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This wide-ranging text identifies and assesses the main conceptions of democracy from participationist to elitist. It proceeds to consider in detail a range of key issues in democratic theory in relation to which these conceptions can be distinguished. The second edition has been revised throughout and includes entirely new chapters on deliberative democracy and on self-determination and issues of governance at an international level in particular those associated with notions of cosmopolitan democracy.
What is the relationship between changes in modern states and the current practice of public administration, on the one hand, and recent developments in the sciences of administration on the other? The contributors to this unique book address this fundamental question by surveying the origins, evolution and the contemporary state-of-the-art of administrative sciences in Europe and the United States. A distinguished group of international authors presents the historical development of the study of administration in their respective countries and an analysis of how particular national approaches to the study of administration or `the way of thinking' influences and are influenced by various national institutions. The authors make comparisons between each country and more generally between Europe and United States Public Administration. This book will introduce American audiences to the various European approaches to administrative sciences and vice versa, and Europeans to contemporary American public administration theory. For many American as well as European students in the field, this volume offers a unique comparison between the large, established field of research in the United States and more recent, less well known European administrative sciences. The Modern State and Its Study will be of great interest to scholars of public administration throughout the world. Practicing public administrators as well as new students of this field will find this volume to be a helpful survey of the current vast and rapidly growing body of public administration research on both Europe and the United States.
This innovative book examines the concept of Eurogovernance and the parameters of public policy making in contemporary Europe. It argues that government and governance can only be understood from a multi-theoretical perspective and analyses the consequences of the challenge of regional interdependence for individual states, the European Union, and for Europe as a whole. In the first part, the authors introduce theories of public policy, the policy process and decision making. They then discuss Eurogovernance in the light of issues such as immigration, health policy, environment policy, eastward expansion of the European Union (EU), structural funding and defence policy. They find that there is no one correct way to analyse Europe's public policy and governance - the type of analysis changes according to its context. The authors also discuss the continuing hegemony exercised by the USA in, for example, security and defence issues, as well as economic management. Readers are also made aware of the dangers emanating from regions of instability, dangers which if not properly addressed may come to pose a threat to the grand designs of the architects of the EU's political and cultural destiny. This book will be essential reading for scholars of public policy and European studies.
Handcuffs and Chain Link enters the immigration debate by addressing one of its most controversial aspects: the criminalisation both of extralegal immigration to the United States and of immigrants themselves in popular and political discourse. Looking at the factors that led up to decriminalisation, Benjamin Gonzalez O'Brien points to the alternative approach of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 and how its ultimate demise served to negatively reinforce the fictitious association of extralegal immigrants with criminality. Crucial to Gonzalez O'Brien's account thus is the concept of the critical policy failure-a piece of legislation that attempts a radically different approach to a major issue but has shortcomings that ultimately further entrench the approach it was designed to supplant. The IRCA was just such a piece of legislation. It highlighted the contributions of the undocumented and offered amnesty to some while attempting to stem the flow of extralegal immigration by holding employers accountable for hiring the undocumented. The failure of this effort at decriminalisation prompted a return to decriminalisation with a vengeance, leading to the stalemate on immigration policy that persists to this day.
A transformative progressive politics requires the state's reimagining. But how should the state be reimagined; and what can invigorate this process? In Feeling Like a State& Davina Cooper explores the unexpected contribution a legal drama of withdrawal might make to conceptualizing a more socially just, participative state. In recent years as gay rights have expanded, some conservative Christians-from charities to guesthouse owners and county clerks-have denied people inclusion, goods, and services because of their sexuality. In turn, liberal public bodies have withdrawn contracts, subsidies, and career progression from withholding conservative Christians. Cooper takes up the discourses and practices expressed in this legal conflict to animate and support an account of the state as heterogeneous, plural, and erotic. Arguing for the urgent need to put new imaginative& forms into practice, Cooper examines how dissident and experimental institutional thinking materialize as people assert a democratic readiness to recraft the state.
We live today in the first global system of sovereign states in history, encompassing all of the world's polities, peoples, religions and civilizations. Christian Reus-Smit presents a new account of how this system came to be, one in which struggles for individual rights play a central role. The international system expanded from its original European core in five great waves, each involving the fragmentation of one or more empires into a host of successor sovereign states. In the most important, associated with the Westphalian settlement, the independence of Latin America, and post-1945 decolonization, the mobilization of new ideas about individual rights challenged imperial legitimacy, and when empires failed to recognize these new rights, subject peoples sought sovereign independence. Combining theoretical innovation with detailed historical case studies, this book advances a new understanding of human rights and world politics, with individual rights deeply implicated in the making of the global sovereign order.
