This book addresses the changing relationships among political participation, political representation, and popular mobilization in Spain from the 1766 protest in Madrid against the early Bourbon reforms until the citizen revolution of 1868 that first introduced universal suffrage and led to the ousting of the monarchy. Popular Participation and the Democratic Imagination in Spain shows that a notion of the "crowd" internally dividing the concept of "people" existed before the advent of Liberalism, allowing for the enduring subordination of popular participation to representation in politics. In its wider European and colonial American context, the study analyzes semantic changes in a range of cultural spheres, from parliamentary debate to historical narrative and aesthetics. It shows how Liberalism had trouble reproducing the legitimacy of limited suffrage and traces the evolution of an imagination on democracy that would allow for the reconfiguration of an all-encompassing image of the people eventually overcoming representative government. "Focused on the nation and identities, Spanish historiography had a pending debt with that other historical subject of modernity, the people. With this book, Pablo Sanchez Leon starts cancelling the debt with an innovative methodology combining conceptual history with social and political history. Brilliantly, this books also proposes a novel chronology for modern history and renewed categories of analysis. In many senses, this is an extraordinarily renovating senior work." -Jose Maria Portillo Valdes, University of the Basque Country, Spain "This book by Pablo Sanchez Leon is an original and detailed study of one of the essential components of modernity, the relation between the concepts of plebe and pueblo. The author shows that plebe and people were shaped in a process of mutual differentiation and how the enduring tension between them deeply marked out the evolution of Spanish politics from the end of the Old Regime and throughout the 19th century. As the author brilliantly argues, such tension is tightly imbricated with the enduring dilemma between representation and participation underlying modern political systems. Through a historical analysis of the influence of people and plebe over Spanish, the book makes clear the degree to which the power of language contributes to shape political actors and institutional frames." -Miguel Angel Cabrera - Professor, University of La Laguna, Tenerife, Spain "Most accounts of Spain's transition to modern democracy begin with the popular uprising against the French invasion in 1808, the creation of a national parliament and the promulgation of an advanced Liberal constitution in 1812. Pablo Sanchez Leon begins the story half a century earlier in the mass street protests in Madrid and other cities in 1766 sparked by Charles III's sweeping reform programme. Sanchez Leon focuses unrepentantly on plebeian groups and crowd action - how they are described and conceived by contemporaries - as a key to understanding Spain's precocious and troubled passage from absolutism to the promulgation of universal male suffrage in September 1868. This audacious and highly original interpretation will surely strike a chord with students of modern Spain." -Guy Thomson, University of Warwick, UK "This is a book for exploring (from current needs) the history of political participation in Spanish society in order to rethink the very notion of modern citizenship." -Maria Sierra, University of Seville, Spain "Motivated by the current crisis in political representation in parliamentary democracies, this work by Pablo Sanchez Leon departs from the process of construction of modern citizenship. Representation, participation and mobilization are put into play as an interactive triad whose dynamics and changing conceptualization have the key to the social, political and cultural changes between the Old Regime and the early establishment of democracy in 1868. The "They do not represent us!" and other current claims for deliberative democracy provide the guiding thread for a demanding research on the tension between representation and participation shaping the period 1766-1868. The work reflects on the relevance of popular participation and, in presenting the modern history of Spain as singular and relevant on its own, provides an account of the building of modern citizenship. -Pablo Fernandez Albaladejo, Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain This exciting book is both topical and historiographically valuable. It offers a fresh perspective on current debates about the limits of representation and the pros and cons of participation; it makes Spanish political culture in the age of revolutions accessible to anglophone readers, and it engagingly illustrates one way of doing the 'history of concepts'. Recommended on all three counts. Joanna Innes, Oxford University

This book analyses ancient Greek federalism by focusing on one of the most organised and advanced Greek federal states, the Achaean Federation Sympoliteia. Unlike earlier studies that mainly focused on its political history, this book adopts an interdisciplinary approach, analysing aspects of the economic organization and institutions, and the political economy of the Achaean Federation, and combining these findings with political history. It also discusses the strategic choices made by significant historical figures such as generals Aratos and Philopoemen. The analysis of the Achaean Federation verifies the intertemporal federal axiom, which states that the success and viability of federal experiment is achieved when the benefits of participation for the member-states exceed the costs of conferring national sovereignty on supranational federal authorities. The book further argues that the Achaeans developed a system of sophisticated direct democratic procedures in decision-making on federal matters, as well as significant and highly sophisticated (for the era) economic institutions and federal practices, in order to achieve bonds of trust and legitimacy regarding their innovative federal structure. These practices included, among others, the creation of free market type economic institutions, a monetary union, federal budget, provision of public goods and a common defense and security policy for all the Achaean city-state members. Lastly, the book relates these findings to ideas on how the Achaean Federation would have dealt with a series of current global issues, such as European Union integration and problems such as Euroscepticism, Brexit and immigration.

