This title examines the roles and new opportunities arising from the increasing participation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in peace-making, peacekeeping and peace-building processes, both formal and informal, state-sponsored and unofficial. Drawing on both academic experts and activists, this study brings together contributions from those who have observed how NGOs have sought to reflect civil society concerns, provide humanitarian relief, monitor compliance with international norms and treaty requirements, and disseminate information of concern to advocacy networks.
A critical appraisal of the opportunities and constraints of NGOs is provided alongside the examination of the NGOs role in the new agendas for peace.

International intervention in internal wars has gained rhetorical legitimacy in the post-cold war period, but in practice it has remained problematic. Response to these conflicts has remained mainly diplomatic and military - and belated. Is there anything international actors can do to prevent, or at least ameliorate, such conflicts? Are conflict-prevention measures already being attempted, and sometimes succeeding so well that we are unaware of their effectiveness? If so, what can we learn from them? In this book, Robert J. Muscat, a veteran international development expert who has worked in South America, South and Southeast Asia, East Africa, and the Balkans, attempts to answer these questions. Drawing on the work of others as well as his own extensive experience, he reviews the accrued insights into the causes of internal conflict. He examines nine cases in which the work of development agencies exacerbated or ameliorated the root causes of conflict. This permits some generalizations about the efficacy or deleterious effects of development programs - and of their futility when the conflict-prevention dimension of international assistance efforts is ignored.

International intervention in internal wars has gained rhetorical legitimacy in the post-cold war period, but in practice it has remained problematic. Response to these conflicts has remained mainly diplomatic and military - and belated. Is there anything international actors can do to prevent, or at least ameliorate, such conflicts? Are conflict-prevention measures already being attempted, and sometimes succeeding so well that we are unaware of their effectiveness? If so, what can we learn from them? In this book, Robert J. Muscat, a veteran international development expert who has worked in South America, South and Southeast Asia, East Africa, and the Balkans, attempts to answer these questions. Drawing on the work of others as well as his own extensive experience, he reviews the accrued insights into the causes of internal conflict. He examines nine cases in which the work of development agencies exacerbated or ameliorated the root causes of conflict. This permits some generalizations about the efficacy or deleterious effects of development programs - and of their futility when the conflict-prevention dimension of international assistance efforts is ignored.

Military intervention has emerged as one of the greatest challenges facing the West. This book explores how the West has reacted to this challenge. In particular it examines the question of how military power has and might be used to help protect those elsewhere who are in danger. It looks at how force is used, the limits on the use of force, and how monitoring and verification of ceasefires can be effectively implemented to stop force being used. It also examines the political context in which force is used, including the West's intolerance for casualities, the role of the media and the gender dimensions of intervention.

In 2011, South Sudan was welcomed into the United Nations as the world’s newest nation. Celebrations on the ground reflected palpable relief after more than 20 years of violent struggle. With unprecedented goodwill and optimism, the UN deployed 7,000 soldiers and another 2,000 police and civilian peacekeepers to the country to support its transition to independence. However, the mission failed and within less than three years South Sudan was plunged into a catastrophic civil war. Using firsthand accounts from senior UN officials and referencing hitherto unseen UN documents, this book explores the role of the peacekeeping mission in that failure. It challenges the resignation with which many in academia and the media greeted the underperformance of the peacekeepers. It suggests that, even while under-resourced, they could have done much more to prevent bloodshed in the new country and protected civilians from the chaos of the first years of the conflict. The UN has thus far avoided a thorough and public examination of its actions in South Sudan. It has avoided accountability and instead rewarded failed decision-makers. This book is an attempt to re-assess the legacy of that mission and to detail how its many mistakes can and should be avoided in the future.

This work focuses on women's participation in peacekeeping operations and what needs to be considered regarding the role and circumstances of women, including those in relation to the host society. This volume opens with an article offering historical insights that reflect on the contemporary relevance of two ancient Greek plays, "Antigone" and "Lysistrata." The latter was referred to by Nelson Mandela in his efforts to negotiate the conflict in Burundi. The following essay is a theoretical perspective on women and war, highlighting the difference between post-modernist and universalist approaches to women's roles in peacemaking and conflict resolution. Other topics include the role of women in military operations, the implications of the high levels of sexual violence in peacekeeping operations and the UN's gender policy for peacekeeping operations. Case studies include Macedonia, the only preventative operation in which it is possible to discuss gender implications on security.
In view of the extendedperiod of time in which UNIFIL operated in Lebanon, it is valuable to compare operations before and after the inclusion of women on the staff. The peacekeeping mission in Namibia is notable as the UN's first multi-dimensional operation and as an operation in which women constituted a large part of the civilian staff is also examined.

