"Conceptually and empirically, this is the most thoughtful analysis of the role of EU's peace missions I have read so far. It starts with the 'action for the sake of action' logic of CSDP development and offers a new interpretation of what CSDP could be, if just peace was part of its political agenda. A rare gem in European studies."- Xymena Kurowska, Associate Professor of International Relations at Central European University, Hungary "This impressive research monograph provides a critical account of EUs peace missions by asking what these missions offer, how peace is built, and whom these missions serve. To address these important questions, Birgit Poopuu develops and employs an original and sophisticated discursive framework of telling and acting to conduct an in-depth investigation of EU peace missions Artemis in the DRC, EUFOR Althea in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and EULEX in Kosovo. This book's ground-breaking exploration advances the study of the EU as a peacebuilder."- Annika Bjoerkdahl, Professor of Political Science, Lund University, Sweden, and Editor in Chief of Cooperation and Conflict This book critically explores the European Union's brand of peacebuilding in the form of its Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). A contextually close reading of EU missions - using the fluid categories of telling and acting, stressing the dialogical ways of being, and taking heed of the concept of just peace as a particular guide to building peace - allows the book to tap into the specific meanings the EU has of peace, the ways in which it imagines its relationships with its varied partners, and perhaps most controversially, the way that being/becoming a global actor has been front and center of the CSDP. The analysis focuses on three core missions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Kosovo. One of the recurring themes that emerges from the empirical chapters is the significance attached to acting, and that acting per se constitutes success of a mission, without much thought given to its substance, or the outcome of the EU's engagement. The imaginative force of this book rests on developing a set of context-sensitive analytical tools, encapsulated in the dialogical model of identity formation and the dynamic approach to analysing identity through telling and acting.

Through extensive analysis of the Swedish Armed Forces this study explores the possibilities and pitfalls of implementing of a gender perspective in military organizations and operations. It established a number of important lessons for similar attempts in other countries and discusses the continued process of implementation in the Swedish military

Heart-breaking, hopeful and horrifying, I Shall Not Hate is a Palestinian doctor's inspiring account of his extraordinary life, growing up in poverty but determined to treat his patients in Gaza and Israel regardless of their ethnic origin. A London University- and Harvard-trained Palestinian doctor who was born and raised in the Jabalia refugee camp in the Gaza Strip and 'who has devoted his life to medicine and reconciliation between Israelis and Palestinians' (New York Times), Abuelaish is an infertility specialist who lives in Gaza but works in Israel. On the strip of land he calls home (where 1.5 million Gazan refugees are crammed into a few square miles) the Gaza doctor has been crossing the lines in the sand that divide Israelis and Palestinians for most of his life - as a physician who treats patients on both sides of the line, as a humanitarian who sees the need for improved health and education for women as the way forward in the Middle East. And, most recently, as the father whose three daughters were killed by Israeli shells on 16 January 2009, during Israel's incursion into the Gaza Strip. It was his response to this tragedy that made news and won him humanitarian awards around the world. Instead of seeking revenge or sinking into hatred, Izzeldin Abuelaish called for the people in the region to start talking to each other. His deepest hope is that his daughters will be 'the last sacrifice on the road to peace between Palestinians and Israelis'.

Classical arguments about the legitimate use of force have profoundly shaped the norms and institutions of contemporary international society. But what specific lessons can we learn from the classical European philosophers and jurists when thinking about humanitarian intervention, preventive self-defense or international trusteeship today? The contributors to this volume take seriously the admonition of contextualist scholars not to uproot classical thinkers' arguments from their social, political and intellectual environment. Nevertheless, this collection demonstrates that contemporary students, scholars and policymakers can still learn a great deal from the questions raised by classical European thinkers, the problems they highlighted, and even the problematic character of some of the solutions they offered. The aim of this volume is to open up current assumptions about military intervention, and to explore the possibility of reconceptualizing and reappraising contemporary approaches.

In 1981 the Organization of African Unity (OAU) mandated and fielded the first regional peacekeeping operation since the Arab League's mission in Kuwait 20 years earlier. Battalion-sized contingents from Nigeria, Senegal, and Zaire were joined by smaller observer contingents from other OAU members in an effort to provide a buffer zone between the two main factions in the Chadian civil war.