This book combines various theoretical approaches to explore how Finland and its people responded to the European Union (EU) refugee crisis. Combining interviews with Finns, voluntary migrants to Finland and refugees in Finland, the text presents differing perspectives on migration in this country. Key themes addressed in the text include the extent to which the different groups perceive one another to be economic, political, and cultural threats to Finnishness. In addition, the cultural fusion of Finnish and migrant culture is presented as a threat and opportunity for Finland and its future.

This book examines the impact of Australian public opinion towards defence and foreign policy from the mid-twentieth century to the present day. For most of this period, the public showed little interest in defence and security policy and possessed limited knowledge about the strategic options available. The principal post-war exception to this pattern is, of course, the Vietnam War, when political divisions over Australia's support for the U.S.-led action eventually resulted in the withdrawal of troops in 1972. The period since 2001 has seen a fundamental change both in the public's views of defence and foreign affairs, and in how these issues are debated by political elites. This has come about as a result of major changes in the strategic environment such as a heightened public awareness of terrorism, party political divisions over Australia's military commitment to the 2003-11 Iraq War and the increasing overlap of economic and trade considerations with defence and foreign policies, which has increased the public's interest in these issues. Combining the expertise of one of Australia's foremost scholars of public opinion with that of an expert of international relations, particularly as pertains to Australia in Asia, this book will be a critical read for those wishing to understand Australia's alliance with the U.S., interactions with Asia and China, and the distinctive challenges posed to Australia by its geographic position.

In recent years, India has emerged as a major economic and political power: on the basis of purchasing-power parity, it was the world's third largest economy in 2013. Yet the country's cultural influence outside India has not been adequately analyzed in academic discourses. As the world's largest democracy with a vibrant and pluralist media system, India offers an excellent case study of the power of culture and communication in the age of mediated international relations. This book, a pioneering attempt, from an international communication/media perspective, is aimed to fill the existing gap in scholarship in this area. The discussion of India's rising soft power is located within a historical context, thus problematizing the notion of Soft Power itself. The book will be aimed at university courses on global media/international relations/area studies - among others.

This book explains how the ASEAN regional human rights body (AICHR) was created and why it functioned with a promotional rather than protection mandate. It does this by positioning itself within a sizable literature on norm diffusion, and introduces the concept of "Norm Interpreters" to explain what happens when global human rights norms are adopted/adapted within a local context, particularly highlighting the role of a group of individuals in the process. In this respect it adds to the International Relations literature on norm diffusion and the Southeast Asian region specific literature on ASEAN regionalism and AICHR.

Achille Mbembe is one of the world’s most profound critics of colonialism and its consequences, a major figure in the emergence of a new wave of French critical theory. His writings examine the complexities of decolonization for African subjectivities and the possibilities emerging in its wake. In Out of the Dark Night, he offers a rich analysis of the paradoxes of the postcolonial moment that points toward new liberatory models of community, humanity and planetarity.

In a nuanced consideration of the African experience, Mbembe makes sweeping interventions into debates about citizenship, identity, democracy, and modernity. He eruditely ranges across European and African thought to provide a powerful assessment of common ways of writing and thinking about the world. Mbembe criticizes the blinkers of European intellectuals, analyzing France’s failure to heed postcolonial critiques of ongoing exclusions masked by pretenses of universalism. He develops a new reading of African modernity that further develops the notion of Afropolitanism, a novel way of being in the world that has arisen in decolonized Africa in the midst of both destruction and the birth of new societies.

Out of the Dark Night reconstructs critical theory’s historical and philosophical framework for understanding colonial and postcolonial events and expands our sense of the futures made possible by decolonization..

This book examines how the United States government, through the lens of presidential leadership, has tried to come to grips with the many and complex issues pertaining to relations with Indigenous peoples, who occupied the land long before the Europeans arrived. The historical relationship between the US government and Native American communities reflects many of the core contradictions and difficulties the new nation faced as it tried to establish itself as a legitimate government and fend off rival European powers, including separation of powers, the role of Westward expansion and Manifest Destiny, and the relationship between diplomacy and war in the making of the United States. The authors' analysis touches on all US presidents from George Washington to Donald Trump, with sections devoted to each president. Ultimately, they consider what historical and contemporary relations between the government and native peoples reveal about who we are and how we operate as a nation.