This work explores the application and structure of negotiation within existing international conflicts, and assesses the effectiveness, or otherwise, of such forms of dispute resolution. Active negotiation exists at all three levels in a conflict: strategic; operational; and tactical, and little analysis of negotiation exists at any level other than strategic. The text examines the role of negotiation and the skills required by any practitioner in the field. The aim of this work is to highlight the local, national, and international implications of negotiated outcomes in any current conflict, the political and interpersonal repercussions of mediatory work in an operational scenario, and the difficulties involved in being a negotiator as well as carrying out one's role as a politician, aid worker or soldier.

This work focuses on women's participation in peacekeeping operations and what needs to be considered regarding the role and circumstances of women, including those in relation to the host society. This volume opens with an article offering historical insights that reflect on the contemporary relevance of two ancient Greek plays, "Antigone" and "Lysistrata." The latter was referred to by Nelson Mandela in his efforts to negotiate the conflict in Burundi. The following essay is a theoretical perspective on women and war, highlighting the difference between post-modernist and universalist approaches to women's roles in peacemaking and conflict resolution. Other topics include the role of women in military operations, the implications of the high levels of sexual violence in peacekeeping operations and the UN's gender policy for peacekeeping operations. Case studies include Macedonia, the only preventative operation in which it is possible to discuss gender implications on security.
In view of the extendedperiod of time in which UNIFIL operated in Lebanon, it is valuable to compare operations before and after the inclusion of women on the staff. The peacekeeping mission in Namibia is notable as the UN's first multi-dimensional operation and as an operation in which women constituted a large part of the civilian staff is also examined.

The crisis in Kosovo raised many questions concerning the nature of war and international relations in a world which is now unipolar but marked by a growing role for transnational organizations. This work examines both the escalation of the Kosovo conflict to a full-scale war and the aftermath of that war. It looks at the origins and implications of the Kosovo conflict in two stages: part one deals with the background and history of the conflict. Part two gives diverse opinions on NATO's attack on Yugoslavia and the consequent occupation of Kosovo by KFOR. There is also a separate section of documents relating to Kosovo, and a chronology of events.

Since the end of the Cold War several political agreements have been signed in attempts to resolve longstanding conflicts in such volatile regions as Northern Ireland, Israel-Palestine, South Africa, and Rwanda. This is the first comprehensive volume that examines reconciliation, justice, and coexistence in the post-settlement context from the levels of both theory and practice. Mohammed Abu-Nimer has brought together scholars and practitioners who discuss questions such as: Do truth commissions work? What are the necessary conditions for reconciliation? Can political agreements bring reconciliation? How can indigenous approaches be utilized in the process of reconciliation? In addition to enhancing the developing field of peacebuilding by engaging new research questions, this book will give lessons and insights to policy makers and anyone interested in post-settlement issues.

Since the end of the Cold War several political agreements have been signed in attempts to resolve longstanding conflicts in such volatile regions as Northern Ireland, Israel-Palestine, South Africa, and Rwanda. This is the first comprehensive volume that examines reconciliation, justice, and coexistence in the post-settlement context from the levels of both theory and practice. Mohammed Abu-Nimer has brought together scholars and practitioners who discuss questions such as: Do truth commissions work? What are the necessary conditions for reconciliation? Can political agreements bring reconciliation? How can indigenous approaches be utilized in the process of reconciliation? In addition to enhancing the developing field of peacebuilding by engaging new research questions, this book will give lessons and insights to policy makers and anyone interested in post-settlement issues.

