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If Marxism was the apparent loser in the Cold War, it cannot be said that liberalism was the winner, at least not in Russia. Oleg Kharkhordin is not surprised that institutions of liberal democracy failed to take root following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. In Republicanism in Russia, he suggests that Russians can find a path to freedom by looking instead to the classical tradition of republican self-government and civic engagement already familiar from their history. Republicanism has had a steadfast presence in Russia, in spite of tsarist and communist hostility. Originating in the ancient world, especially with Cicero, it continued by way of Machiavelli, Montesquieu, Tocqueville, and more recently Arendt. While it has not always been easy for Russians to read or write classical republican philosophy, much less implement it, republican ideas have long flowered in Russian literature and are part of a common understanding of freedom, dignity, and what constitutes a worthy life. Contemporary Russian republicanism can be seen in movements defending architectural and cultural heritage, municipal participatory budgeting experiments, and shared governance in academic institutions. Drawing on recent empirical research, Kharkhordin elaborates a theory of res publica different from the communal life inherited from the communist period, one that opens up the possibility for a genuine public life in Russia. By embracing the indigenous Russian reception of the classical republican tradition, Kharkhordin argues, today's Russians can sever their country's dependence on the residual mechanisms of the communist past and realize a new vision for freedom.
Military action in South Ossetia, growing tensions with the United States and NATO, and Russia's relationship with the European Union demonstrate how the issue of Russian nationalism is increasingly at the heart of the international political agenda.This book considers a wide range of aspects of Russian nationalism, focussing on the Putin period. It discusses the development of Russian nationalism, including in the Soviet era, and examines how Russian nationalism grows out of ? or is related to ? ideology, culture, racism, religion and intellectual thinking, and demonstrates how Russian nationalism affects many aspects of Russian society, politics and foreign policy. This book examines the different socio-political phenomena which are variously defined as ?nationalism?, ?patriotism? and ?xenophobia?. As Russia reasserts itself in the world, with Russian nationalism as one of the key driving forces in this process, an understanding of Russian nationalism is essential for understanding the dynamics of contemporary international relations.
Since Edward Said's foundational work, Orientalism has been singled out for critique as the quintessential example of Western intellectuals' collaboration with oppression. Controversies over the imbrications of knowledge and power and the complicity of Orientalism in the larger project of colonialism have been waged among generations of scholars. But has Orientalism come to stand in for all of the sins of European modernity, at the cost of neglecting the complicity of the rest of the academic disciplines? In this landmark theoretical investigation, Wael B. Hallaq reevaluates and deepens the critique of Orientalism in order to deploy it for rethinking the foundations of the modern project. Refusing to isolate or scapegoat Orientalism, Restating Orientalism extends the critique to other fields, from law, philosophy, and scientific inquiry to core ideas of academic thought such as sovereignty and the self. Hallaq traces their involvement in colonialism, mass annihilation, and systematic destruction of the natural world, interrogating and historicizing the set of causes that permitted modernity to wed knowledge to power. Restating Orientalism offers a bold rethinking of the theory of the author, the concept of sovereignty, and the place of the secular Western self in the modern project, reopening the problem of power and knowledge to an ethical critique and ultimately theorizing an exit from modernity's predicaments. A remarkably ambitious attempt to overturn the foundations of a wide range of academic disciplines while also drawing on the best they have to offer, Restating Orientalism exposes the depth of academia's lethal complicity in modern forms of capitalism, colonialism, and hegemonic power.
Reasoned Administration and Democratic Legitimacy: How Administrative Law Supports Democratic Government explores the fundamental bases for the legitimacy of the modern administrative state. While some have argued that modern administrative states are a threat to liberty and at war with democratic governance, Jerry L. Mashaw demonstrates that in fact reasoned administration is more respectful of rights and equal citizenship and truer to democratic values than lawmaking by either courts or legislatures. His account features the law's demand for reason giving and reasonableness as the crucial criterion for the legality of administrative action. In an argument combining history, sociology, political theory and law, this book demonstrates how administrative law's demand for reasoned administration structures administrative decision-making, empowers actors within and outside the government, and supports a complex vision of democratic self-rule.