This book argues that the modern state, from the nineteenth century to the contemporary period, has consistently been used as a means to measure civilizational engagement and attainment. This volume historicizes this dynamic, examining how it impacted state-making in Lebanon and Syria. By putting social, political, and economic pressure on the Ottoman Empire to replicate the modern state in Europe, the book examines processes of racialization, nationalist development, continued imperial expansion, and resistance that became embedded in the state as it was assembled. By historicizing post-imperial and post-colonial state formation in Lebanon and Syria, it is possible to engage in a conceptual separation from the modern state, abandoning the ongoing reproduction of the state as a standard, or benchmark, of civilization and progress.

This book defines Eurasianism, a political idea with a long tradition, for a new century. Historically, Eurasia was depicted as a "third continent" with a geographical and historical space distinctively different from both Europe and Asia. Today, the concept is mobilized by the Russian foreign policy elite to imagine a close relationship with China and indirectly inspires the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. A Russian-Chinese partnership forms the core of a new Eurasian region, yet Turkey, India, Hungary, Central Asia and the other parts of the supercontinent are also embracing Eurasian concepts. This book is of interest to scholars of Russian and Chinese foreign policy, to economists, and to scholars of political thought.

This book focuses on the language of two unions (the United Kingdom and the European Union), tracing the emergence of divisive discourses from indyref to Brexit. It explains the background to the creation of these unions and summarizes recent political events that have brought their future into question. It considers which identities (national, supranational, social, ethnic or racial) were invoked during the indyref and EU referendum campaigns, emphasising the crucial role played by language in maintaining these identities, in conceptualizing the nation, to do politics, and its power to unite or divide. Based on analysis of three specialist corpora totaling over 143 million words and comprising multiple text types (newspapers, speeches, Twitter posts, parliamentary debates, party political websites and campaign materials), it interrogates the language used by politicians, the media and the public, uncovering increasingly problematic, scaremongering, xenophobic and incendiary linguistic strategies used to divide us from them.

The book reflects upon the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the ensuing developments in Russia, the rest of the former Soviet Union, Central and Eastern Europe and elsewhere in the world. It discusses the impact of the legacies of the Russian Revolution on political systems, ideologies, economic and social structures and culture. The book answers some pertinent questions: To what extent are these legacies relevant today for the contextualisation of memory politics, social institutions, and international relations? How does an analysis of 1917 and its legacies contribute to the comparative study of revolutions and social change?

This book analyses the history of international law to reveal the significant role utopianism has played in developing the international legal system. In fact, when pinpointing the legal system's most accelerated phases of development, it becomes increasingly apparent how integral utopianism has been in dealing with the international community's most troubled periods such as the World Wars. However, States have on numerous occasions undermined utopianism, leading to situations where individuals and communities have been vulnerable to modes of oppression such as war or repressive regimes. Thus, by examining the League of Nations and United Nations, this book seeks to show why utopianism continues to be a vital ingredient when the international community is seeking to ensure its loftiest and most ambitious goals such as maintaining international peace and security, and why for the sake of such utopian aspirations, the primary position States enjoy in international law requires reassessment.

The pace of modern life is undoubtedly speeding up, yet this acceleration does not seem to have made us any happier or more content. If acceleration is the problem, then the solution, argues Hartmut Rosa in this major new work, lies in "resonance." The quality of a human life cannot be measured simply in terms of resources, options, and moments of happiness; instead, we must consider our relationship to, or resonance with, the world. Applying his theory of resonance to many domains of human activity, Rosa describes the full spectrum of ways in which we establish our relationship to the world, from the act of breathing to the adoption of culturally distinct worldviews. He then turns to the realms of concrete experience and action - family and politics, work and sports, religion and art - in which we as late modern subjects seek out resonance. This task is proving ever more difficult as modernity's logic of escalation is both cause and consequence of a distorted relationship to the world, at individual and collective levels. As Rosa shows, all the great crises of modern society - the environmental crisis, the crisis of democracy, the psychological crisis - can also be understood and analyzed in terms of resonance and our broken relationship to the world around us. Building on his now classic work on acceleration, Rosa's new book is a major new contribution to the theory of modernity, showing how our problematic relation to the world is at the crux of some of the most pressing issues we face today. This bold renewal of critical theory for our times will be of great interest to students and scholars across the social sciences and humanities.

