This volume provides a framework for analyzing security sector reform under international tutelage. Following violent conflict and military interventions, international organizations or coalitions of countries increasingly engage in post-conflict reconstruction. Part of the international post-conflict agenda is the 'reconstruction' or 'reform' of the security sector (SSR). In post-conflict situations, the security sector is often characterized by politicization, ethnicization, corruption of the security services, excessive military spending, lack of professionalism, poor oversight and inefficient allocation of resources. At the same time, there is great need for effective and efficient (re-)establishment of a legitimate monopoly of force. While initially this is in the purview of the external intervention forces, they also face the task of the building up of effective, efficient accountable and democratically legitimized security forces as quickly as possible. The contributors analyze six pertinent cases: Afghanistan, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Haiti, Kosovo, Sierra Leone and Timor Leste, focusing on issues such as priorities for security and for security sector reform, sequencing of reconstruction and reform, tensions between requirements of security and security governance and the interaction of domestic and external actors in security sector reform. This book was previously published as a special issue of International Peacekeeping.

This book examines NATO's Balkan interventions over the entire decade starting with the break-up of Yugoslavia in 1992. Focusing on the wars in Bosnia and Kosovo, it traces the record of early transatlantic failures and later successes as once bitterly divided allies were able, finally, to unite around some basic principles. By the time of the Kosovo intervention in spring 1999, the allies agreed on the necessity of taking sides and using military force in conflicts that were complicated, but far from morally opaque. The book concludes with some lessons around which the transatlantic allies might reasonably hope - despite other pressing concerns - to stay engaged and stay united.

Over the last decade the failure of countries to emerge from conflict has focused attention on state security sectors. This book examines how the external approaches to security sector reform (SSR) have evolved and what they entail; the specific problems faced by the SSR agenda; and what policy recommendations for engagement can be drawn from reform experiences.

Much of the scholarly literature on peacekeeping focuses on particular peacekeeping operations, or on the political bargaining between peacekeeping participants at both the institutional and national levels. However, there is very little published research on why nations commit forces to peacekeeping operations. As Sandra Whitworth noted in a book review of six books on peacekeeping in the International Journal, the important political questions thus far have not been asked: who benefits, who pays, and who is excluded?. This book addresses that need. The authors focus specifically on the political and economic motivations that influence the decision to participate in peacekeeping. They consider how definitions of national interest frame the political debate, and what the reasons are for the military support or opposition for peacekeeping operations. They also explore the role of inter-agency politics, the role of public opinion in peacekeeping decisions, and the influence of pressure from other nations and non-nation actors to commit peacekeeping forces. Each chapter includes several recent cases of national peacekeeping to illustrate how national political debates framed their c

This book explores the question of whether peacekeeping commanders can be held accountable for a failure to protect the civilian population in the mission area. This requires an assessment of whether peacekeeping commanders have an obligation to act against such serious crimes being committed under domestic and international law. The work uses the cases of the Dutch and Belgian peacekeeping commanders in Srebrenica and Kigali as examples, but it also places the analysis into the context of contemporary peacekeeping operations. It unfolds two main arguments. First, it provides a critical note to the contextual interpretation given to international law in relation to peacekeeping. It is argued that establishing a specific paradigm for peacekeeping operations with clear rules of interpretation and benchmark criteria would benefit peacekeeping and international law by making the contextual interpretation of international law redundant. Second, it is held that alternative options to the existing forms of criminal responsibility for military commanders should be considered, possibly focusing more clearly on failing to fulfil a norm of protection that is specific to peacekeeping and distinct from protective obligations under international human rights law and international humanitarian law.

This title examines the roles and new opportunities arising from the increasing participation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in peace-making, peacekeeping and peace-building processes, both formal and informal, state-sponsored and unofficial. Drawing on both academic experts and activists, this study brings together contributions from those who have observed how NGOs have sought to reflect civil society concerns, provide humanitarian relief, monitor compliance with international norms and treaty requirements, and disseminate information of concern to advocacy networks.
A critical appraisal of the opportunities and constraints of NGOs is provided alongside the examination of the NGOs role in the new agendas for peace.