The nature of UN operational involvement in the practical management of conflict has evolved dramatically since the end of the Cold War. The post-Cold War liberation of the Security Council, the subsequent paralysis in its decision-making competence and the apparent dilution of the concept of sovereignty as a prohibition on intervention have been principal factors in the evolving fortunes of UK peace-support operations.
This evolving environment has had profound implications for the way in which the humanitarian community, the United Nations and military forces engaged under a UN flag have reacted to peace-support operations. This book explores contemporary peace-support operations and examines many of the principal challenges that now confront those charged, in different ways, with bringing peace to war-torn societies.
In particular this volume looks at the evolving nature of military, UN and humanitarian non-governmental organisation's intervention in these complex conflicts. It also explores how these organisations relate to one another and the way in which a division of labour is determined.

NATO's military intervention in Yugoslavia highlights the choices and problems confronting the alliance as it approaches the new century. An alliance created to keep Western Europe out of the Soviet orbit during the Cold War has sought to reinvent itself as a "crisis-management" organization to suppress conflicts on Europe's periphery - and perhaps beyond.
Is NATO suited to playing such a role, or is the alliance a Cold War anachronism? How will Russia react to an enlarged NATO focused on out-of-area peacekeeping and conflict-prevention missions? Are there alternative security institutions that might better address Europe's security needs in the post-Cold War era?

The nature of UN operational involvement in the practical management of conflict has evolved dramatically since the end of the Cold War. The post-Cold War liberation of the Security Council, the subsequent paralysis in its decision-making competence, and the apparent dilution of the concept of sovereignty as a prohibition on intervention have been principal factors in the evolving fortunes of UK peace-support operations.

This evolving environment has had profound implications for the way in which the humanitarian community, the United Nations and military forces engaged under a UN flag have reacted to peace-support operations. This book explores contemporary peace-support operations and examines many of the principal challenges that now confront those charged, in different ways, with bringing peace to war-torn societies. In particular, this volume looks at the evolving nature of military, UN and humanitarian non-governmental organization's intervention in these complex conflicts. It also explores how these organizations relate to one another and the way in which a division of labour is determined.

NATO's military intervention in Yugoslavia highlights the choices and problems confronting the alliance as it approaches the new century. An alliance created to keep Western Europe out of the Soviet orbit during the Cold War has sought to reinvent itself as a crisis-management organization to suppress conflicts on Europe's periphery - and perhaps beyond.
Is NATO suited to playing such a role, or is the alliance a Cold War anachronism? How will Russia react to an enlarged NATO focused on out-of-area peacekeeping and conflict-prevention missions? Are there alternative security institutions that might better address Europe's security needs in the post-Cold War era?

Democracy and Peace Making is an invaluable and up-to-date account of the process of peace making, which draws on the most recent historical thinking. It surveys the post-war peace settlements of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, including:
* the Vienna congress of 1815
* the Treaty of Versailles
* the peace settlements of the Second World War
* peace talks after the Korean War
* the Paris Peace Accords of 1973.

Negotiation lies at the core of preventive diplomacy. This study is unusual in approaching preventive diplomacy by issue areas: it looks at the way in which preventive negotiation has been practiced, notes its characteristics, and then suggests how lessons can be transferred from one area to another, but only when particular conditions warrant such a transfer. The distinguished contributing authors treat eleven issues: boundary problems, territorial claims, ethnic conflict, divided states, state disintegration, cooperative disputes, trade wars, transboundary environmental disputes, global natural disasters, global security conflicts, and labor disputes. The editor's conclusion draws out general themes about the nature of preventive diplomacy.

Ingrid Lehmann demonstrates, through case studies of five peacekeeping operations - Namibia, Cambodia, Rwanda, Haiti and Eastern Slavonia - that public information functions, structures and processes are normally ignored in the peacekeeping mandate. They may or may not be succesfully added on later, and are too often relegated to specialist staff. The resultant ad-hoc conduct of the public affairs of the mission leaves too much to chance, and may lead to a fragmented and often contradictory execution at too low a level. This portends ominously for the manner in which the operation will be percived, and eventually, too, for the manner in which the peacekeeping operations in general may be judged. Ingride Lehmann makes prposals for how communications maybe improved, and considers the consequences of failing to do so.

