As the Cold War faded, Ambassador Hank Cohen, President George Bush's Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, engaged in aggressive diplomatic intervention in Africa's civil wars. In this revealing book Cohen tells how he and his Africa Bureau team operated in seven countries in crisis: Angola, Ethiopia, Liberia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia, and Sudan. He candidly characterizes key personalities and events and provides a treasure trove of lessons learned and basic principles for practitioners of conflict resolution within states.

In the face of emerging new threats, the EU's capacity to build a distinctive role in crisis management remains problematic. Analysing EU policies and actions, this collection sheds light on the EU's role in managing crises and peacekeeping, exploring avenues for a strategic EU vision for security and defense.

This book examines the continuing devastation in the Darfur region of Sudan, from the perspective of a multiplicity of conflicts of distinct types. The crisis reached its peak in 2003-2004, when certain Arab militias joined forces with the Sudan armed forces in a campaign against insurgent resistance movements. Engulfed in the tumult, Darfurians experienced systematic slaughter, sexual violence, and internal displacement on a massive scale. Although the violence has waned in recent years, the fighting continues to this day. The authors cast this crisis as a complex web of four distinct, yet interlacing, conflict types: long-standing disputes between farmers and herders and between different herder communities political struggles between the local elite leaders of the resistance movements, and those between traditional leaders (elders) and younger aspiring leaders long-standing grievances of marginalized groups against those at the national centre of power cross-border conflicts, primarily the proxy war waged between Chad and Sudan The crisis in South Sudan is also examined through the lens of conflict complementarity. This book will be of interest to students of African politics, genocide, political violence, ethnic conflict, war and conflict studies, peacebuilding and IR.

The book provides critical perspectives that reach beyond the technical approaches of international financial institutions and proponents of the liberal peace formula. It investigates political economies characterized by the legacies of disruption to production and exchange, by population displacement, poverty, and by 'criminality'.

This book seeks to explain why international donors may succeed in putting war-torn countries on the path of democratic transition and negative peace, but fail to consolidate the gains they make. Cambodia provides an excellent example for international peace builders: the donor community spent billions of dollars rebuilding the country between 1992 and 2006, but democracy remains unconsolidated and may even be receding towards "electoral dictatorship." Critical of neo-institutionalism, but sympathetic to historical and normative institutionalism, this book advances a theory called "complex realist institutionalism" to explain the limits of international democracy assistance to post-war societies.

Forces for Good? explores British soldier 'herographies' to identify constructions of gender, race, class and nation and their consequences on complex, multi-dimensional operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. This book aims to intervene in the debates within critical feminist scholarship over whether soldiers can ever be agents of peace.Many feminist analyses of military intervention point to the way in which interventions are legitimated by gendered narratives where representatives of civilization are tasked with addressing violent conflict in troubled lands, a story which distracts from the root causes of the violence and enables the furthering of a neoliberal agenda. This book advances this critique by adding the important but hitherto neglected case of the British Army, and challenges its determinism, which Duncanson argues to be normatively, empirically and theoretically problematic.Exploring the impact of identity and gender constructions on the prospects for successful peacebuilding, this book will appeal to a range of scholars in politics, international relations, peace studies, gender and women's studies, sociology and anthropology.

With the departure of the Soviet and Cubans from Southern Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa no longer comprises a part of the West's core strategic interest. America's experience in Somalia illustrated the folly of addressing with force what was essentially a humanitarian problem derived from the utter failure of the economic development of the third world. The human tragedy in Rwanda highlighted the seemingly interminable demands for external aid. And Liberia has depicted the gruesome realities of human failure in the only African land with at least historic (but non-colonial) ties to the US. This book provides a thorough examination of one dimension of peacekeeping in Africa: ECOMOG'S role in the attempt to bring peace to Liberia and the impact of this operation on the region.

This book comprehensively gathers the current academic literature, field expertise and artistic developments on Wolfgang Dietrich's Many Peaces theory, in the ways it has been conceptualized and practiced by peace and conflict workers around the world. Both scholars and practitioners challenge and creatively explore the field of transrational peace philosophy, contributing their insights on elicitive methods and conflict mapping. The book is further enriched by artistic perspectives on integrative approaches to theatre for living and intercultural soundscapes.The articles collected here respond with innovative strength and vigor to the worldwide need for further research on peace and for practical approaches to conflict transformation. This book therefore equally appeals to scholars, peacebuilders and practitioners as well as artists engaged in conflict transformation.