This title examines the roles and new opportunities arising from the increasing participation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in peace-making, peacekeeping and peace-building processes, both formal and informal, state-sponsored and unofficial. Drawing on both academic experts and activists, this study brings together contributions from those who have observed how NGOs have sought to reflect civil society concerns, provide humanitarian relief, monitor compliance with international norms and treaty requirements, and disseminate information of concern to advocacy networks.
A critical appraisal of the opportunities and constraints of NGOs is provided alongside the examination of the NGOs role in the "new agendas" for peace.

This book integrates peace operations into the paradigm first articulated in Uncomfortable Wars, edited by Max Manwaring. It not only addresses social science theory of conflict and conflict resolution but it links that theory to military doctrine by way of a series of nine case studies which range from traditional peacekeeping to peace enforcement. The book brings together a group of authors who all combine practical experience with academic insight. With three Canadian peacekeepers among its authors, the book is not limited to the American point of view. Their insights, nonetheless, reinforce the theory as well as expand upon it.

International intervention in internal wars has gained rhetorical legitimacy in the post-cold war period, but in practice it has remained problematic. Response to these conflicts has remained mainly diplomatic and military - and belated. Is there anything international actors can do to prevent, or at least ameliorate, such conflicts? Are conflict-prevention measures already being attempted, and sometimes succeeding so well that we are unaware of their effectiveness? If so, what can we learn from them? In this book, Robert J. Muscat, a veteran international development expert who has worked in South America, South and Southeast Asia, East Africa, and the Balkans, attempts to answer these questions. Drawing on the work of others as well as his own extensive experience, he reviews the accrued insights into the causes of internal conflict. He examines nine cases in which the work of development agencies exacerbated or ameliorated the root causes of conflict. This permits some generalizations about the efficacy or deleterious effects of development programs - and of their futility when the conflict-prevention dimension of international assistance efforts is ignored.

International intervention in internal wars has gained rhetorical legitimacy in the post-cold war period, but in practice it has remained problematic. Response to these conflicts has remained mainly diplomatic and military - and belated. Is there anything international actors can do to prevent, or at least ameliorate, such conflicts? Are conflict-prevention measures already being attempted, and sometimes succeeding so well that we are unaware of their effectiveness? If so, what can we learn from them? In this book, Robert J. Muscat, a veteran international development expert who has worked in South America, South and Southeast Asia, East Africa, and the Balkans, attempts to answer these questions. Drawing on the work of others as well as his own extensive experience, he reviews the accrued insights into the causes of internal conflict. He examines nine cases in which the work of development agencies exacerbated or ameliorated the root causes of conflict. This permits some generalizations about the efficacy or deleterious effects of development programs - and of their futility when the conflict-prevention dimension of international assistance efforts is ignored.

Civil wars pose some of the most difficult problems in the world today and the United Nations is the organization generally called upon to bring and sustain peace. Lise Morje Howard studies the sources of success and failure in UN peacekeeping. Her in-depth 2007 analysis of some of the most complex UN peacekeeping missions debunks the conventional wisdom that they habitually fail, showing that the UN record actually includes a number of important, though understudied, success stories. Using systematic comparative analysis, Howard argues that UN peacekeeping succeeds when field missions establish significant autonomy from UN headquarters, allowing civilian and military staff to adjust to the post-civil war environment. In contrast, failure frequently results from operational directives originating in UN headquarters, often devised in relation to higher-level political disputes with little relevance to the civil war in question. Howard recommends future reforms be oriented toward devolving decision-making power to the field missions.

Military intervention has emerged as one of the greatest challenges facing the West. This book explores how the West has reacted to this challenge. In particular it examines the question of how military power has and might be used to help protect those elsewhere who are in danger. It looks at how force is used, the limits on the use of force, and how monitoring and verification of ceasefires can be effectively implemented to stop force being used. It also examines the political context in which force is used, including the West's intolerance for casualities, the role of the media and the gender dimensions of intervention.

