Post-conflict peacebuilding efforts can fail if they do not pay sufficient attention to natural resources. Natural resources - diamonds, oil, and minerals - are frequently at the heart of historic grievances, and have caused or funded at least eighteen conflicts since 1990. The same resources can play a central role in post-conflict peacebuilding, providing revenue for cash-starved governments, basic services for collapsed economies, and means for restoring livelihoods. To date, there is a striking gap in knowledge of what works, what does not, and how to improve peacebuilding through more effective and systematic management of natural resources. Post-Conflict Peacebuilding and Natural Resource Management addresses this gap by examining the growing literature on the topic and surveying experiences across more than forty post-conflict countries. The six-volume series includes more than 130 chapters from over 200 researchers, practitioners, and policymakers.

A revealing memoir by the Israeli leader who almost made peace with the Palestinians. Written almost entirely from inside a prison cell, Rise and Fall is the compelling memoir of former Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert. The child of parents who were members of the Irgun, the paramilitary group that fought for the establishment of Israel, Olmert became the youngest member of the Israeli Knesset in 1973, serving in the right-wing Likud party. He rose quickly in the party, serving in national government before being elected mayor of Jerusalem in 1993. As mayor he overcame decades of municipal malaise, inertia, and waves of terror attacks to bring huge improvements in the city's infrastructure, education, and welfare. Although a child of the Israeli right, it was during his mayoralty that he realized the inevitability of compromise and the need to divide the city in any future peace agreement with the Palestinians. Olmert rejoined the national government in 2003 as a top aide to then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. After Sharon suffered a debilitating stroke in 2006, Olmert took over as acting prime minister, then led Sharon's new centrist party Kadima to victory in elections. Heading a coalition government, Olmert led Israel through the war with Lebanon in July 2006 and approved the dramatic strike on Syria's nuclear reactor the following year. From late 2006 through 2008, Olmert engaged in some three dozen negotiations with Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas. The talks, Olmert says, came "within a hair's breadth" of reaching a comprehensive peace deal. At the same time, Olmert was fighting allegations that he had illegally accepted large sums of money from a well-connected American businessman. He was acquitted of all but a minor charge against him, but in 2014 he was convicted on charges of taking $15,000 in bribes involving the construction of an industrial park while he served as Minister of Industry and Trade. He served 16 months in prison, using his time to write these memoirs. Rise and Fall offers a riveting political story and an unparalleled window into Israeli history, peacemaking, politics, U.S.-Israel relations, and the future of the Middle East.

The Syrian war has been an example of the abuse and insufficient delivery of humanitarian assistance. According to international practice, humanitarian aid should be channelled through a state government that bears a particular responsibility for its population. Yet in Syria, the bulk of relief went through Damascus while the regime caused the vast majority of civilian deaths. Should the UN have severed its cooperation with the government and neglected its humanitarian duty to help all people in need? Decision-makers face these tough policy dilemmas, and often the "neutrality trap" snaps shut. This book discusses the political and moral considerations of how to respond to a brutal and complex crisis while adhering to international law and practice. The author, a scholar and senior diplomat involved in the UN peace talks in Geneva, draws from first-hand diplomatic, practitioner and UN sources. He sheds light on the UN's credibility crisis and the wider implications for the development of international humanitarian and human rights law. This includes covering the key questions asked by Western diplomats, NGOs and international organizations, such as: Why did the UN not confront the Syrian government more boldly? Was it not only legally correct but also morally justifiable to deliver humanitarian aid to regime areas where rockets were launched and warplanes started? Why was it so difficult to render cross-border aid possible where it was badly needed? The meticulous account of current international practice is both insightful and disturbing. It tackles the painful lessons learnt and provides recommendations for future challenges where politics fails and humanitarians fill the moral void.