"The Dark Side of Paradise is an effective attempt to put the politics back into Bali's twentieth-century history. With a sure mastery of both Indonesian and Dutch sources, Robinson analyzes the class tensions between aristocrats and commoners during the late colonial period." Times Literary Supplement"Robinson's work reaches beyond history, amply illustrating the possibilities of what might be termed a 'comparative historical sociology' approach." Indonesia"Robinson's incisive, well-written work demolishes the fiction of the 'peaceful Balinese' that pervades academic and popular literature, and, for the first time, places modern political history directly into the middle of Balinese scholarship." Choice"This is a brilliant book that must be read by anybody interested in modern Indonesia." Journal of the Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology"
Few countries can claim to have endured such a difficult and tortuous history as that of Iraq. Its varied peoples have had to contend with externally imposed state-building at the end of the First World War, through to the rise of authoritarian military regimes, to the all-encompassing power of Saddam Hussein's dictatorship. They have endured destructive wars, internationally-imposed sanctions, and a further bout of destabilizing regime change and subsequent state-building from 2003. The recent rise of the Islamic State, the consolidation of the Kurdistan Region, and the response of the Shi'i populace have brought the country to a de facto partition that may bring about Iraq's final demise. The second edition of Iraq: People, History, Politics provides a comprehensive analysis of the political, societal, and economic dynamics that have governed Iraq's modern development. Situating recent events within a longer historical timeframe, this book is a must-read for anyone wanting to understand the deep histories that underpin the contemporary politics of this war-torn and troubled state.
How did the value of freedom become so closely associated with the institution of the market? Why did the idea of market freedom hold so little appeal before the modern period, and how can we explain its rise to dominance? In The Invention of Market Freedom, Eric MacGilvray addresses these questions by contrasting the market conception of freedom with the republican view that it displaced. After analyzing the ethical core and exploring the conceptual complexity of republican freedom, MacGilvray shows how this way of thinking was confronted with, altered in response to, and finally overcome by the rise of modern market societies. By learning to see market freedom as something that was invented, we can become more alert to the ways in which the appeal to freedom shapes and distorts our thinking about politics.
In a world that continues to be riven by armed conflict, the fundamental moral and political questions raised by warfare are as important as ever. Under what circumstances are we justified in going to war? Can conflicts be waged in a 'moral' way? Is war an inevitable feature of a world driven by power politics? What are the new ethical challenges raised by new weapons and technology, from drones to swarming attack robots? This book is an engaging and up-to-date examination of these questions and more, penned by a foremost expert in the field. Using many historical cases, it examines all the core disputes and doctrines, ranging from realism to pacifism, from just war theory and international law, to feminism and the democratic peace thesis. Its scope stretches from the primordial causes and perennial drivers of war to the cyber-centric space-age future of armed conflict in the 21st century. War and Political Theory is essential reading for anyone, whether advanced expert or undergraduate, who wants to understand the pressing empirical realities and theoretical issues, historical and contemporary, associated with armed conflict.
In "Redeeming "The Prince," """ one of the world's leading Machiavelli scholars puts forth a startling new interpretation of arguably the most influential but widely misunderstood book in the Western political tradition. Overturning popular misconceptions and challenging scholarly consensus, Maurizio Viroli also provides a fresh introduction to the work. Seen from this original perspective, five centuries after its composition, "The Prince" offers new insights into the nature and possibilities of political liberation.
Rather than a bible of unscrupulous politics, "The Prince," Viroli argues, is actually about political redemption--a book motivated by Machiavelli's patriotic desire to see a new founding for Italy. Written in the form of an oration, following the rules of classical rhetoric, the book condenses its main message in the final section, "Exhortation to liberate Italy from the Barbarians." There Machiavelli creates the myth of a redeemer, an ideal ruler who ushers in an era of peace, freedom, and unity. Contrary to scholars who maintain that the exhortation was added later, Viroli proves that Machiavelli composed it along with the rest of the text, completing the whole by December 1513 or early 1514.