This work explores the application and structure of negotiation within existing international conflicts, and assesses the effectiveness, or otherwise, of such forms of dispute resolution. Active negotiation exists at all three levels in a conflict: strategic; operational; and tactical, and little analysis of negotiation exists at any level other than strategic. The text examines the role of negotiation and the skills required by any practitioner in the field. The aim of this work is to highlight the local, national, and international implications of negotiated outcomes in any current conflict, the political and interpersonal repercussions of mediatory work in an operational scenario, and the difficulties involved in being a negotiator as well as carrying out one's role as a politician, aid worker or soldier.

This work focuses on women's participation in peacekeeping operations and what needs to be considered regarding the role and circumstances of women, including those in relation to the host society. This volume opens with an article offering historical insights that reflect on the contemporary relevance of two ancient Greek plays, "Antigone" and "Lysistrata." The latter was referred to by Nelson Mandela in his efforts to negotiate the conflict in Burundi. The following essay is a theoretical perspective on women and war, highlighting the difference between post-modernist and universalist approaches to women's roles in peacemaking and conflict resolution. Other topics include the role of women in military operations, the implications of the high levels of sexual violence in peacekeeping operations and the UN's gender policy for peacekeeping operations. Case studies include Macedonia, the only preventative operation in which it is possible to discuss gender implications on security.
In view of the extendedperiod of time in which UNIFIL operated in Lebanon, it is valuable to compare operations before and after the inclusion of women on the staff. The peacekeeping mission in Namibia is notable as the UN's first multi-dimensional operation and as an operation in which women constituted a large part of the civilian staff is also examined.

This work focuses on women's participation in peacekeeping operations and what needs to be considered regarding the role and circumstances of women, including those in relation to the host society. This volume opens with an article offering historical insights that reflect on the contemporary relevance of two ancient Greek plays, "Antigone" and "Lysistrata." The latter was referred to by Nelson Mandela in his efforts to negotiate the conflict in Burundi. The following essay is a theoretical perspective on women and war, highlighting the difference between post-modernist and universalist approaches to women's roles in peacemaking and conflict resolution. Other topics include the role of women in military operations, the implications of the high levels of sexual violence in peacekeeping operations and the UN's gender policy for peacekeeping operations. Case studies include Macedonia, the only preventative operation in which it is possible to discuss gender implications on security.
In view of the extendedperiod of time in which UNIFIL operated in Lebanon, it is valuable to compare operations before and after the inclusion of women on the staff. The peacekeeping mission in Namibia is notable as the UN's first multi-dimensional operation and as an operation in which women constituted a large part of the civilian staff is also examined.

The crisis in Kosovo raised many questions concerning the nature of war and international relations in a world which is now unipolar but marked by a growing role for transnational organizations. This work examines both the escalation of the Kosovo conflict to a full-scale war and the aftermath of that war. It looks at the origins and implications of the Kosovo conflict in two stages: part one deals with the background and history of the conflict. Part two gives diverse opinions on NATO's attack on Yugoslavia and the consequent occupation of Kosovo by KFOR. There is also a separate section of documents relating to Kosovo, and a chronology of events.

The nature of UN operational involvement in the practical management of conflict has evolved dramatically since the end of the Cold War. The post-Cold War liberation of the Security Council, the subsequent paralysis in its decision-making competence and the apparent dilution of the concept of sovereignty as a prohibition on intervention have been principal factors in the evolving fortunes of UK peace-support operations.
This evolving environment has had profound implications for the way in which the humanitarian community, the United Nations and military forces engaged under a UN flag have reacted to peace-support operations. This book explores contemporary peace-support operations and examines many of the principal challenges that now confront those charged, in different ways, with bringing peace to war-torn societies.
In particular this volume looks at the evolving nature of military, UN and humanitarian non-governmental organisation's intervention in these complex conflicts. It also explores how these organisations relate to one another and the way in which a division of labour is determined.