This study investigates the role of youth in peacebuilding, and addresses the failure of states and existing research to recognise youths as political actors, which can result in their contribution to peacebuilding being ignored.

As one of South Asia's oldest democracies Sri Lanka is a critical case to examine the limits of a liberal peace, peacebuilding and external engagement in the settlement of civil wars. This book is based on nine years of research, and more than 100 interviews with those affected by the war, NGOs, and local and international elites engaged in the peace process.

A critical assessment of peacebuilding and the impact of economic recovery programmes on the peace process in Sri Lanka

Timely analysis - coming one and a half years after the war ended in Sri Lanka.

Based on over nine years of detailed research and over 100 interviews

A critical assessment of the liberal peace thesis

Addresses gap in the literature on peacebuilding - assessing the impact of peacebuilding-type programmes on the ground and challenging the widespread assumption that these activities link to peace.

Includes a first-hand account of the situation in Sri Lanka during the ceasefire in the war-affected district of Manner

Contemporary Peace Making draws on recent experience to identify and explore the essential components of peace processes. Each chapter examines a different element in recent peace processes. The collection is organized around five main themes: planning for peace during periods of violence, the process of negotiations (including pre-negotiation), the effects of violence on peace processes, peace accords—constitutional and political options—and securing the settlement and building the peace.

This book examines how the Security Council has approached issues of gender equality since 2000. Written by academics, activists and practitioners the book challenges the reader to consider how women's participation, gender equality, sexual violence and the prevalence of economic disadvantages might be addressed in post-conflict communities.

Building upon Mitchell's earlier work, The Structure of International Conflict, this volume surveys the field of conflict analysis and resolution in the twenty-first century, exploring the methods which people have sought to mitigate destructive processes including the creative and innovative new ways of resolving insoluble disputes.

Since 1961 the Adelphi Papers have provided some of the most informed accounts of international and strategic relations. Produced by the world renowned International Institute of Strategic Studies, each paper provides a short account of a subject of topical interest by a leading military figure, policymaker or academic.

While agency has become the new buzzword for researchers in the area of peace and conflict studies, it remains a concept that is both under-theorised and contested in terms of how it transforms the disciplines of Politics, International Relations and Peace and Conflict. In this book, Kappler develops a relational and spatial concept of agency, enhancing our understanding of the complex and subtle processes through which peacebuilding actors engage and interact with each other.Using the EU's engagement in peacebuilding in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a primary case study, this book investigates outlines competing discourse clusters in the interplay between the EU and local actors engaged in creative cultural activities. An investigation of the contested nature of agency in its ability to give meaning to peacebuilding highlights the potential of local actors to impact upon and resist institutional discourses. Kappler also conveys the challenges of peacebuilding in Cyprus where there is a lack of connection between local and international discursive spaces, whilst the more limited depth of international intervention in South Africa in turn suggests a more flexible set of actors as well as more dynamic interaction in the emergence of peace-related discourses. This book provides an original discussion of agency in relation to EU peacebuilding, exploring the subtle forms of interaction between actors and framing the analysis in ways that allow for practical application.

Dr. Evans examines the international responses to the ethnic conflicts in Burundi and Rwanda from 1993-1997 and their overspill into Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo). A senior UK diplomat, she concludes that the international response was impotent and incoherent--soundbite diplomacy led decision-makers to act before adequately assessing the situation and in the end it was the power of local rather than international intervention that set the agenda and provided the solution.
The author urges a number of changes in response by the international community: that the UN should create a Conflict Analysis Center at its headquarters in New York; that governments need to promote lateral understanding and co-operation between different players, including the media and the non-governmental organization community; that enlightened outside support can be most valuable when an inexperienced government has just taken over; and that greater understanding is needed on the part of Western states that traditional Western patterns of diplomacy are often inappropriate in other regions. Instead, non-party democracy and a strong element of subregional cooperation may be the models for the future.