Mays opens his analysis by providing an overview of the concept of peacekeeping. Several definitions are offered to help distinguish between the various types of peace operations. After examining the concept hegemon, he looks at the ways regional and subregional hegemons utilize peacekeeping operations as foreign policy tools as they protect their interests. Mays argues that Nigeria, as a West African hegemon, served as the moving force behind the mandating and fielding of the OAU peacekeeping mission in Chad. Rather than being purely humanitarian in nature, Nigeria's motivation included the removal of French and later Libyan soldiers from a weak state on its border. However, Nigeria could not perform the task alone. France and the United States were instrumental as well in the mandating and fielding process. French and American interests stemmed from concern over Libyan motives in Chad. Nigeria kept the effort to mandate the peacekeeping operation alive for two years; France proved to be the stimulus behind persuading the Chadian government to accept the deployment of OAU peacekeepers and prompting the Senegalese to contribute a battalion to the mission; the United States contributed by keeping France and Nigeria focused on a peacekeeping solution and helping persuade Zaire to join the mission.

Mays offers the first comprehensive examination of the OAU peacekeeping mission and reviews the political and military organization of the force as well as its deployment, redeployment plans, logistics, and operations between the Chadian factions. Utilizing an extensive collection of resources, including interviews with participants, diplomats, and government documents, he provdies a detailed examination of every meeting/conference between 1979 and 1981 that discussed a peacekeeping option for Chad. Factors of success in traditional peacekeeping operations are applied to the OAU mission, and he concludes by reviewing the impact of the 1981-1982 OAU operation on current African peacekeeping trends. An invaluable analysis for scholars, students, and other researchers involved with peacekeeping, international relations, and African studies.

A scholarly perspective of a soldier's own challenges working in the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS). This work examines how regional/cultural knowledge and language ability contribute to improved leadership in a UN operation, based on the author's own experiences as a staff officer in South Sudan.

This book examines the emergent conviction that UN robust peacekeeping works better than UN traditional peacekeeping in reducing civilian killings within contemporary post-cold war violent civil wars. In an unprecedented study, Nsia-Pepra has systematically and empirically documented the relationship between robust peacekeeping and civilian killings in violent civil wars using both statistical and case study models. His research, engagingly expounded upon in UN Robust Peacekeeping, indicates that robust peacekeeping works better than traditional peacekeeping in lowering civilian killings by spoilers in violent civil wars. His book also presents the concept of a formidable barrier model of robust peacekeeping success using the game theoretical model. It makes policy recommendations to enhance the UN's capacity to protect civilians from human rights violations, including a unified, coherent doctrinal definition for robust peacekeeping, an operational doctrine on the use of force, and improved UN intelligence capacity. Nsia-Pepra also suggests employing the GA 1950 Uniting for Peace Resolution as well as robust mandates, common training doctrine, pre-deployment training, improved UN intelligence capacity, major power participation, implementation of R2P and US objective global leadership.

This book brings together internationally renowned academics from Europe and North America offering a uniquely comprehensive and timely analysis of the intervention in Libya in 2011. The military intervention in Libya in March 2011 generated heated debate internationally and reinvigorated interest in humanitarian intervention. The action was widely heralded as a surprisingly robust and effective response to a looming mass atrocity. This volume critically analyses the intervention and challenges the dominant positive narrative, especially the ostensibly causal role played by the 'Responsiblity to Protect' doctrine (R2P). The contributors assess the Libyan intervention in the context of a number of contemporary trends and ongoing debates and argue that the manner in which the intervention was sanctioned, prosecuted and justified has a number of troubling implications for both the future of humanitarian intervention and international peace and security. This edited collection includes contributions from Professor Alex de Waal (Tufts University, USA), Dr Eric Heinze (University of Oklahoma, USA), Professor Tom Keating (University of Alberta, Canada), Professor Alan Kuperman (University of Texas at Austin, USA), Professor Kim Richard Nossal (Queen's University, Canada), Dr Theresa Reinold (Social Science Research Centre Berlin, Germany) and Dr Brent Steele (University of Kansas, USA).

Donald M. Snow invites readers to consider what criteria should be evaluated when considering whether the United States should engage in military action across the globe: when its vital interests are at stake and when the endeavor can reasonably be considered feasible, what Snow refers to as the "IF factor." It is hard to justify promoting an application of American military force to a situation where its use will not succeed or where US interests are not clearly vital, but, Snow argues, that is exactly what has happened frequently since Vietnam. The book is organized into three sections, examining a historical overview of how the United States became involved in intervening in asymmetrical warfare, the problem of internal war in the developing world, and future American military involvement, particularly in conflicts in the Global South and Ukraine.