Only if we read "The Prince" as a theory of political redemption, Viroli contends, can we at last understand, and properly evaluate, the book's most controversial pages on political morality, as well as put to rest the cliche of Machiavelli as a "Machiavellian."
Bold, clear, and provocative, "Redeeming "The Prince"" should permanently change how Machiavelli and his masterpiece are understood."
One criticism of history is that historians all too often study it in isolation, failing to take advantage of models and evidence from scholars in other disciplines. This is not a charge that can be laid at the door of Alfred Crosby. His book The Columbian Exchange not only incorporates the results of wide reading in the hard sciences, anthropology and geography, but also stands as one of the foundation stones of the study of environmental history.
In this sense, Crosby's defining work is undoubtedly a fine example of the critical thinking skill of creativity; it comes up with new connections that explain the European success in colonizing the New World more as the product of biological catastrophe (in the shape of the introduction of new diseases) than of the actions of men, and posits that the most important consequences were not political – the establishment of new empires – but cultural and culinary; the population of China tripled, for example, as the result of the introduction of new world crops. Few new hypotheses have proved as stimulating or influential.
Information, Finance and General Equilibrium brings together the seminal papers on which Charles R. Plott has founded our understanding of experimental economics and political science. These works reflect the broad and overlapping nature of economics, public economics, public choice and political science. They examine the fundamental problem encountered in of all these subject areas - understanding the nature of allocation under conditions of limited resources and how decision processes, institutions and procedures shape these allocations. In particular, this volume contains papers placed at the two extremes of economic phenomena: the largest system and the smallest system - multiple markets and the individual. It contains the first evidence that multiple market systems can equilibrate to the general competitive equilibrium while allocating risk bearing and information. It is here that the experimental foundations for rational expectations models are discovered and developed. A challenging paradox results, which leads Plott to question why the behaviour of a system so complex as a multiple market system can be modelled so well when individuals can exhibit behaviours that are so at odds with the theory. This fascinating work, from a writer at the forefront of experimental economics, will be warmly welcomed by academics, scholars and researchers involved in experimental economics, the methodology of economics, political theory, and political economy.
This two-volume anthology contains many of the classic articles from the public choice/rational politics field and includes a new introduction prepared by the editor. Volume I is divided into four parts: The Nature of Democratic Government, Majority Rule, Other Voting Rules and Clubs and Local Politics. Volume II is divided into the following four parts: Representative Democracy, Bureaucracy, Political Business Cycles, and Democratic Dilemmas. Included are excerpts from such classic pieces as Buchanan and Tullock's Calculus of Consent, Downs's Economic Theory of Democracy, Olson's Logic of Collective Action and Niskanen's Bureaucracy and Representative Government, as well as articles by Coase, May, Black, McKelvey, Groves, Ledyard, Vernon Smith, Tiebout, Breton, Stigler, Romer, Rosenthal, Arrow, Sen, Satterthwaite, Gibbard and many more.
Having lost much of its political clout and theoretical power, communism no longer represents an appealing alternative to capitalism. In its original Marxist formulation, communism promised an ideal of development, but only through a logic of war, and while a number of reformist governments still promote this ideology, their legitimacy has steadily declined since the fall of the Berlin wall. Separating communism from its metaphysical foundations, which include an abiding faith in the immutable laws of history and an almost holy conception of the proletariat, Gianni Vattimo and Santiago Zabala recast Marx's theories at a time when capitalism's metaphysical moorings -- in technology, empire, and industrialization -- are buckling. While Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri call for a return of the revolutionary left, Vattimo and Zabala fear this would lead only to more violence and failed political policy. Instead, they adopt an antifoundationalist stance drawn from the hermeneutic thought of Martin Heidegger, Jacques Derrida, and Richard Rorty.Hermeneutic communism leaves aside the ideal of development and the general call for revolution; it relies on interpretation rather than truth and proves more flexible in different contexts. Hermeneutic communism motivates a resistance to capitalism's inequalities yet intervenes against violence and authoritarianism by emphasizing the interpretative nature of truth. Paralleling Vattimo and Zabala's well-known work on the weakening of religion, Hermeneutic Communism realizes the fully transformational, politically effective potential of Marxist thought.