After more than seventy years, the Palestinian refugee problem remains unsolved. But if a deal could have been reached involving the repatriation of Palestinian refugees, it was in the early years of the Arab-Israeli conflict. So why didn't this happen? This book is the first comprehensive study of the international community's earliest efforts to solve the Palestinian refugee problem. Based on a wide range of international primary sources from Israeli, US, UK and UN archives, the book investigates the major proposals between 1948 and 1968 and explains why these failed. It shows that the main actors involved - the Arab states, Israel, the US and the UN - agreed on very little when it came to the Palestinian refugees and therefore never got seriously engaged in finding a solution. This new analysis highlights how the international community gradually moved from viewing the Palestinian refugee problem as a political issue to looking at it as a humanitarian one. It examines the impact of this development and the changes that took place in this formative period of the Arab-Israeli conflict, as well as the limited influence US policy makers had over Israel.

Ingrid Lehmann demonstrates, through case studies of five peacekeeping operations - Namibia, Cambodia, Rwanda, Haiti and Eastern Slavonia - that public information functions, structures and processes are normally ignored in the peacekeeping mandate. They may or may not be succesfully added on later, and are too often relegated to specialist staff. The resultant ad-hoc conduct of the public affairs of the mission leaves too much to chance, and may lead to a fragmented and often contradictory execution at too low a level. This portends ominously for the manner in which the operation will be percived, and eventually, too, for the manner in which the peacekeeping operations in general may be judged. Ingrid Lehmann makes prposals for how communications maybe improved, and considers the consequences of failing to do so.

The UN peacemaking operation in Cyprus has been one of the longest of its kind. Yet it has resulted in little but discarded proposals, non-papers or reports. This study sets out to investigate the Cypriot parties' views of the process of peacemaking in order to shed light on the Cyprus problem, and on the theoretical debates surrounding mediation.

The UN peacemaking operation in Cyprus has been one of the longest of its kind. Yet it has resulted in little but discarded proposals, non-papers or reports. This study sets out to investigate the Cypriot parties' views of the process of peacemaking in order to shed light on the Cyprus problem, and on the theoretical debates surrounding mediation.

This book examines the adverse impacts of liberal peacebuilding in conflict-affected societies. It introduces 'peace figuration' as a new analytical framework for studying the intentionality, performativity, and consequences of liberal peacebuilding. The work challenges current theories and views and searches for alternative non-conflicted research avenues that are suitable for understanding how peacebuilding intentions are made, how different events shape peace outcomes, and what are the consequences of peacebuilding interventions. Drawing on detailed case studies of peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Timor-Leste, the book argues that attempts to build peace often fail to achieve the intended outcomes. A figurational view of peacebuilding interventions shows that post-conflict societies experience multiple episodes of success and failure in an unpredictable trajectory. This book develops a relational sociology of peacebuilding impact, which is crucial for overcoming static measurement of peacebuilding successes or failures. It shows that international interventions can shape peace but, importantly, not always in the shape they intended. This book will be of much interest to students of statebuilding, peacebuilding, war and conflict studies, security studies and IR.

Governance and Security in Jerusalem is the second in a series of three books which collectively present in detail the work of the Jerusalem Old City Initiative, or JOCI, a major Canadian-led Track Two diplomatic effort, undertaken between 2003 and 2014. The aim of the Initiative was to find sustainable governance solutions for the Old City of Jerusalem, arguably the most sensitive and intractable of the final status issues dividing Palestinians and Israelis. This book presents a collection of studies commissioned by the Initiative in aid of its work on the Special Regime. It is split into three parts, Part I provides background papers on governance and security issues; Part II presents Palestinian and Israeli partner perspectives on governance options for a special regime, and the Part III delivers partner perspectives on security studies for a special regime. The studies written by the Israeli and Palestinian partners provide important background and historical context for JOCI's work on security and governance. The position papers, presented in their original form, greatly influenced the development of the Special Regime governance model. Offering a unique insight on a range of governance and security issues in Jerusalem, this book will be of great significance to the policy-making community and students and scholars with an interest in Middle East politics, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Middle East peace process.

This book fills a major gap in the study of inter-war British foreign policy: it is the first complete study of Austen Chamberlain's term of office as Stanley Baldwin's Foreign Secretary from 1924-29. It is argued that Chamberlain's priority was a two-stage policy in western Europe, which aimed at pacifying both France and Germany, as well as encouraging the League of Nations. Other key chapters deal with British policy in the Middle East and China and policy Towards America. Overall, Chamberlain is shown to have committed Britain to a European diplomatic role, which was opposed by Cabinet ministers who did not see a European interest to all aspects of British foreign policy. Today, in the Conservative Party, the debate is still unresolved.