. When a weak state fails to protect its territory and implement the rule of law because of corruption or incapacity, it results in the creation of power vacuums. Terrorist networks thrive within power vacuums and opportunistically fill the space where a weak state could not maintain control. This destabilizes the international system and forces great powers to intervene. Historically, interventions are ineffective in combatting terrorism and have actually increased recruitment through regional political destabilization. Further, interventions have drained the capabilities of states, allowing for shifts in the distribution of power, thus changing the international order. Understanding recruitment mechanisms is key to developing strategies to combat recruitment in the short and long term.

There have been significant changes in public attitudes towards surveillance in the last few years as a consequence of the Snowden disclosures and the Cambridge Analytica scandal. This book re-evaluates competing arguments between national security and personal privacy. The increased assimilation between the investigatory powers of the intelligence services and the police and revelations of unauthorised surveillance have resulted in increased demands for transparency in information gathering and for greater control of personal data. Recent legal reforms have attempted to limit the risks to freedom of association and expression associated with electronic surveillance. This book looks at the background to recent reforms and explains how courts and the legislature are attempting to effect a balance between security and personal liberty within a social contract. It asks what drives public concern when other aspects seem to be less contentious. In view of our apparent willingness to post on social media and engage in online commerce, it considers if we are truly consenting to a loss of privacy and how this reconciles with concerns about state surveillance.

Emphasising a positive approach to dealing with terrorism (the carrot), this book provides a critique of deterrence policy (the stick) which can be ineffective and even counterproductive, and proposes three alternative and effective anti-terrorist policies: * Decentralisation reduces vulnerability to terrorist attacks. A system with many different centres is more stable due to its diversity, enabling one part to substitute for another. * Positive incentives can be offered to actual and prospective terrorists not to engage in violent acts. Incentives include: reintegrating terrorists into society, welcoming repentents and offering them valued opportunities. * Diverting attention by naming several terrorist groups potentially responsible for a particular terrorist act. The government thus supplies more information than the terrorist responsible would wish. The proposed anti-terrorist policy has two important advantages over a coercive policy. The whole interaction between terrorists and the government transforms into a positive sum game and the strategy undermines the cohesiveness of the terrorist organisation. Surveying empirical results on the effects of terrorism on the economy and society, Bruno Frey demonstrates the strength of an economic approach to terrorism, which will be of great interest to social and also political scientists, public policy scholars, international relations experts and researchers, and above all, economists. The alternatives to deterrence illustrated in the book are advantageous for the general public and politicians, and the actuality that a positive policy is better than a coercive policy will be of great appeal to educators.

This volume of presentations by a group of authorities on international terrorism and Al Qaeda constitute a valuable synopsis of current knowledge on this terrorist group and the policies in place to counter threats of future attacks. The articles contribute to understanding how Al Qaeda has evolved from a movement to an ideology, what influence it has on Middle East stability and what continued threat it is to the United States, Europe, and other areas of the world. The contributors, from academia, research centers, government agencies and the media, represent a cross section of recognized experts on Al Qaeda and international terrorism. Karen J. Greenberg is the Executive Director of the Center on Law and Security at the New York University School of Law. She is a visiting Professor of European Studies at New York University and a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. She is co-editor of The Torture Papers (Cambridge, 2005).

Using France as a case study, contributors from around the world explore the factors that create violent extremists, including criminogenic needs, violence-supportive cognition, religious beliefs, identity uncertainty or fusion, the quest for significance, and social and political influences. They present a multidisciplinary and evidenced-based analysis of how and why violent extremism has reappeared as a contemporary issue and provide theoretical and practical approaches to responding to and, when possible, intervening, using deradicalization programs, deterrent and preventive legislations, prison segregation, and permanent monitoring.

This book examines domestic extremism and what is popularly referred to as radicalization. The fear of domestic extremism has been used to dismantle democracy and erect national security states throughout North America, Western Europe, and beyond. Yet, despite the enormous costs citizens have paid in the name of security, society has become less secure and less safe. In many respects, this situation has resulted from the misapprehension of the conditions that make the emergence of this threat probable. Kowalski focuses on the macro social relations and structures that make radicalization probable. As demonstrated through an analysis of the so-called Toronto 18-an extremist group arrested in June of 2006 for activities that contravened the Canadian Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA)-macro social relations and structures served a significant role in creating the conditions through which the process of radicalization became probable. If a comprehensive understanding of the processes of radicalization are to be reached and effective counter-terrorism policies developed, then the consideration this book provides of greater macro social relations and structures that make the emergence of extremist subjectivities probable is needed.

This book examines the language of the European Union's response to the threat of terrorism. Since its re-emergence in the wake of the September 11 attacks, the 'fight against terrorism' has come to represent a priority area of action for the EU. Drawing on interpretive approaches to international relations, the book outlines a discourse theory of identity and counter-terrorism policy, showing how the 'fight against terrorism' structures the EU's response through the prism of identity, drawing our attention to the various 'others' that have come to form the target of counter-terrorism policy. Through an extensive analysis of the wider societal impact of the 'fight against terrorism' discourse, the various ways in which this policy is contributing to the 'securitisation' of social and political life within Europe are revealed. -- .