Military organizations are cultures, and such cultures have ingrained preferences and predilections for how and when to employ force. This is the first study to use a comparative framework to understand what happened with the U.S. military endeavor in Somalia and the British effort in Bosnia up to 1995. Both regions were potential quagmires, and no doctrine for armed humanitarian operations during ongoing conflicts existed at the outset of these efforts. After detailing the impact of military culture on operations, Cassidy draws conclusions about which military cultural traits and force structures are more suitable and adaptable for peace operations and asymmetric conflicts. He also offers some military cultural implications for the U.S. Army's ongoing transformation. The first part of the study offers an in-depth assessment of the military cultural preferences and characteristics of the British and American militaries. It shows that Britain's geography, its regimental system, and a long history of imperial policing have helped embed a small-war predilection in British military culture. This distinguishes it from American military culture, which has exhibited a preference for the big-war paradigm since the second half of the 19th century. The second part of the book examines how cultural preferences influenced the conduct of operations and the development of the first post-Cold War doctrine for peace operations.

Since the end of the Cold War, United Nations peace operations have become an established and prominent feature of world politics. From Liberia to East Timor, the UN now carries out extensive governance-related functions and is a significant political force in Southern states and societies. Here Richard Al-Qaq leads us to a radical new understanding of the UN and its role in international politics. He uncovers the political and socio-economic import of such "peace" activities for subject societies, and raises important questions about the functioning and dynamics of the global political order. A critical view of the internal process of programmatic reform within the UN is elaborated by detailed studies of the politics of UN peace operations in three seminal cases of the 1990s, in Somalia, Rwanda and Angola. This book is essential for understanding the new role of the UN, especially in Africa, and the politics of so-called humanitarian intervention and peace-building.

Most violent conflicts since the turn of this century were in countries that had experienced an earlier violent conflict. How can we tell when a country is likely to remain stuck in a cycle of violence? What factors suggest it might be "ripe" for stabilizing and peace building? The authors studied four cases: Chad is stuck in a cycle of violence, while El Salvador, Laos, and Mozambique have had different results in their transitions from violence to stability to peace. Conflicts without internal cohesion of combatants or pressure from foreign patrons to stop fighting are probably not ripe for stabilizing. Where there are subnational or regional actors committed to violence, post-conflict peace building is not likely to succeed without enforcement capacity to contain violence or demonstrated commitments to increasing political inclusion and making material improvements in the lives of residents.

Amidst ongoing allegations of inappropriate behavior and trafficking during UN peacekeeping missions, this volume takes a step back to analyze the post-war and peacekeeping contexts in which prostitution flourishes. Using ethnographic research conducted in Kosovo from 2011 to 2015, this book offers an alternate understanding of the growth of the sex industry in the wake of war. It features in-depth interviews with the diverse women engaged in prostitution, with those facilitating it, and with police, prosecutors, and gynecologists. Drawing on the perspectives of women engaged in prostitution in the wake of war, this volume argues that the depiction of these women as victims of trafficking in the hegemonic discourse does more harm than good. Instead, it outlines the complex set of circumstances and choices that emerge in the context of a growing post-war sex economy. Extrapolating the conclusions from the study of Kosovo, this book is a valuable resources for researchers and practitioners studying the aftermath of war in the Balkans and beyond, and researchers engaged with the function of the UN and peacekeeping missions internationally.

This book discusses the many legal aspects arising in relation to the maintenance of peace in Africa. Over the past twenty years, the majority of peace operations have been deployed on this continent, most of them established by the UN Security Council, sometimes in cooperation with the African Union and other African regional organizations, with contributions from the European Union and NATO. In some cases, the African Union has invoked its 'primary responsibility for promoting peace, security and stability in Africa', thus questioning the legal partnership between UN and regional organizations provided for in Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. The peace operations deployed in Africa have sometimes received a very robust mandate, which also includes the use of force and the protection of civilians' human rights. The implementation of this broad mandate, which goes well beyond the traditional 'peacekeeping approach', requires considerable human and economic resources. Moreover, it raises several issues of concern with regard to the impact on the economic and political systems of the states in which the operations are deployed and, more generally, on the exercise of sovereignty over their territorial communities by these states. Offering an update for lawyers in practice and in academia interested in the field of international law, the book also contributes to the theoretical studies concerning the activities of international organizations, focusing on one of the most challenging issues to emerge in recent times.