Civil wars are among the most difficult problems in world politics. While mediation, intervention, and peacekeeping have produced some positive results in helping to end civil wars, they fall short in preventing them in the first place. In Incentivizing Peace, Jaroslav Tir and Johannes Karreth show that considering civil wars from a developmental perspective presents opportunities to prevent the escalation of nascent armed conflicts into full-scale civil wars. The authors demonstrate that highly-structured intergovernmental organizations (IGOs such as the World Bank, IMF, or regional development banks) are particularly well-positioned to engage in civil war prevention. When such IGOs have been actively engaged in nations on the edge, their potent economic tools have helped to steer rebel-government interactions away from escalation and toward peaceful settlement. Incentivizing Peace provides enlightening case evidence that IGO participation is a key to better predicting, and thus preventing, the outbreak of civil war.

The current challenges and potential future of peacekeeping in an increasingly complex world take center stage in this far-reaching collection. Contributors advance a nuanced picture of post-conflict environments across different areas of the globe while considering possible deployments of peacekeeping, traditional military and UN forces in semi-autonomous complementary roles. Longstanding debate topics such as the need for a standing UN army and the field implementation of global right-to-protect concepts are discussed, as are emerging ideas in civilian protection, atrocity prevention and balancing triage operations with long-term peacebuilding efforts. Other dispatches chronicle key issues and concerns regarding peacekeeping operations in Brazil, China and diverse regions of Africa. Included in the coverage: Protecting strangers: reflections on a cosmopolitan peacekeeping capacity. Towards a standing UN force for peacekeeping. Challenges posed by intervention brigades and other coercive measures in support of the protection of civilians. Addressing the criminal accountability of peacekeepers. The evolution of China's role in peacekeeping and atrocity crime prevention. Businesses and investors as stakeholders in atrocity crime prevention. Multiple viewpoints, a global scope and real-world clarity make Perspectives on Peacekeeping and Atrocity Prevention an invaluable resource to advance the work of humanitarians, criminologists and students of and professionals in international relations. "This collection of articles effectively points to the challenges, complexities and sensitivities of preventing and halting mass atrocity crimes in part through the use of UN peacekeeping operations. The volume also inspires further efforts, including the integration of new and younger stakeholders, to mitigate massive human rights crimes and fully implement the Responsibility to Protect." Dr. Gyoergy Tatar Chair, Budapest Centre for the International Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities "In a refreshing and engaging manner, this edited volume represents a much-needed contribution to the debate on how best to address current security threats given the limitations and the possibilities of peacekeeping and atrocity prevention. A compelling feature of the book is its exploration of often-neglected stakeholder perspectives alongside first-hand knowledge of the UN system and astute academic observations of key peacekeeping concepts, mandates and practices. Each chapter's concluding recommendations invite scholars and policy makers to critically interrogate their own beliefs, assumptions and preferred solutions for keeping the peace and preventing mass atrocity violence." Dr. Maria Stern Professor in Peace and Development Studies, School of Global Studies University of Gothenburg

This book provides a detailed, multi-level analysis of international security in the South Caucasus and considers whether this region of the former Soviet Union, with several as yet unresolved, 'frozen' separatist conflicts, can move towards a more peaceable future.Using three concepts from Regional Security Complex Theory, amity/enmity, state incoherence and great power penetration, Oskanian forms a unique conceptual expansion of the theory, providing a comprehensive examination of both material conditions and discourses of insecurity. Applying this expanded framework onto a region of considerable complexity and conflict, the book considers the hostility between the South Caucasian states, the fissures underlying their secessionist conflicts, and the regional involvement of great powers, outlining the broader narratives that pervade societies in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia.The book also assesses the emergence of a security regime in the Southern Caucasus and offers a critical-prescriptive assessment of policy implications for both regional and extra-regional actors concerned with improved regional stability.

The United Nations and peacekeeping, 1988-95 presents innovative explanations on how after the Cold War UN peacekeeping operations became the dominant response to conflicts around the globe. This study offers a vivid description of these changes through the analysis of the evolution in the concept and practice of United Nations peacekeeping operations from 1988 to 1995. The research is anchored primarily in United Nations documents, which were produced following the diplomatic discussions that took place in the General Assembly, the Security Council and the UN Secretariat on the subject of peacekeeping in general and in the cases of Cambodia, Former Yugoslavia and Somalia in particular. These large and complex operations were the testing ground for the new roles of peacekeeping in democratisation, humanitarian aid, resettlement of refugees, demobilisation of armed forces, economic development and advancement of good government. -- .