In the latter part of a turbulent century for Europe, France and Germany have been at the forefront of the developments that have shaped both Western and Eastern Europe. Having initiated and controlled economic and monetary union, the greater goal is now that of further European integration, and the Franco-German dynamic is likely to be crucial again in the success or failure of achieving this. The Franco-German Axis in European Integration examines the effectiveness and durability of the Franco-German relationship in European integration, tracing this important partnership through many political and economic disparities. This study goes on to assess the role of these two states in the challenges now facing the Union; from EMU, to the process of stabilising its eastern borders, and from enlargement of the Union, to the struggle to agree on a common foreign security policy. This volume will appeal as much to policymakers and interest groups as it will to scholars, students, and researchers in the field of European studies and international relations.
This authoritative and encyclopaedic reference work provides a thorough account of the public choice approach to economics and politics. The Companion breaks new ground by joining together the most important issues in the field in a single comprehensive volume. It contains state-of-the-art discussions of both old and contemporary problems, including new work by the founding fathers as well as contributions by a new generation of younger scholars. The book reviews the literature of public choice, highlighting the common ground between all rational choice approaches to politics. It demonstrates the important impact of public choice on economics, political science, philosophy and sociology. It will be an indispensable source of reference for many years to the ideas, analytical methods and empirical research in the field. The Companion will serve as the standard reference work for all those engaged in the field of public choice and will be essential reading for politicians and policymakers, scholars in political science, public and social choice, as well as graduate students in economics, political science and public administration.
A Human Security Doctrine for Europe explores the actual needs of individual people in conflict areas, rather than using a conventional institutional or geo-political perspectives. This new volume proposes that Europe should develop a new kind of human security capability that involves the military, the police and civilians all working together to enforce law rather than to fight wars. It argues that threats such as weapons of mass destruction or terrorism can only be countered if we address the insecurity of people in all parts of the world. Many people in the world lead intolerably insecure lives. In large parts of Africa, the Balkans, Central Asia and the Middle East, men and women live in daily fear of violent attacks, kidnapping, rape, extortion, robbery or trafficking. The existence of large military apparatuses does not create security; indeed, as in Iraq, the use of regular military forces may only make things worse. This stimulating study includes: two chapters setting out the changed global context and proposing new approaches to security five regional studies on the Balkans, the Great Lakes Region, the Middle East, the South Caucasus and West-Africa four studies on different aspects of EU security policy, including the legal setting, the role of women, operational principles and the role of the new member states four operational studies on capabilities, resources and institutional embedding Written by a diverse team of international experts, this book will of be of strong interest to students and researchers of security studies, peace studies, human rights and international relations.
A series of closely interrelated essays on game theory, this book deals with an area in which progress has been least satisfactory-the situations where there is a common interest as well as conflict between adversaries: negotiations, war and threats of war, criminal deterrence, extortion, tacit bargaining. It proposes enlightening similarities between, for instance, maneuvering in limited war and in a traffic jam; deterring the Russians and one's own children; the modern strategy of terror and the ancient institution of hostages.