This book explores the international law framework governing the use of armed force in occupied territory through a rigorous analysis of the interplay between jus ad bellum, international humanitarian law, and international human rights law. Through an examination of state practice and opinio juris, treaty provisions and relevant international and domestic case law, this book offers the first comprehensive study on this topic. This book will be relevant to scholars, practitioners, legal advisors, and students across a range of sub-disciplines of international law, as well as in peace and conflict studies, international relations, and political science. This study will influence the way in which States use armed force in occupied territory, offering guidance and support in litigations before domestic and international courts and tribunals.

In 1994 genocide in Rwanda claimed the lives of at least 500,000 Tutsi --some three-quarters of their population --while UN peacekeepers were withdrawn and the rest of the world stood aside. Ever since, it has been argued that a small military intervention could have prevented most of the killing. In The Limits of Humanitarian Intervention, Alan J. Kuperman exposes such conventional wisdom as myth.

Combining unprecedented analyses of the genocide's progression and the logistical limitations of humanitarian military intervention, Kuperman reaches a startling conclusion: even if Western leaders had ordered an intervention as soon as they became aware of a nationwide genocide in Rwanda, the intervention forces would have arrived too late to save more than a quarter of the 500,000 Tutsi ultimately killed. Serving as a cautionary message about the limits of humanitarian intervention, the book's concluding chapters address lessons for the future.

Africa Nations have contributed to peace operations in conflict zones across the world since the deployment of the United Nations Operations in the Congo in 1960. This has placed Africa as a major stakeholder in the maintenance of peace and security. For over fifty years Ghana has earned the international reputation as one of the largest and consistent Troop Contributing Country in United Nations mandated peace operations. While Ghana has long been an active contributor to peace operations, there are few or no comparative studies that systematically analyze the actual roles played by troops in many of the different conflict context where they have served. This book therefore, focuses on a comparison of two peace operations undertaken by the forces of an African Nation in two different missions in Lebanon and Liberia.

This book provides a survey of the U.S. civilian and military agencies responsible for postconflict reconstruction and peace-building around the world and how these agencies function in the interagency process. U.S. Peacefare: Organizing American Peace-Building Operations surveys the evolution of the American peace-building apparatus during the presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, with an emphasis on changes since 2003, when the invasion of Iraq led the Bush Administration to adopt a Clinton-style nation-building approach they had previously vigorously opposed. U.S. Peacefare begins with a historical overview of official U.S. peace-building, then looks at the organization and interaction of the major federal agencies in the National Security Council, the State Department, and the Defense Department, as well the U.S. Institute for Peace, and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Throughout, author and former Ambassador Dane Smith emphasizes how a deeper understanding of peace-building organizations and their interactions in particular cases is essential to strengthening future U.S. conflict management. The book addresses the critical overall issue of how peace-building is funded, but within the federal budget and internationally, and concludes with Smith's recommendations for reforming those organizations. Includes original tables on the financing of peace-building activities Provides organizational charts and flow charts Presents sidebars featuring individual officials who played an interesting role in U.S. peace-building activities for their agency or office Offers a comprehensive glossary of acronyms

Reintegration programmes for ex-combatants are supposed to support the wider peace process. This study, based on detailed fieldwork, looks at the way they were carried out in Sierra Leone and Liberia and assesses the degree to which they were conducted in a participatory way.

Spring 2008 witnessed the first positive signs of a thaw in relations between the two sides of the divided island of Cyprus since the dramatic failure of the Annan Plan in 2004. The historic meeting of the two Presidents of Cyprus and the symbolic opening of the Ledra Street border crossing in the heart of Nicosia may herald a bright new future for this Mediterranean island. Yet Cyprus has been in this situation before. What makes this new initiative different and why should it succeed where so many others have failed?

"Reunifying Cyprus" is the first book to analyze fully the reasons for the continuing failure to re-unite the two states of Cyprus after over forty years of division. It focuses especially on the Annan Plan--the popular name for the UN initiative to find a "Comprehensive Solution to the Cyprus Problem in anticipation of Cyprus" accession to the EU--and the reasons for its ultimate failure. How did Cypriots receive the Annan Plan? What were the real or imagined flaws? Was this a missed opportunity? And what place does the Annan Plan have in future blueprints to reunify the island?

"Reunifying Cyprus" will be invaluable for anyone interested in conflict resolution and international politics as well as students of the Eastern Mediterranean.