It is generally accepted that collective identity among member states in regional organizations strengthens peace, yet the process of constructing a collective identity can also reproduce conflict. Focusing on the European Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, this book demonstrates how collective identity depends on the construction of outsider states, such as Morocco, Turkey, and Australia, as different, and in some instances, as threatening. It then analyzes how these regional organizations can consequently aggravate conflicts involving outsider states.

A unique assessment that challenges humanity's quest to abolish warfare. The idea that war is going out of style has become the conventional wisdom in recent years. But in Only the Dead, award-winning author Bear Braumoeller demonstrates that it shouldn't have. With a rare combination of historical expertise, statistical acumen, and accessible prose, Braumoeller shows that the evidence simply doesn't support the decline-of-war thesis propounded by scholars like Steven Pinker. He argues that the key to understanding trends in warfare lies, not in the spread of humanitarian values, but rather in the formation of international orders-sets of expectations about behavior that allow countries to work in concert, as they did in the Concert of Europe and have done in the postwar Western liberal order. With a nod toward the American sociologist Charles Tilly, who argued that "war made the state and the state made war," Braumoeller argues that the same is true of international orders: while they reduce conflict within their borders, they can also clash violently with one another, as the Western and communist orders did throughout the Cold War. Both highly readable and rigorous, Only the Dead offers a realistic assessment of humanity's quest to abolish warfare. While pessimists have been too quick to discount the successes of our attempts to reduce international conflict, optimists are prone to put too much faith in human nature. Reality lies somewhere in between: While the aspirations of humankind to govern its behavior with reason and justice have had shocking success in moderating the harsh dictates of realpolitik, the institutions that we have created to prevent war are unlikely to achieve anything like total success-as evidenced by the multitude of conflicts in recent decades. As the old adage advises us, only the dead have seen the end of war.

This book looks at the successes and failures of mediation efforts in the former Yugoslavia. It examines the activities of the mediating entities—states and international organizations—from the perspective of mediation theory and within the context of the mediating entities' broad international and political goals. The book calls attention to two lessons: that collective mediation faces much greater obstacles than mediation by individual states, and that a mediator's priority should be saving lives, rather than aiming at other objectives, or even pursuing justice.

U.S. military forces are increasingly involved in peacekeeping missions around the world, and this new role raises the prospect of confrontation with guerrilla movements, combat for which troops are largely untrained. This book contains analyses of past and present conflicts involving the American military, not only the Vietnam experience but also more recent involvement in El Salvador and Somalia, each of which has provoked great controversy on the domestic front. The contributors also consider the experiences of other countries in meeting such threats: Russia's dangerously unstable democracy, Peru's successful efforts to defeat a notorious insurgency, and Japan's continuing reluctance to send even token military forces outside its own borders. These issues will continue to engage and challenge American society long into the next millennium.

This book considers contemporary international interventions with a specific focus on analyzing the frameworks that have guided recent peacekeeping operations led by the United Nations. Drawing from the work of Michel Foucault and Foucauldian-inspired approaches in the field of International Relations, it highlights how interventions can be viewed through the lens of governmentality and its key attendant concepts. The book draws from these approaches in order to explore how international interventions are increasingly informed by governmental rationalities of security and policing. Two specific cases are examined: the UN's Security Sector Reform (SSR) approach and the UN's Protection of Civilians agenda. Focusing on the governmental rationalities that are at work in these two central frameworks that have come to guide contemporary UN-led peacekeeping efforts in recent years, the book considers: The use in IR of governmentality and its attendant notions of biopower and sovereign power The recent discussion regarding the concept and practice of international policing and police reform The rise of security as a rationality of government and the manner in which security and police rationalities interconnect and have increasingly come to inform peacekeeping efforts The Security Sector Reform (SSR) framework for peacebuilding and the rise of the UN's Protection of Civilians agenda. This book will be of interest to graduates and scholars of international relations, security studies, critical theory, and conflict and intervention.

This book explores the question of whether peacekeeping commanders can be held accountable for a failure to protect the civilian population in the mission area. This requires an assessment of whether peacekeeping commanders have an obligation to act against such serious crimes being committed under domestic and international law. The work uses the cases of the Dutch and Belgian peacekeeping commanders in Srebrenica and Kigali as examples, but it also places the analysis into the context of contemporary peacekeeping operations. It unfolds two main arguments. First, it provides a critical note to the contextual interpretation given to international law in relation to peacekeeping. It is argued that establishing a specific paradigm for peacekeeping operations with clear rules of interpretation and benchmark criteria would benefit peacekeeping and international law by making the contextual interpretation of international law redundant. Second, it is held that alternative options to the existing forms of criminal responsibility for military commanders should be considered, possibly focusing more clearly on failing to fulfil a norm of protection that is specific to peacekeeping and distinct from protective obligations under international human rights law and international humanitarian law.

