In the era of globalization, awareness surrounding issues of violence and human rights violations has reached an all-time high. In a world where billions of human beings have the potential to create endless destruction, these same individuals are capable of working cooperatively to create adequate solutions to current global problems. The Handbook of Research on Transitional Justice and Peace Building in Turbulent Regions focuses on current issues facing nations and regions where poverty and conflict are endangering the lives of citizens as well as the socio-economic viability of those regions. Highlighting crucial topics and offering potential solutions to problems relating to domestic and international conflict, societal safety and security, as well as political instability, this comprehensive publication is designed to meet the research needs of economists, social theorists, politicians, policy makers, human rights activists, researchers, and graduate-level students across disciplines.

This book considers the production of political media content from the perspective of academics who are increasingly asked to join the ranks of voices charged with informing the public. The work draws on the authors' first-hand experience and relationships with media reporters, managers, producers, and academics offering their expertise to a wide array of media outlets to understand and report on the dynamics shaping how the academic voice in political news may be at its most useful. Featured prominently in the book is the trade-off between a conventional form of political punditry, which is often characterized by partisan rancour, and a more analytical, theoretical, and/or policy-based approach to explaining politics to both general and diverse audiences. Along the way, the work draws on original survey, in-depth interview, and experimental data to garner insights on what academics in media, reporters, and media managers perceive are the appropriate roles for academics featured in political media. This book also contains relevant technical tips for effective media communication by academics.

This book offers a timely exploration of the still burgeoning field of International Political Theory (IPT). IPT is approached in this volume not merely as a subfield at the margins of the discipline of International Relations (IR) but rather as a key dimension of theorising international relations that challenges disciplinary, theoretical, methodological, and geographical boundaries and inseminates other theoretical IR traditions. Chapters in this volume approach IPT as a theoretical tradition that emphasises and interrogates the philosophical, historical, ethical, normative, institutional, and aesthetic dimensions of international relations and world politics. In so doing, they explore IPT as a European theoretical tradition to stress that, paradoxically, it is only by provincializing Europe and its intellectual traditions that one may finally appreciate what is truly universal in them. This is a refreshingly different take on IPT sure to be of interest to students and scholars of IPT, IR and political theory.

The book examines the nexus between political and religious thought within the Prussian old conservative milieu. It presents early-nineteenth-century Prussian conservatism as a phenomenon connected to a specific generation of young Prussians. The book introduces the ecclesial-political 'party of the Evangelische Kirchenzeitung' (EKZ), a religious party within the Prussian state church, as the origins of Prussia's conservative party post-1848. It traces the roots of the EKZ party back to the experiences of the Napoleonic Wars (1806-15) and the social movements dominant at that time. Additionally, the book analyses this generation's increasing politicization and presents the German revolution of 1848 and the foundation of Prussia's first conservative party as the result of a decade-long struggle for a religiously-motivated ideal of church, state, and society. The overall shift from church politics to state politics is key to understanding conservative policy post-1848. Consequently, this book shows how conservatives aimed to maintain Prussia's character as a Christian and monarchical state, while at the same time adapting to contemporary political and social circumstances. Therefore, the book is a must-read for researchers, scholars, and students of Political Science and History interested in a better understanding of the origins and the evolution of Prussian conservatism, as well as the history of political thought.

This book reveals the nature and level of British engagement with controversial and lethal nerve agent weapons from the end of the Second World War to Britain's submission of a draft Chemical Weapons Convention. At the very heart of this highly secretive aspect of British defence policy were fundamental questions over whether Britain should acquire nerve agent weapons for potential first-use against the Soviet Union, retain them purely for their deterrence value, or drive for either unilateral or international chemical weapons disarmament. These considerations and concerns over nerve agent weapons were not limited to low-level defence committees, nor were they consigned to the periphery, but featured prominently at the highest levels of the British government and defence planning. Importantly, and despite stringent secrecy, the book further uncovers how public scrutiny and protest movements played a substantial and successful part in influencing policy and attitudes towards nerve agent weapons.