Emphasizing the regional component of peace- and statebuilding, this book provides an in-depth empirical analysis of external engagament, primarily in Sri Lanka and also in Myanmar. Sanchez-Cacicedo argues that though identified as 'global' forms of involvement, a liberal peacebuilding approach and Western-led international interventions in statebuilding processes lack the necessary legitimacy at local and regional levels. The book specifically explores the lack of consensus between non-regional and regional actors involved in the 2002 peace process and its implications in Sri Lanka; it further looks into the similar situation of external involvement in Myanmar's statebuilding process. Both case studies provide a rich contextual insight into the specificity of external engagement in Asia, against the backdrop of a globally rising China and India, and their evolving neighbourhood policies.
Building States, Building Peace highlights how the regional can prevail over the global structure, reconfiguring our views on the optimal ways in which to achieve peace- and statebuilding.

Conflict resolution and peacekeeping are not only closely related conceptually, they were also "inventions" of the same historical period. Peacekeeping was first defined under the Hammarskjold Principles of 1956, while we can date the formal institutionalization of conflict resolution to the founding of the "Journal of Conflict Resolution" in 1957. However, it is in the 1990s that conflict resolution theorists turned to the perspectives of conflict theory in an effort to develop more effective practices of peacekeeping. This book is about the ways in which conflict resolution theory has become relevant to the various challenges faced by the United Nations peacekeeping forces as efforts are made to learn from the traumatic and devastating impact of the many civil wars that have erupted in the 1990s.

Conflict resolution and peacekeeping are not only closely related conceptually, they were also "inventions" of the same historical period. Peacekeeping was first defined under the Hammarskjold Principles of 1956, while we can date the formal institutionalization of conflict resolution to the founding of the "Journal of Conflict Resolution" in 1957. However, it is in the 1990s that conflict resolution theorists turned to the perspectives of conflict theory in an effort to develop more effective practices of peacekeeping. This book is about the ways in which conflict resolution theory has become relevant to the various challenges faced by the United Nations peacekeeping forces as efforts are made to learn from the traumatic and devastating impact of the many civil wars that have erupted in the 1990s.

Peace operations entail a special form of co-operation between nation-states and international organization, but tend to be most difficult for the soldiers, police and civilian officials on the ground. This volume highlights the latter role with case studies of Srebrenica and Somalia. More robust peace operations are similar to counter-insurgency. This is an attempt to clarify the types of mission involved and also relate the diplomatic objectives to the bewilderingly complex task of the individual in the field.

Peacekeeping in the late 1990s is a complex and diverse task, in which civilian and military personnel are working together to a greater degree than ever before. However, when an international body such as the UN takes strategic decisions, it does so with inadequate input from the military; in the field, there are clashes of culture, confusion over command and control arrangements and insufficient operational coordination. These issues also affect regional organisations such as NATO. The awkward management of operations and their uneven level of achievement have contributed to a decline in the number of UN peacekeeping operations since 1994. This paper argues that the balance between civilian and military expertise and advice at all levels of a peacekeeping mission - strategic, tactical and operational - needs to be reappraised. At the strategic level: * mandates must be clear, and must respond both to the needs of the situation and to the resources available * there must be regular dialogue between all the principal players, military and civilian; the military-staff capacity at UN headquarters should be made more effective, and should be responsible to the Security Council * major troop-contributing countries should be systematically involved in determining mandates, as well as in reviewing operational plans * senior military officers from all large troop-contributing countries should be based at a mission's field headquarters. At the operational level: * the office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General - the head of a UN peacekeeping mission - should be strengthened. In non-UN operations, the authority of the High Representative needs to be increased * a cadre of civilian officials with peacekeeping experience needs to be developed; standard operating procedures for the civilian head of a mission to follow when dealing with the military need to be developed * greater emphasis should be placed on the 'softer' aspects of military science - managing resources, civilian control and human rights * the reluctance of civilians and non-governmental organisations to engage with the military should be addressed. Much experience has been gained from the peacekeeping operations of the 1990s, but both military and civilian participants must make considerably more progress before they can be said to have forged a partnership that makes them an effective intervention force

This book fills a major gap in the study of inter-war British foreign policy: it is the first complete study of Austen Chamberlain's term of office as Stanley Baldwin's Foreign Secretary from 1924-29. It is argued that Chamberlain's priority was a two-stage policy in western Europe, which aimed at pacifying both France and Germany, as well as encouraging the League of Nations. Other key chapters deal with British policy in the Middle East and China and policy Towards America. Overall, Chamberlain is shown to have committed Britain to a European diplomatic role, which was opposed by Cabinet ministers who did not see a European interest to all aspects of British foreign policy. Today, in the Conservative Party, the debate is still unresolved.