This accessible text offers a comprehensive analysis of the European Union (EU)-China relationship, as one of the most important in global politics today. Both are major players on the world stage, accounting for 30% of trade and nearly a quarter of the world's population. This text shows how, despite many differences in political systems and values, China and the EU have developed such a close, regular set of interactions at multiple levels: from political-strategic, to economic, and individual. The authors start with an historical overview of the domestic politics and foreign policy apparatus of each partner to show the context in which external relations are devised. From this foundation, each key dimension of the relationship is analysed, from trade and monetary policy, security, culture and society. The authors show the relative merits of different theoretical perspectives and outline what is next for this complex, ever-changing relationship. At every step, the success of each partner in persuading the other of changing their position(s) for key strategic interests is explored. What emerges is a multifaceted picture of relations between two sides that are fundamentally different kinds of actors in the international system, yet have many mutual interests and a common stake in the stability of global governance. The first major text to offer an accessible introduction to the multifaceted nature of EU-China relations, this book is an ideal companion for upper undergraduate and postgraduate students on Politics, International Relations and European Studies courses.
In exploring how the Enlightenment continues to operate as a powerful guiding principle in Western politics, "The Threat to Reason" reveals how the truly pressing threats to free inquiry reside within the allegedly enlightened institutions of state and corporation. In recovering the concept of Enlightenment from its self-appointed defenders, "The Threat to Reason" demonstrates its crucial importance to a truly democratic politics, rather than a political performance in which we remain merely spectators.
In Rhetorics of Insecurity, Zeynep Gambetti and Marcial Godoy-Anativia bring together a select group of scholars to investigate the societal ramifications of the present-day concern with security in diverse contexts and geographies. The essays claim that discourses and practices of security actually breed insecurity, rather than merely being responses to the latter. By relating the binary of security/insecurity to the binary of neoliberalism/neoconservatism, the contributors to this volume reveal the tensions inherent in the proliferation of individualism and the concurrent deployment of techniques of societal regulation around the globe. Chapters explore the phenomena of indistinction, reversal of terms, ambiguity, and confusion in security discourses. Scholars of diverse backgrounds interpret the paradoxical simultaneity of the suspension and enforcement of the law through a variety of theoretical and ethnographic approaches, and they explore the formation and transformation of forms of belonging and exclusion. Ultimately, the volume as a whole aims to understand one crucial question: whether securitized neoliberalism effectively spells the end of political liberalism as we know it today. Zeynep Gambetti is Associate Professor of Political Theory at Bogazici University, Istanbul. Marcial Godoy-Anativia is Associate Director of the Hemispheric Institute of Performance and Politics at New York University, where he serves as coeditor of its online journal e-misferica.
The aftershocks of the 2008 financial crisis still reverberate throughout the globe. Markets are down, unemployment is up, and nations from Greece to Ireland find their very infrastructure on the brink of collapse. There is also a crisis in the management of global affairs, with the institutions of global governance challenged as never before, accompanied by conflicts ranging from Syria, to Iran, to Mali. Domestically, the bases for democratic legitimacy, social sustainability, and environmental adaptability are also changing. In this unique volume from the World Public Forum Dialogue of Civilizations and the Social Science Research Council, some of the world's greatest minds--from Nobel Prize winners to long-time activists--explore what the prolonged instability of the so-called Great Recession means for our traditional understanding of how governments can and should function. Through interviews that are sure to spark lively debate, 22 Ideas to Fix the World presents both analysis of past geopolitical events and possible solutions and predictions for the future. The book surveys issues relevant to the U.S., Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. Speaking from a variety of perspectives, including economic, social, developmental, and political, the discussions here increase our understanding of what's wrong with the world and how to get it right. Interviewees explore topics like the Arab Spring, the influence of international financial organizations, the possibilities for the growth of democracy, the acceleration of global warming, and how to develop enforceable standards for market and social regulation. These inspiring exchanges from some of our most sophisticated thinkers on world policy are honest, brief, and easily understood, presenting thought-provoking ideas in a clear and accessible manner that cuts through the academic jargon that too often obscures more than it reveals. 22 Ideas to Fix the World is living history in the finest sense--a lasting chronicle of the state of the global community today. Interviews with: Zygmunt Bauman, Shimshon Bichler & Jonathan Nitzan, Craig Calhoun, Ha-Joon Chang, Fred Dallmayr, Mike Davis, Bob Deacon, Kemal Dervis, Jiemian Yang, Peter J. Katzenstein, Ivan Krastev, Will Kymlicka, Manuel F. Montes, Jose Antonio Ocampo, Vladimir Popov, Jospeh Stiglitz, Olzhas Suleimenov, Jomo Kwame Sundaram, Immanuel Wallerstein, Paul Watson, Vladimir Yakunin, Muhammad Yunus
With a focus on real-world problems and debates, Issues in Political Theory is the clearest and most engaging introduction to political theory and how it is applied to address a range of global challenges. Its team of expert contributors introduce students to important concepts, key thinkers, and major texts in political theory, while extended case studies at the end of each chapter show students how to apply theoretical ideas to real contemporary issues and debates. The text is supported by online resources, which include additional case studies intended to give students confidence in using theory to shed light on key issues, and a range of additional teaching and learning resources.
