For the inaugural book in our Critical Adventures in New Media series, Douglas Kellner elaborates upon his well known theory which explores how media spectacle can be used as a key to interpreting contemporary culture and politics. Grounded in both cultural and communication theory, Kellner argues that politics, war, news and information, media events (like terrorist attacks or royal weddings), and now democratic uprisings, are currently organized around media spectacles, and demonstrates how and why this has occurred. Rooting the discussions within key events of 2011 - including the war in Libya, the Arab Uprisings, the wedding of William Windsor to Kate Middleton, the killing of Osama bin Laden, and the Occupy movements - The Time of the Spectacle makes a highly relevant contribution to the field of media and communication studies. It offers a fresh perspective on the theme of contemporary media spectacle and politics by adopting an approach that is based around critical social and cultural theory. This series gives students a strong critical grounding from which to examine new media.

This book explores and comparatively assesses how Armenians as minorities have been represented in modern Turkey from the twentieth century through to the present day, with a particular focus on the period since the first electoral victory of the AKP (Justice and Development Party) in 2002. It examines how social movements led by intellectuals and activists have challenged the Turkish state and called for democratization, and explores key issues related to Armenian identity. Drawing on new social movements theory, this book sheds light on the dynamics of minority identity politics in contemporary Turkey and highlights the importance of political protest.

Georges Bataille's influence upon 20th-century philosophy is hard to overstate. His writing has transfixed his readers for decades - exerting a powerful influence upon Foucault, Blanchot and Derrida amongst many others. Today, Bataille continues to be an important reference for many of today's leading theorists such as Giorgio Agamben, Roberto Esposito, Jean-Luc Nancy and Adrianna Caverero. His work is a unique and enigmatic combination of mystical phenomenology, politics, anthropology and economic theory - sometimes adopting the form of literature, sometimes that of ontology. This is the first book to take Bataille's ambitious and unfinished Accursed Share project as its thematic guide, with individual contributors isolating themes, concepts or sections from within the three volumes and taking them in different directions. Therefore, as well as providing readings of Bataille's key concepts, such as animality, sovereignty, catastrophe and the sacred, this collection aims to explore new terrain and new theoretical problems.Georges Bataille and Contemporary Thought acts simultaneously as a companion to Bataille's three-volume secular theodicy and as a laboratory for new syntheses within his thought.

This book outlines the evolution of our political nature over two million years and explores many of the rituals, plays, films, and other performances that gave voice and legitimacy to various political regimes in our species' history. Our genetic and cultural evolution during the Pleistocene Epoch bestowed a wide range of predispositions on our species that continue to shape the politics we support and the performances we enjoy. The book's case studies range from an initiation ritual in the Mbendjela tribe in the Congo to a 1947 drama by Bertolt Brecht and include a popular puppet play in Tokugawa Japan. A final section examines the gradual disintegration of social cohesion underlying the rise of polarized politics in the USA after 1965, as such films as The Godfather, Independence Day, The Dark Knight Rises, and Joker accelerated the nation's slide toward authoritarian Trumpism.

This book offers a reading of Bhimrao Ambedkar's engagement with the idea and practice of socialism in India by linking it to his lifelong political and philosophical concerns: the annihilation of the caste system, untouchability and the moral and philosophical systems that justify either. Rather than view his ideas through a socialist lens, the author suggests that it is important to measure the validity of socialist thought and practice in the Indian context, through his critique of the social totality. The book argues its case by presenting a broad and connected overview of his thought world and the global and local influences that shaped it. The themes that are taken up for discussion include: his understanding of the colonial rule and the colonial state; history and progress; nationalism and the questions he posed the socialists; his radical critique of the caste system and Brahmancal philosophies, and his unusual interpretation of Buddhism.

This book asks, 'what are the implications of blurring genres for the discipline of Political Science, and for Area Studies?' It argues novelists and playwrights provide a better guide for political scientists than the work of physicists. It restates the intrinsic value of the Humanities and Social Sciences and builds bridges between the two territories. The phrase blurring genres covers both genres of thought and of presentation. Genres of thought refers to such theoretical approaches as post structuralism, cultural studies, and especially interpretive thought. Part 1 explores genres of thought, focusing on the use of narratives. Specific examples include the narratives of post-truth political cultures; narratives in Canadian general elections; autoethnography as a new research tool; and novels as a way of understanding economic development. Part 2 emphasises genres of presentation and focuses on the visual arts. The chapters cover: photography in British political history, the architecture of American statehouses and city halls, design, comics, and using the creative arts to improve policy practice. This book is interdisciplinary and should have an appeal beyond political science to area studies specialists and others in the humanities. It is an advanced text, so it is aimed primarily at academics and postgraduates.