Traditional counter-terrorism approaches, with their emphasis on the military, are failing. This is seen in the fact that there is an average of three terrorist attacks per day in Africa. This study calls for more holistic solutions, with an emphasis on development and better governance to curb the scourge of terrorism.

The reintegration of ex-combatants after conflict is a crucial peacebuilding task, but several challenges stand in the way of efforts to successfully assist ex-combatants after war. Drawing on extensive field research including nearly 200 interviews with policy practitioners, government officials, and ex-combatants themselves, this book critically examines these challenges by analyzing reintegration policy and outcomes in Namibia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and Liberia.McMullin presents a troubling contradiction in the conventional wisdom about peacebuilding as it relates to ex-combatants: limited economic opportunities and short term assistance programs mean that 'reintegration' tends to be back into the poverty and marginalization that contributed to war in the first place. Can reintegration back into poverty be called successful? This book will appeal to scholars of political violence, security studies, peacekeeping and peace building, transitional justice, social policy after war, and peace and conflict studies.

The eastward shift of political and economic power has been accompanied by increasing interest and participation in international peace support and stability missions by Asia-Pacific countries. From rising giants such as China and Indonesia to newer contributors such as Cambodia and the tiny city-state of Singapore, this book provides a first-ever cross-regional comparison of the capabilities of Asia-Pacific countries to contribute to peace support missions, with an eye to identifying strengths, weaknesses, emerging trends and policy implications.

Peacekeeping is a useful tool to manage international conflict and maintain truces, but it will only work in a narrow range of circumstances. Peacekeepers can order punitive airstrikes, depose elected leaders, destroy infrastructure, and enforce peace accords not drafted by the warring parties. They have overstepped their bounds, and peacekeeping is now often a euphemism for any multilateral military action. A CIA analyst who worked closely with Reagan, Bush, and Clinton administration officials on UN issues, Fleitz examines how peacekeeping works, the rash of peacekeeping failures since 1993, and whether peacekeeping can still play a role in U.S. foreign policy. It is a unique realist assessment destined to become the guide to this very important subject for U.S. policymakers, politicians, and students of international relations.

UN peacekeeping disasters in the 1990s occurred because world leaders failed to recognize the rules and precedents that allowed traditional peacekeeping to succeed during the Cold War. Although failed peacekeeping operations damaged the peacekeeping concept, it can still serve as a viable tool to promote international security and promote American interests abroad if used in the right circumstances. Carefully researched and supported by over two dozen maps, charts, and photos, Fleitz boldly challenges dozens of assumptions of the foreign policy establishment about the nature of the Cold War, post-Cold War peacekeeping, and 1990s peacekeeping deployments.

A scholarly perspective of a soldier's own challenges working in the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS). This work examines how regional/cultural knowledge and language ability contribute to improved leadership in a UN operation, based on the author's own experiences as a staff officer in South Sudan.

This collection brings together leading scholars and practitioners to assess the processes, institutions and outcomes of the EU's collective diplomatic engagement in the fields of security, human rights, trade and finance and environmental politics. It analyzes successes and failures in the EU's search for global influence in the post-Lisbon era.

This book brings together internationally renowned academics from Europe and North America offering a uniquely comprehensive and timely analysis of the intervention in Libya in 2011. The military intervention in Libya in March 2011 generated heated debate internationally and reinvigorated interest in humanitarian intervention. The action was widely heralded as a surprisingly robust and effective response to a looming mass atrocity. This volume critically analyses the intervention and challenges the dominant positive narrative, especially the ostensibly causal role played by the 'Responsiblity to Protect' doctrine (R2P). The contributors assess the Libyan intervention in the context of a number of contemporary trends and ongoing debates and argue that the manner in which the intervention was sanctioned, prosecuted and justified has a number of troubling implications for both the future of humanitarian intervention and international peace and security. This edited collection includes contributions from Professor Alex de Waal (Tufts University, USA), Dr Eric Heinze (University of Oklahoma, USA), Professor Tom Keating (University of Alberta, Canada), Professor Alan Kuperman (University of Texas at Austin, USA), Professor Kim Richard Nossal (Queen's University, Canada), Dr Theresa Reinold (Social Science Research Centre Berlin, Germany) and Dr Brent Steele (University of Kansas, USA).