This book is focused on explaining the grand strategic behavior of the United States from the Founding of the Republic to the Trump administration. To do so it employs a neoclassical realist framework to argue that while systemic change explains the broad evolution of US grand strategy, the precise shape and content of the grand strategies pursued has been conditioned by domestic political culture and interests. The book argues that distinct political cultures of statecraft (Hamiltonian, Jeffersonian, Jacksonian and Wilsonian) have acted as permissive filters through which policy-makers have interpreted and responded to systemic stimuli making some grand strategy choices more likely than others in the pursuit of national security. The book demonstrates that while primacist grand strategies were facilitated by the predominance from the mid-19th century to the early 21st century of the vindicationist Hamiltonian and Wilsonian forms of statecraft, the costs of primacy have now stimulated the resurgence of the long dormant, exemplarist Jeffersonian and Jacksonian forms of statecraft under the Obama and Trump administrations, resulting in grand strategies that seek to either manage or stave off decline in America's relative power position.

Providing an unbiased analysis of the past, present, and future of the hostile relationship between Iran, Israel, and the United States, this book presents an up-to-date discussion of the security implications for each of the two states as well as the entire region. Ongoing tensions between Iran and Israel are highly dangerous for the Middle East and have the potential to spark another major war in the region, perhaps on a much larger scale than prior conflicts. Such a confrontation between the two nations would jeopardize regional and international security, and is of immediate concern for the United States. In this new book noted scholar Jalil Roshandel provides an in-depth look at topics such as Iranian state support for terrorism, its pursuit of nuclear capability and weapons, the implications of this activity for Israel, and their relations with the Iraqi Kurdish region. The United States' role in this conflict is also detailed, including a history if its relations with Iran, policy with Israel, and position as potential mediator. This book offers valuable context that explains the evolution of these relationships rather than simply summarizing the past and present situations, and concludes with thought-provoking policy alternatives for decision makers. Illustrates the complex relationship between Iran and Israel though an examination of historic events Provides a comprehensive bibliography of significant materials from the fields of history, politics, and international relations Includes an index of subjects, names, places, events, and related issues

This fifth volume of The Papers of James Monroe presents many important and never-before published documents relating to the critical years 1803-1811, providing a documentary record of the early American Republic as well as of a future president of the United States. For academic scholars, college and high school students, and general readers interested in the history of the United States, The Papers of James Monroe series has established itself as the go-to resource for primary documents about President James Monroe and the early history of the United States. In this latest volume, readers have access to more than 400 annotated original documents, some of which have never before been published. This fifth volume of this acclaimed series presents a chronologically organized collection of documents covering the period from January 1803 through April 1811. Following an introductory essay, the subjects covered include Monroe's involvement in treaty negotiations with England, Spain, and France-most notably, those talks surrounding the Louisiana Purchase; his candidacy in the 1808 presidential election; and his appointment as secretary of state in 1811. The documents in this volume illuminate the decisions made by American, British, French, and Spanish leaders during this specific period, especially regarding events leading up to the War of 1812, which illustrate how monumental events such as war can result from the choices of certain key individuals. Presents the most comprehensive account and documentation of Monroe's life during the period covered Includes several never-before published documents such as the original proposal for the Louisiana Purchase treaty, a European diary kept by Monroe, and documents relating to treaty negotiations with England in 1806 Serves as a key documentary resource for the political and diplomatic history of the early Republic

This book investigates early modern women's interventions in politics and the public sphere during times of civil war in England and France. Taking this transcultural and comparative perspective, and the period designation "early modern" expansively, Antigone's Example identifies a canon of women's civil-war writings; it elucidates their historical specificity as well as the transhistorical context of civil war, a context which, it argues, enabled women's participation in political thought.

This book provides an extensive analysis and discussion of the transnational mobilization of citizens and youth, alongside the production of creative, imaginative, and constructive solutions to the European crisis. The volume provides a variety of interdisciplinary analyses, as well as a series of perspectives on populism that have not been addressed extensively, including an examination of left-wing populism, the constituent power dimension of populism, and transnational manifestations of populism, contributing to debates on political science, political sociology, social movements studies, and political and constitutional theory.

This book analyses the development of Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919) as an outstanding Marxist thinker and socialist politician in the era of imperialism and revolution. Identifying the driving force behind Luxemburg's development as the deep unity between her passionate, emphatic life and her political and theoretical work, the authors retrace the inner dynamics of its different stages while highlighting the deep rupture caused by the experience of the Russian Revolution. On the basis of new publications of her Polish works and other writings, Luxemburg's strategic approaches are located in an Eastern European context. The authors discuss Luxemburg's unique analyses of the first experiments in socialist participation in government, of the first Russian revolution and of the forms of accumulation of capital to outline the foundations of her novel understanding of both democratic-socialist revolution and of a society that would point beyond social democracy as well as Bolshevism - a vision that will gain new significance in the twenty first century. This book looks upon the lasting heritage of Rosa Luxemburg as the groundbreaking thinker of the unity between democracy and socialism.