Around the globe, contemporary protest movements are contesting the oligarchic appropriation of natural resources, public services, and shared networks of knowledge and communication. These struggles raise the same fundamental demand and rest on the same irreducible principle: the common. In this exhaustive account, Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval show how the common has become the defining principle of alternative political movements in the 21st century. In societies deeply shaped by neoliberal rationality, the common is increasingly invoked as the operative concept of practical struggles creating new forms of democratic governance. In a feat of analytic clarity, Dardot and Laval dissect and synthesize a vast repository on the concept of the commons, from the fields of philosophy, political theory, economics, legal theory, history, theology, and sociology. Instead of conceptualizing the common as an essence of man or as inherent in nature, the thread developed by Dardot and Laval traces the active lives of human beings: only a practical activity of commoning can decide what will be shared in common and what rules will govern the common's citizen-subjects. This re-articulation of the common calls for nothing less than the institutional transformation of society by society: it calls for a revolution.

This book analyzes how the Second International reacted to international diplomatic crises and what was the attitude of French, German and Italian socialists between 1889 and 1915, the year in which Italy entered the World War. This book shows that the Second International became over the years more and more involved in the fight against war and learnt to respond to situations of diplomatic crisis. An example of this is the fact that its last congress before the outbreak of the First World War, the Basel Congress of 1912, was nothing less than a great international socialist demonstration of opposition to war. However, the fact that France, Germany or Italy were involved in a diplomatic crisis hindered the International's ability to respond effectively to it. For all these factors, the attitude of the International is very different from one crisis to another.

Beyond Conventional Economics presents new original work from leading scholars on the interface between the individual and political and social institutions. The book offers a critique of the inadequacies of the conventional economic approach to politics and a state-of-the-art view of new paradigms challenging the dominant economic notion of the individual. A number of chapters also explore the limits of individually rational behaviour in political decision making - some by challenging the orthodox content of the idea of rationality, others by providing fresh views on the operation of political processes. This book is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding individual behaviour under limited rationality. Thought-provoking and enlightening, this is a unique book documenting a meaningful debate on the limits of rational behaviour inside public choice circles and will appeal to a wide audience of economists, political scientists and public choice scholars.

"UNINTIMIDATED: Wisconsin Sings Truth to Power" is the compelling true story of the Solidarity Sing Along, the longest-running singing protest in history. Since March 11, 2011, opponents of Gov. Scott Walker and his extremist tea party agenda have been gathering in the Wisconsin Capitol in Madison from noon to 1 p.m. every weekday (over 700 straight to date call it Moral Monday through Friday). The singing protest came on the heels of huge rallies (one of at least 150,000 people) at the Capitol after Walker "dropped the bomb" (his words in secret to his Cabinet) that dealt a cowardly death blow to 50 years of collective bargaining for public workers. What followed, and still continues, were legislative assaults by the Republican majority on women, voters, teachers, renters, the poor and the working class in general. A powerful collection of photographs interwoven with an intensely personal essay written by a Sing Along participant, UNINTIMIDATED documents the courageous determination amid hundreds of arrests for the crime of singing truth to power in a public forum. The youngest person arrested and handcuffed was a girl of 14, the oldest a man of 85. Sadly, this has all flown under the radar of the purported "liberal" national media while the absentee governor runs for president. Walker, who purposely got married on Ronald Reagan's birthday, claims through his biographical ghost writer that he's unintimidated by protesters. UNINTIMIDATED shows readers who the real heroes are. As a citizen's banner draped on a marble Capitol balustrade says, "We'll be here until Wisconsin gets better." Proceeds from book sales go to the First Amendment Protection Fund to help defray court costs for these defenders of free speech.

This book opens up the black box of government communication during the age of political spin, using archival and official documents, memoirs and biographies, and in-depth interviews with media, political and government witnesses. It argues that substantive and troubling long-term changes in the ways governments manage the media and publicly account for themselves undermine the public consent essential to democracy. Much of the blame for this crisis in public communication has been placed at the feet of politicians and their aides, but they are just part of the picture. A pervasive 'culture of mediatization' has developed within governments, leading to intended and unintended consequences that challenge the capacity of central public bureaucracies to implement public values and maintain impartiality. It concludes that public servants, elected officials and citizens have an important role to play in accounting for governments' custodianship of this most politically-sensitive of public goods - the public communications function.