The diagnosis of social pathologies has long been a central concern for social researchers working within, and on the peripheries of, Critical Theory. As this volume will elaborate, the pathology diagnosing imagination enables a "thicker" form of social critique, fostering research that pushes beyond the parameters of liberal social and political thought. Faced with impending climatic catastrophe, the accelerating inequities of neoliberalism, the ascent of authoritarian movements globally, and one-dimensional computational modes of thought, a viable form of normative social critique is now more important than ever. The central aim of this volume is thus to champion the pathology diagnosing imagination as a vehicle for conducting such timely social criticism.

This book deals with a concern of how humanity performs toward itself and how it performs within the public realm, and where it must be in relation with others. Public life is not solely about politics but also the political, i.e., intellectual, moral, economic, religious, and collective habits-including fashions and amusements, artefacts, histories, and legacies. This book argues that man raison d'etre in worldly life is to have a civil presence and create civilization. It contends that what makes it possible is the coming together of "presence, ethos, and theatre" and their working in concert. The first half of this book elaborates on the nuances of these three pillars, and the second half offers three examples of civilizations that have succeeded to achieve this within what it claims to be three major worldviews that he calls "divine-immanence, the divine-transcendence, and human-immanence."

This book explores a new way of doing diplomacy through the engagement with non-governmental organizations, here referred to as hybrid diplomacy. Today's global politics is played out most successfully by the combined actions of different actors. A specific type of partnership is that between governments (namely Ministries of Foreign Affairs) and civil society organizations. While not the only type of global partnership at work, this is particularly effective in advancing new issues and promoting the norm changes that have been discussed at length in international relations and sociological literature. The author has chosen Italy as a case study because of the country's prolonged deployment of such policy. Being a middle power, with a strong non-profit sector, and hosting the central node of catholic global network, Italy is well positioned to take advantage of this new diplomatic mode. Through presenting a new reading of the Italian contribution to international affairs, this book contributes to broadening the scholarship in foreign policy analysis and transnational activism.

The purpose of this work is to discuss and explain the nature of political freedom. The approach is interdisciplinary, drawing from social theory, history, and law, as well as philosophy and political theory. The argument presented defends a view of political freedom as a social norm that has gained great prominence in those places where it has emerged through time as a social mechanism that supports social order and brings security to social life. Regarded as a social norm, political freedom promotes the toleration of the religious, cultural, ideological, and moral differences that generate normative conflict throughout society. The resultant understanding of political freedom therefore defends a distinction between political and personal freedom and separates the idea of political freedom from the individualism with which it is normally associated in most philosophical literature. The argument also indicates why it is appropriate to regard political freedom as a central virtue of social justice.

This carefully selected compilation of the significant writings of the great political philosophers, scientists, and thinkers has long been an invaluable guide to the general reader as well as to the serious student of history, political science, and government. Such essential forces as Revolution, Idealism, and Nationalism are examined in detail and expounded by their leading exponents. Professor Curtis has written running commentary that places the extracts and their authors in the sequence of modern history.

This book explores the interconnections between world politics and non-human nature to overcome the anthropocentric boundaries that characterize the field of international relations. By gathering contributions from various perspectives, ranging from post-humanism and ecological modernization, to new materialism and post-colonialism, it conceptualizes the embeddedness of world politics in non-human nature, and proposes a reorientation of political practice to better address the challenges posed by climate change and the deterioration of the Earth's ecosystems. The book is divided into two main parts, the first of which addresses new ways of theoretically conceiving the relationship between non-human nature and world politics. In turn, the second presents empirical investigations into specific case studies, including studies on state actors and international organizations and bodies. Given its scope and the new perspectives it shares, this edited volume represents a uniquely valuable contribution to the field.

E-Government describes the utilization of technologies to improve the lives of citizens and business organizations while facilitating the operation of the government. With the rise of new technologies, governments need to consider implementing Web 2.0 and mobile technologies as a way to offer relevant e-services to citizens so that they may fully participate in governmental affairs. Emerging Mobile and Web 2.0 Technologies for Connected E-Government highlights the latest technologies and how they can be implemented by the government and effectively used by citizens. This book aims to be an inclusive reference source for researchers, practitioners, students, and managers interested in the application of recent technological innovations to develop a more effective e-government system.