In this book, Hedi Viterbo radically challenges our picture of law, human rights, and childhood, both in and beyond the Israel/Palestine context. He reveals how Israel, rather than disregarding international law and children's rights, has used them to hone and legitimize its violence against Palestinians. He exposes the human rights community's complicity in this situation, due to its problematic assumptions about childhood, its uncritical embrace of international law, and its recurring emulation of Israel's security discourse. He examines how, and to what effect, both the state and its critics manufacture, shape, and weaponize the categories 'child' and 'adult.' Bridging disciplinary divides, Viterbo analyzes hundreds of previously unexamined sources, many of which are not publicly available. Bold, sophisticated, and informative, Problematizing Law, Rights, and Childhood in Israel/Palestine provides unique insights into the ever-tightening relationship between law, children's rights, and state violence, at both the local and global levels.

This book sheds new light on the emergence and fluctuation of Iran's connections with non-state entities in the Middle East. Iran's involvement with political-militant non-states has been at the heart of international and regional security policy for more than three decades. The author analyzes Iran's non-state foreign policy by focusing on specific geopolitical and geocultural threats and opportunities that pushed Tehran to build strategic ties with the Iraqi Kurds and the Lebanese Shia. This project will appeal to multiple audiences interested in geopolitics of the Middle East, Iran's foreign policy, and international relations.

How will criminal justice react to terrorism? In this book, some hard questions are asked about how terrorism is organized, supported, and financed, and what this will mean for the security of nations and international systems. Topics include the International Criminal Court, suicidal terrorism, counter-terrorism, the use of the Internet by terrorist organizations, and a profile of American terrorist Timothy McVeigh. This volume is essential to understanding the political climate of the new millennium.

Origins of Terrorism: The Rise of the World's Most Formidable Terrorist Groups examines the roots of Islamic terrorism, it's history, and some of the foundational figures in prominent terrorist organizations. Throughout, the book also addresses the use of terrorism, the "hows" and "whys" of terrorists' goals, and their modus operandi. Historically, insurgency operations have formed the basis of a number of terrorist groups-resistance to western powers, particularly the United States, and what is viewed as their unwanted interference in regional affairs. Sections are devoted to individual terror organizations, including some of the most well-known and resilient global movements-Al Qaeda, ISIS, the Taliban, and Boko Haram, among others. Coverage details where and how they originated, who the principal organizers were, how these individuals worked-or didn't work-together. In this, the authors look at the circumstances that allowed for these leaders, and their groups', development and success. In this, the authors expose interesting, little-known stories and facts about the specific upbringing, family life, and personal narrative around these organizations' founders, as well as ties to other terrorist founders and organizations. For example, the relationship between individuals such as Osama bin Laden and Musab al Zarkawi (aka Ahmad al-Khalayleh)-the founder of 'Al Qaeda in Iraq' (AQI), which became ISIS-is examined in detail, providing readers with some of the "stories behind the stories" to understand the prominent figures and underpinnings of major terrorist organizations' philosophies, formation, and elements that have led to their staying power. Origins of Terrorism will be a valuable resource for security and intelligence professionals, terrorism researchers, and students, providing a unique perspective to understand terrorism and terror movements in considering counterterror efforts.

Origins of Terrorism: The Rise of the World's Most Formidable Terrorist Groups examines the roots of Islamic terrorism, it's history, and some of the foundational figures in prominent terrorist organizations. Throughout, the book also addresses the use of terrorism, the "hows" and "whys" of terrorists' goals, and their modus operandi. Historically, insurgency operations have formed the basis of a number of terrorist groups-resistance to western powers, particularly the United States, and what is viewed as their unwanted interference in regional affairs. Sections are devoted to individual terror organizations, including some of the most well-known and resilient global movements-Al Qaeda, ISIS, the Taliban, and Boko Haram, among others. Coverage details where and how they originated, who the principal organizers were, how these individuals worked-or didn't work-together. In this, the authors look at the circumstances that allowed for these leaders, and their groups', development and success. In this, the authors expose interesting, little-known stories and facts about the specific upbringing, family life, and personal narrative around these organizations' founders, as well as ties to other terrorist founders and organizations. For example, the relationship between individuals such as Osama bin Laden and Musab al Zarkawi (aka Ahmad al-Khalayleh)-the founder of 'Al Qaeda in Iraq' (AQI), which became ISIS-is examined in detail, providing readers with some of the "stories behind the stories" to understand the prominent figures and underpinnings of major terrorist organizations' philosophies, formation, and elements that have led to their staying power. Origins of Terrorism will be a valuable resource for security and intelligence professionals, terrorism researchers, and students, providing a unique perspective to understand terrorism and terror movements in considering counterterror efforts.

Presenting an analysis of modern-day extremism, this book explores how any group or movement--political, ideological, racial, ethnonational, religious, or issue-driven--can adopt an extremist mindset if they believe their existence or interests are threatened. Looking beyond "fringe" resistance groups already labeled as terrorists or subversives, the author examines conventional organizations--political parties, religious groups, corporations, interest groups, nation-states, police and the military--that deploy extremist strategies to further their agendas. A dynamic of mutual causation between conventional and resistance groups is argued: extremist resistance surfaces in response to oppressive measures by conventional powers to maintain their supremacy through systemic injustices, including slavery, caste systems, patriarchy, colonialism, autocracy, exploitive capitalism, and discrimination against minorities.

First published in 1988, Terrorism: The Cuban Connection examines Cuba's involvement in terrorism. With a focus on Havana, the book begins by looking at Cuba's history and the origins of terrorism. As it progresses, the book traces the development of terrorism and explores Cuba's connections with other parts of the world, including America, Russia, the Caribbean, South America, the Middle East, and Sub-Saharan Africa. Terrorism: The Cuban Connection is a detailed study, equipped with a wealth of key documents and photographs.