Recent political science research into the American legal academy has been 'captured by conservatism'-this research has framed the institutional and ideological developments occurring within the law schools over the past forty years solely through the prism of modern conservatism. As a result, political scientists have ignored the political struggles of one of the most important legal reform movements of the 1980s and overlooked the hope for leftist reform that existed within American law schools during this period. Critical Legal Studies and the Campaign for American Law Schools tells the story of the critical legal studies movement. This formidable movement sought to fundamentally reconstruct law schools, train a new generation of leftist lawyers, and replace the dominant form of legal consciousness governing the American legal system. Instead of projecting a fatalism onto leftist reform, this book relies on extensive archival research and interviews to illuminate the radical potential that lived in the American legal academy of the 1980s. The critical legal studies movement was a towering presence in the law schools, and its legacy continues to hold out political possibilities and reform lessons for leftist legal scholars today.

This book examines the radical reform that occurred during the final two decades of British rule in Ireland when William Starkie (1860-1920) presided as Resident Commissioner for the Board. Following the lead of industrialized nations, Irish members of parliament sought to encourage the establishment of a state-funded school system during the early nineteenth century. The year 1831 saw the creation of the Irish National School System. Central to its workings was the National Board of Education which had the responsibility for distributing government funds to aid in the building of schools, the payment of inspectors and teachers, the publication of textbooks, and the cost of teacher training. In the midst of radical political and cultural change within Ireland, visionaries and leaders like Starkie filled an indispensable role in Irish education. They oversaw the introduction of a radical child-centered primary school curriculum, often referred to as the 'new education'. Filling a gap in Irish history, this book provides a much needed overview of the changes that occurred in primary education during the 22 years leading up to Ireland's independence.

This volume explores how the process of European integration has influenced collective memory in the countries of the Western Balkans. In the region, there is still no shared understanding of the causes (and consequences) of the Yugoslav wars. The conflicts of the 1990s but also of WWII and its aftermath have created "ethnically confined" memory cultures. As such, divergent interpretations of history continue to trigger confrontations between neighboring countries and hinder the creation of a joint EU perspective. In this volume, the authors examine how these "memory wars" impact the European dimension - by becoming a tool to either support or oppose Europeanisation. The contributors focus on how and why memory is renegotiated, exhibited, adjusted, or ignored in the Europeanisation process.

This book provides a new analytical perspective on the strategies, membership and communication management of political parties in Poland. The authors address why some political parties have managed to strengthen and survive while others have failed to do the same. The research was carried out in the years 2016-2018, when Poland started to be seen more and more as a weakening democracy. As an in-depth, empirically grounded single-country study of party structure and communication, the book gives an opportunity to draw broader conclusions about the process of party development in the Central and Eastern Europe region three decades since the beginning of democratic transition.

This book offers fresh insights to enhance and diversify our understanding of the modern history of the state and societies in today's Jordan, while also providing examples of why and how scholars can challenge the static and discursively government-minded approaches to minorities and minoritisation - especially the traditional emphasis on demographic balances. Despite its small size and initial appearance of homogeneity, Jordan provides an excellent case of a dynamic, relational, historically contingent and fluid approach to ethnic, political and religious minorities in the context of the imposition of a modern state system on complex and varied traditional societies. The editors and contributors present dynamic and relational perspectives on the status of and historical processes involved in the creation and absorption of minority groups within Jordan.

In his first book, "Journey to a Brave New World," author David Watts detailed how a small group of Satan-worshiping elites is following a multi-generational plan to manipulate humanity toward a vision outlined in Aldous Huxley's novel "Brave New World." In this, the second book in his series, he provides further evidence of their intentions for the United States. He has spent six years considering history, scientific research, and declassified government documents to uncover evidence to support his thesis.

He offers evidence to prove not only the existence of civilian inmate labor camps within the United States, but also the procedures that are already in place to activate them. Details of the continued build-up and expansion of the Department of Homeland Security in readiness for the planned war against the American people are provided as well. He identifies the Trojan Horse mechanism operating to bring down the United States from within and exposes the fact that Communist troops are to be used as a final clean-up to allow globalists to introduce their solution-a one-world government.

In "Journey to a Brave New World, Part Two," Watts includes a forty-five-step plan that would enable the United States to regain its former glory and ensure that the globalists do not get their brave new world.