The nature of UN operational involvement in the practical management of conflict has evolved dramatically since the end of the Cold War. The post-Cold War liberation of the Security Council, the subsequent paralysis in its decision-making competence, and the apparent dilution of the concept of sovereignty as a prohibition on intervention have been principal factors in the evolving fortunes of UK peace-support operations.

This evolving environment has had profound implications for the way in which the humanitarian community, the United Nations and military forces engaged under a UN flag have reacted to peace-support operations. This book explores contemporary peace-support operations and examines many of the principal challenges that now confront those charged, in different ways, with bringing peace to war-torn societies. In particular, this volume looks at the evolving nature of military, UN and humanitarian non-governmental organization's intervention in these complex conflicts. It also explores how these organizations relate to one another and the way in which a division of labour is determined.

NATO's military intervention in Yugoslavia highlights the choices and problems confronting the alliance as it approaches the new century. An alliance created to keep Western Europe out of the Soviet orbit during the Cold War has sought to reinvent itself as a "crisis-management" organization to suppress conflicts on Europe's periphery - and perhaps beyond.
Is NATO suited to playing such a role, or is the alliance a Cold War anachronism? How will Russia react to an enlarged NATO focused on out-of-area peacekeeping and conflict-prevention missions? Are there alternative security institutions that might better address Europe's security needs in the post-Cold War era?

NATO's military intervention in Yugoslavia highlights the choices and problems confronting the alliance as it approaches the new century. An alliance created to keep Western Europe out of the Soviet orbit during the Cold War has sought to reinvent itself as a crisis-management organization to suppress conflicts on Europe's periphery - and perhaps beyond.
Is NATO suited to playing such a role, or is the alliance a Cold War anachronism? How will Russia react to an enlarged NATO focused on out-of-area peacekeeping and conflict-prevention missions? Are there alternative security institutions that might better address Europe's security needs in the post-Cold War era?

Democracy and Peace Making is an invaluable and up-to-date account of the process of peace making, which draws on the most recent historical thinking. It surveys the post-war peace settlements of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, including:
* the Vienna congress of 1815
* the Treaty of Versailles
* the peace settlements of the Second World War
* peace talks after the Korean War
* the Paris Peace Accords of 1973.

Ingrid Lehmann demonstrates, through case studies of five peacekeeping operations - Namibia, Cambodia, Rwanda, Haiti and Eastern Slavonia - that public information functions, structures and processes are normally ignored in the peacekeeping mandate. They may or may not be succesfully added on later, and are too often relegated to specialist staff. The resultant ad-hoc conduct of the public affairs of the mission leaves too much to chance, and may lead to a fragmented and often contradictory execution at too low a level. This portends ominously for the manner in which the operation will be percived, and eventually, too, for the manner in which the peacekeeping operations in general may be judged. Ingrid Lehmann makes prposals for how communications maybe improved, and considers the consequences of failing to do so.

Ingrid Lehmann demonstrates, through case studies of five peacekeeping operations - Namibia, Cambodia, Rwanda, Haiti and Eastern Slavonia - that public information functions, structures and processes are normally ignored in the peacekeeping mandate. They may or may not be succesfully added on later, and are too often relegated to specialist staff. The resultant ad-hoc conduct of the public affairs of the mission leaves too much to chance, and may lead to a fragmented and often contradictory execution at too low a level. This portends ominously for the manner in which the operation will be percived, and eventually, too, for the manner in which the peacekeeping operations in general may be judged. Ingride Lehmann makes prposals for how communications maybe improved, and considers the consequences of failing to do so.

The UN peacemaking operation in Cyprus has been one of the longest of its kind. Yet it has resulted in little but discarded proposals, non-papers or reports. This study sets out to investigate the Cypriot parties' views of the process of peacemaking in order to shed light on the Cyprus problem, and on the theoretical debates surrounding mediation.

The UN peacemaking operation in Cyprus has been one of the longest of its kind. Yet it has resulted in little but discarded proposals, non-papers or reports. This study sets out to investigate the Cypriot parties' views of the process of peacemaking in order to shed light on the Cyprus problem, and on the theoretical debates surrounding mediation.