The contemporary debate on landscape is no longer an exclusive idiolect; it has expanded into a relentless babel. The field is glutted with an ever-increasing number of articles, collective works and conventions. Once marginal, landscape has now become central, even essential to philosophy and geography. Its significance within sociological, anthropological and archaeological theories has also strengthened exponentially, making it the rising star of academia. This book acknowledges the importance of eco-theory to contemporary thought, exploring the limits of its study as well as the new horizons it opens up.
Nicholas Murray's The Rocky Road to the Great War examines the evolution of field fortification theory and practice between 1877 and 1914. During this period field fortifications became increasingly important, and their construction evolved from primarily above to below ground. The reasons for these changes are crucial to explaining the landscape of World War I, yet they have remained largely unstudied. The transformation in field fortifications reflected not only the ongoing technological advances but also the changing priorities in the reasons for constructing them, such as preventing desertion, protecting troops, multiplying forces, reinforcing tactical points, providing a secure base, and dominating an area. Field fortification theory, however, did not evolve solely in response to improving firepower or technology. Rather, a combination of those factors and societal ones-for example, the rise of large conscript armies and the increasing participation of citizens rather than subjects-led directly to technical alterations in the actual construction of the fieldworks. These technical developments arose from the second wave of the Industrial Revolution in the late nineteenth century that provided new technologies that increased the firepower of artillery, which in turn drove the transition from above- to below-ground field fortification. Based largely on primary sources-including French, British, Austrian, and American military attachereports-Murray's enlightening study is unique in defining, fully examining, and contextualizing the theories and construction of field fortifications before World War I. About the Author NICHOLAS MURRAY is an associate professor of history at the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College. He obtained his undergraduate degree in war studies at King's College London and both his master's and doctoral degrees in history from the University of Oxford. He was vice president and secretary of the Oxford University Strategic Studies Group and has taught at Middlebury College and the State University of New York-Adirondack. He lives in Lawrence, Kansas.
For three decades multiculturalism has been the focus of fierce debates. At the same time Europeans have worried, at the national level and at that of the European Union, about how to relate to a world in which their influence has been steadily reducing. But the two discussions, on society and on foreign policy, have rarely intersected. The events of 11 September 2001 did shock the citizens of Western countries into an awareness that international politics could literally explode onto their home streets, and generated fear and suspicion about and among minority groups. But the excessive focus on terrorism and on Islam which followed hardly did justice to the deeper processes of transnationally induced change which were at work. This book attempts to go beyond the emotive political debate to show how foreign policy and domestic society have been becoming more entangled with each other for some time. It focuses on the more established Member States of the European Union and the varying paths which they have taken in coping with the new domestic environment fostered by increased migration, ethnocultural diversity, and transnational relations. It investigates the contrasting approaches taken by the European states to what is loosely called 'multiculturalism', and analyses their impact on the interplay between foreign policy and domestic society, something which is now a structural feature of political life. It concludes with the argument that since domestic society is now taking on some of the diversity associated with international relations, governments can no longer assume a national consensus in their relations with the outside world, let alone the steady homogenisation of world society.
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