This book explores how and why the labor practices of the world's largest employer, supermarket giant Walmart, were contested by unions and government regulators as it expanded to Latin America starting in the 1990s. With an in-depth case study of Brazil, and a comparative chapter examining Argentina, Chile, and Mexico, this book analyzes the problematic encounter between diffusion of home-office anti-labor practices and evolving national institutional contexts that are quite varied and in some cases enable considerable resistance by unions and/or regulators. Walmart's "repressive familial" and "anti-union" model is found to generate costs and conflicts that contributed to its unprofitability and ultimate exit from Brazil in 2018. This experience, contrasted with country situations where Walmart's overall competitive and labor and human resource practices "fit" better with national markets and institutions, underlines the brittle, problematic nature of diffusionist corporate models lacking adaptive capacity to significant cross-national variations across host countries.

As we face new and debilitating catastrophes caused by capitalism and nation-state politics, Saladdin Ahmed argues that our only hope is to create space for a new world by negating the existing order. To achieve this new society, Revolutionary Hope After Nihilism outlines a practical philosophy of change that rejects ideologies of false hope and passive hopelessness. Drawing public attention to the decisiveness of the present historical moment, Ahmed introduces a critical theory of social emancipation based on post-Soviet revolutionary movements that have emerged at the margins of the global social order. The rise of socially and politically exclusionary movements in multiple parts of the world, ongoing ecological crisis, anti-Black racism, and the concretization of despair brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic demand a new approach to revolution, which Ahmed argues, must be rooted in the experiences of the most oppressed in society. Realizing the epistemological potential of emancipatory movements, Ahmed rejects dystopian nihilism and positions our focus on marginalized spaces to break out of capitalist totalitarianism.

This book examines the outcome, dynamics, and lessons of the 2020 Democratic Primary. The authors examine how Joe Biden separated himself from a crowded field of candidates, the role that primary rules played in this process, the influence of gender and race on the primary campaign, new developments with the Iowa Caucuses and national party conventions, and what all this could mean for the 2024 election.

Developments in Organizational Politics presents a comprehensive analysis of organizational politics and its meaning and application for employees and managers in modern worksites. Eran Vigoda suggests an integrative model that tries to explain how politics, and especially perceptions of politics, emerges, transforms and affects employees' performance and other work related outcomes in organizations. The analysis is based on empirical data collected over almost a decade of field studies. This data uses a variety of scientific methods to demonstrate how internal politics may be related to job attitudes, behavioral intentions as well as actual behaviors of employees. Special attention is given to non-profit organizations but analysis of businesses and private firms is also included. The book will be essential reading for academics and researchers from the fields of organizational behavior, human resource management and is also useful for practitioners who struggle through the barriers of power, influence and politics in the workplace.

Orestes Brownson's thought-provoking thesis on the US government, the Constitution of the United States, and the ultimate destiny of the USA, remains as incisive and intellectually rich today as when it was first published. Combining history with political philosophy, Brownson casts his analytical gaze to the inception of the American nation. Using a wide variety of documents, including those authored by the Founding Fathers prior to and following the creation of the United States, the author attempts to demonstrate how religion and politics are interrelated - in the case of America's founding, both had roles. Writing in the mid-19th century, Orestes Brownson attempts to clarify what the nature of the U.S. government is, and how the Constitution reflects it. Various natural laws, such as those pertaining to the family and human development of civilization, are examined. Part of Brownson's conclusion is the idea religion must continue to play a role in the USA, just as it has since the colonial era.

"I agree with you on all the points you have listed. Yet, I still need the local congregation." -anonymous The Christian Right group of Churches have been consistently losing members for the last twenty years, and do not have an inkling of the cause. They have joined with the Republicans to try and enforce their will upon society. They have failed in the last two elections as indicated by the election of Barak Obama. This of course gives rise to speculation about the root basis for their beliefs and actions. This group of people claim allegiance to the whole Bible and claim that it is God's Word. Many people, in light of modern knowledge, are laughing at these "old time" beliefs." Our society is in need of a credible way of life. The Bible has the right answer, but it is mixed in with much misleading information that the Churches have used to control society. The Churches have organized in such a way as to eliminate criticism. They have assumed the office of God's representative and members can be punished for disobeying their edicts using discrimination and loss of fellowship. The Christian Right groups have refused to study and update their antiquated standards. This book is written to encourage the first step of this change.