There is widespread dissatisfaction with the current suite of evaluation and monitoring tools available to peacebuilders and those responding to conflict. Yet, despite this dissatisfaction, there are few concrete moves to investigate alternative methods of gauging the success or failure of peace initiatives. This volume explores alternative methods of assessing peace. These methods tend to be bottom-up and people-centric and are interested in many aspects of conflict societies that orthodox top-down indicators often miss. The methods explored in this work chime with the contemporary interest in critical approaches to peace and conflict studies, and approaches that are interested in local perspectives. The volume also connects with a growing interest in civic epistemology, or the co-production of data whereby research 'subjects' participate in the research and have a chance of understanding the relevance of research. All of the contributors to the volume have significant field experience in conflict-affected areas and their work is informed by an engagement with the everyday challenges and opportunities facing people in war zones. This bookw as published as a special issue of the Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding.

Violent conflict brings together two seemingly disparate groups: humanitarians and soldiers. This mixes and convolutes agendas, blurring lines that are often perceived to be sacrosanct. Delving deeply into the history and reasons of why these two groups work in close proximity, this study provide a unique insight into the history, ethical dilemmas and policy conundrums when aid workers operate close to the military. Using Afghanistan as a case study, analytical rigour, deep primary research and "field" knowledge are combined in an exceptional contribution to this important area. This book gives scholars and practitioners alike a nuanced perspective on the challenges faced by aid workers, military personnel and decision-makers alike in countries affected by violent conflicts, hosting foreign military interventions and receiving international aid. -- .

This book offers an in-depth study on the deployment of military operations in the framework of the European Union's Common Security and Defence Policy (ESDP/CSDP). While existing studies of the subject are either descriptive or focused on a single level of analysis, this book incorporates factors from three different levels of analysis to explain the deployment of ESDP military operations. First, the international level, where the emergence of events that threaten certain values held dear by EU member states, catalyses the process leading to an operation; second, the national level, where the member states formulate their initial national preferences towards a prospective deployment based on national utility expectations; and third, the EU level, where the member states come to negotiate and seek compromises to accommodate their different national preferences towards a deployment. The strength of this multi-level collective action approach is demonstrated by four in-depth military case studies, which analyse the preference formation of France, Germany, and the UK towards the deployments of Operation Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Operation Artemis and EUFOR RD Congo in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and Operation Atalanta off the coast of Somalia, respectively. The author draws on a wealth of primary sources, including over 50 semi-structured interviews conducted with national and EU officials during 2011-15, and provides an up-to-date overview and critique of the existing theoretical literature on the deployment of ESDP/CSDP military operations. This book will be of much interest to students of European security, EU politics, military and strategic studies, and International Relations in general.

This book critically examines peacebuilding, humanitarian intervention and peace operation practices and experiences in francophone spaces. Francophone Africa as a specific space is relatively little studied in the peace and security literature, despite the fact that almost half of all peacekeepers are deployed or were deployed in this part of Africa during the last decade. It is an arena for intervention that deserves more serious attention, if only because it provides fertile ground for exploring the key questions raised in the peacekeeping and peacebuilding literature. For instance, in 2002 a French operation (Licorne) was launched and in 2003 a UN force was deployed in Cote d'Ivoire alongside the French force there. Filling a gap in the current literature, Peace Operations in the Francophone World critically examines peacekeeping and peacebuilding practices in the francophone world, including but not limited to conflict prevention and resolution, security sector reform (SSR), francophone politics, and North-South relations. The book explores whether peace and security operations in francophone spaces have exceptional characteristics when compared with those carried out in other parts of the world and assesses whether an analysis of these operations in the francophone world can make a specific and original contribution to wider international debates about peacekeeping and peacebuilding. This book will be of much interest to students of peacekeeping, peacebuilding, peace and conflict studies, African politics, security studies, and IR in general.

With the end of the Cold War, many believed that a new, more stableinternational legal order would emerge. But an enormous gap in values-most noticeably concerning armed intervention-has prevented that from happening. One group of nations continues to cling to the United Nations Charter's ban against intervention, while another group-led by NATO and the UN Security Council itself-openly violates that prohibition. In fact, the ban has been breached so often that it can no longer be regarded as authoritative. Whether the resulting legal vacuum can be filled is the overriding international question of the era.