Values, in terms of human rights and democracy, have become importantfactors for individual state's participation in the international community. Janne Haaland Matláry, former Secretary of State in the Department of Foreign Affairs, Norway, explores the ethical and moral conflict between the international system and the rights of sovereign powers in cases such as Kosovo, Bosnia and Rwanda.

Sinn Fein has undergone a startling transformation in the last two-and-a-half decades. Under the leadership of its two principal figures Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness the mainstream party of Irish republicanism has changed beyond almost all recognition. It has moved from the margins of political life, on both sides of the Irish border, to a position where it occupies the Deputy First Minister's chair in Northern Ireland and was viewed, until recently, as the coming force in southern Irish politics. In this book, the contours of Sinn Fein's recent evolution are considered, with particular emphasis on the various strategic objectives that the party has set itself. Sinn Fein's attitude to the Northern Irish peace process is considered at length here and the book challenges the 'conventional wisdom' that would juxtapose republican 'politics' and republican 'war' the notion being that, during the 1990s, republicans exchanged the latter for the former and were, therefore, 'tamed' into becoming a 'normal' political party. The central argument here is that such a view rests on a false dichotomy. It has been said that 'war is merely the continuation of politics'; with respect to Sinn Fein, it is argued, the inverse formulation needs also to be considered, with republican politics seen, by republicans themselves, as an extension of the war. In following through this line of argument, this book attempts to consider republicans on their own terms; to take their thoughts and words 'seriously' and to examine their recent history accordingly.

In this book, Andrzej Sitkowski confronts two basic peacekeeping myths. First, the belief that peacekeeping is separate from peace enforcement blurs this difference and undermines the viability of peacekeeping operations. Secondly, it is widely believed that the peacekeepers are allowed to apply force only in self-defense and lack the authorization to use it in defending UN Security Councils mandates. Solidly anchored in official primary sources originating from the UN, national governments, parliamentary inquiries (Dutch, French, and Belgian) and from the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, this book integrates the most recent recommendations related to peacekeeping. It exposes how the UN peacekeeping syndrome of soldiers safety first crept into the NATO's strategy and compromises its missions in Kosovo and Afghanistan. The peacekeeping system has largely outlived its usefulness and is bound to fail when applied to currently predominant violent and messy conflagrations. Lacking radical changes in that system, the UN should disarm, restricting the peacekeeping to military observers' missions and to subcontracting other operations out to military alliances and regional organizations. The widely lamented massacres of innocent civilians under UN Peacekeeper eyes in Rwanda, Srebrenica, and the Congo influenced neither the UN's approach nor the analysis of the methods. In this book, Andrzej Sitkowski confronts two basic peacekeeping myths. First, the belief that peacekeeping is distinct from peace enforcement blurs this distinction and undermines the viability of peacekeeping operations. In fact, it is the UN's definition of self-defense, which is understood to include actions of troops against forceful obstructions to discharging their mandates, that confuses the issue. Nevertheless, that distinction remains a cornerstone of the UN doctrine. Secondly, it is widely believed that the peacekeepers are allowed to apply force only in self-defense and lack the authorization to use it in defending UN Security Councils mandates. This myth persists, even in cases when the UN Security Council undertakes explicit authorization to enforce specific goals of the mandate. Sitkowski offers a critical re-appraisal of the fundamental principles of peacekeeping, including both the largest successes (Namibia) and worst disasters (Rwanda). Drawing heavily on personal accounts, the book is solidly anchored in official primary sources originating from the UN, national governments, parliamentary inquiries (Dutch, French and Belgian) and from the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda. It integrates the most recent recommendations related to peacekeeping originating from High-Level Panels and endorsed by Kofi Annan. Finally it exposes how the UN peacekeeping syndrome of soldiers safety first crept into the NATO's strategy and compromises its missions in Kosovo and Afghanistan.