This book examines the emergent conviction that UN robust peacekeeping works better than UN traditional peacekeeping in reducing civilian killings within contemporary post-cold war violent civil wars. In an unprecedented study, Nsia-Pepra has systematically and empirically documented the relationship between robust peacekeeping and civilian killings in violent civil wars using both statistical and case study models. His research, engagingly expounded upon in UN Robust Peacekeeping, indicates that robust peacekeeping works better than traditional peacekeeping in lowering civilian killings by spoilers in violent civil wars. His book also presents the concept of a formidable barrier model of robust peacekeeping success using the game theoretical model. It makes policy recommendations to enhance the UN's capacity to protect civilians from human rights violations, including a unified, coherent doctrinal definition for robust peacekeeping, an operational doctrine on the use of force, and improved UN intelligence capacity. Nsia-Pepra also suggests employing the GA 1950 Uniting for Peace Resolution as well as robust mandates, common training doctrine, pre-deployment training, improved UN intelligence capacity, major power participation, implementation of R2P and US objective global leadership.

Sebastian explores the experience of statebuilding and constitution making after violent conflict, using the failed reform of Dayton in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a case study to reflect upon the fundamental questions of post-war statebuilding, reform and the role of local and external actors.

Violent behavior has become deeply integrated into modern society and it is an unavoidable aspect of human nature. Examining peacemaking strategies through a critical and academic perspective can assist in resolving violence in societies around the world. The Handbook of Research on Examining Global Peacemaking in the Digital Age is a pivotal reference source for the latest research findings on the utilization of peacemaking in media, leadership, and religion. Featuring extensive coverage on relevant areas such as human rights, spirituality, and the Summer of Peace, this publication is an ideal resource for policymakers, universities and colleges, graduate-level students, and organizations seeking current research on the application of conflict resolution and international negotiation.

The current challenges and potential future of peacekeeping in an increasingly complex world take center stage in this far-reaching collection. Contributors advance a nuanced picture of post-conflict environments across different areas of the globe while considering possible deployments of peacekeeping, traditional military and UN forces in semi-autonomous complementary roles. Longstanding debate topics such as the need for a standing UN army and the field implementation of global right-to-protect concepts are discussed, as are emerging ideas in civilian protection, atrocity prevention and balancing triage operations with long-term peacebuilding efforts. Other dispatches chronicle key issues and concerns regarding peacekeeping operations in Brazil, China and diverse regions of Africa. Included in the coverage: Protecting strangers: reflections on a cosmopolitan peacekeeping capacity. Towards a standing UN force for peacekeeping. Challenges posed by intervention brigades and other coercive measures in support of the protection of civilians. Addressing the criminal accountability of peacekeepers. The evolution of China's role in peacekeeping and atrocity crime prevention. Businesses and investors as stakeholders in atrocity crime prevention. Multiple viewpoints, a global scope and real-world clarity make Perspectives on Peacekeeping and Atrocity Prevention an invaluable resource to advance the work of humanitarians, criminologists and students of and professionals in international relations. "This collection of articles effectively points to the challenges, complexities and sensitivities of preventing and halting mass atrocity crimes in part through the use of UN peacekeeping operations. The volume also inspires further efforts, including the integration of new and younger stakeholders, to mitigate massive human rights crimes and fully implement the Responsibility to Protect." Dr. Gyoergy Tatar Chair, Budapest Centre for the International Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities "In a refreshing and engaging manner, this edited volume represents a much-needed contribution to the debate on how best to address current security threats given the limitations and the possibilities of peacekeeping and atrocity prevention. A compelling feature of the book is its exploration of often-neglected stakeholder perspectives alongside first-hand knowledge of the UN system and astute academic observations of key peacekeeping concepts, mandates and practices. Each chapter's concluding recommendations invite scholars and policy makers to critically interrogate their own beliefs, assumptions and preferred solutions for keeping the peace and preventing mass atrocity violence." Dr. Maria Stern Professor in Peace and Development Studies, School of Global Studies University of Gothenburg