A timely collection of speeches by David McCullough, the most honored historian in the United States-winner of two Pulitzer Prizes, two National Book Awards, and the Presidential Medal of Freedom, among many others-that reminds us of fundamental American principles. "Insightful and inspirational, The American Spirit summons a vexed and divided nation to remember-and cherish-our unifying ideas and ideals" (Richmond Times-Dispatch). Over the course of his distinguished career, McCullough has spoken before Congress, the White House, colleges and universities, historical societies, and other esteemed institutions. Now, at a time of self-reflection in America following the bitter 2016 election campaign that has left the country divided, McCullough has collected some of his most important speeches in a brief volume that celebrates the important principles and characteristics that are particularly American. "The American Spirit is as inspirational as it is brilliant, as simple as it is sophisticated" (Buffalo News). McCullough reminds us of the core American values that define us, regardless of which region we live in, which political party we identify with, or our ethnic background. This is a book about America for all Americans that reminds us who we are and helps to guide us as we find our way forward.
Political philosophy seems both impossible to do and impossible to avoid. Impossible to do, because we cannot agree on a single set of political principles. Impossible to avoid, because we're always living with some kind of political system, and thus some set of principles. So, if we can't do the philosophy, but can't escape the politics, what are we to do? Jonathan Floyd argues that the answer lies in political philosophy's deepest methodological commitments. First, he shows how political philosophy is practiced as a kind of 'thinking about thinking'. Second, he unpicks the different types of thought we think about, such as considered judgements, or intuitive responses to moral dilemmas, and assesses whether any are fit for purpose. Third, he offers an alternative approach - 'normative behaviourism' - which holds that rather than studying our thinking, we should study our behaviour. Perhaps, just sometimes, actions speak louder than thoughts.
This book focuses not only on economic and political transformation since the demise of communism in Eastern and Central Europe, but also on the relationships between economic organization, social patterns and institutional change. The changes in political structure and policies of economic reform have in turn resulted in changes in social institutions and patterns of social relations. The authors look at social relations under the old regimes to understand the current social transformation. They consider economic restructuring both in the context of social change and in terms of its consequences for society, using case studies from the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland. The impact of economic changes on new forms of institutional arrangements, social patterns and organization are also discussed taking into account privatization, employment, social welfare, property and industrial relations. This new book will be welcomed by economists, political scientists and sociologists working in the area of transition.
The second edition of this widely acclaimed book considers the extent to which the Baltic states have succeeded politically and economically in their aspirations to emulate Western institutions since independence. The book has been completely revised since the first edition to account for the rapid changes in the countries themselves, and in the theories that attempt to generalize the patterns of development in post-communist countries. The Baltic States after Independence, Second Edition provides a thorough analysis of the political and economic systems of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. It sheds new light on the processes and obstacles which have characterized the Baltic transition from the Soviet system. The authors examine the history of these countries and the movements towards democracy, institutional change and economic development during the post-communist era. In addition, they analyse other issues including national identity, security and Western integration, and have included a new chapter on international relations, reflecting the changing issues faced by the Baltic states. This book offers a unique insight into political, economic and social life in the three independent Baltic states which will be welcomed by academics and students working in the areas of political science, economic development and transition studies.
Prior to 2011, popular imagination perceived the Muslim Middle East
as unchanging and unchangeable, frozen in its own traditions and
history. In "Life as Politics," Asef Bayat argues that such
presumptions fail to recognize the routine, yet important, ways in
which ordinary people make meaningful change through everyday
actions. First published just months before the Arab Spring swept
across the region, this timely and prophetic book sheds light on
the ongoing acts of protest, practice, and direct daily action.
Why should some have the right to political power? What would happen without government? How much power should the state have? This is the ideal introduction to political philosophy, combining clarity and a conversational style with a thought provoking account of the central questions in political philosophy. Wolff explores the subject through a series of enduring and timeless questions, jumping centuries and millennia to explore the most influential answers and demonstrate the relevance of political philosophy for an understanding of contemporary issues. The eagerly anticipated new edition has been updated to include the on-going developments in theorising about race, sexual orientation, disability multiculturalism and global justice.
Political science scholars consider the four-volume work Transitions from Authoritarian Rule to be a foundational text for studying the process of democratization, specifically in those cases where an authoritarian regime is giving way to some form of democratic government. The most important of the four books is without a doubt the fourth volume, Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies, also known as "the little green book." Transitions from Authoritarian Rule was the first book in any language to systematically compare the process of transition from authoritarianism across a broad range of countries. Political democracy is not the only possible outcome. Guillermo O'Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead emphasize that it's not the revolution but the transition that is critical to the growth of a democratic state. This ground-breaking insight remains highly relevant as the ramifications of the Arab Spring continue to play out. This reissue features a new foreword by Cynthia J. Arnson, director of the Latin American Program at the Woodow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and Abraham F. Lowenthal, founding director of the Latin American Program, who wrote the original volume's foreword.
The critical aspects of Sustainable Development Goal 3 (SDG3) are concerned with the health and wellbeing of millions of people in all parts of the world. SDG3 is central in the conversation surrounding sustainability, and marks a paradigm shift in public health intervention. This book considers the demands of the 2030 United Nations agenda, highlighting innovative proposals, community-based responses, and potential problems. It looks towards the foundation of creative SDG3 interpretations and implementations, with essays and case studies giving a diverse range of perspectives, from leading figures in the field of health and wellbeing. The book serves as a comprehensive resource for anyone wishing to further explore and consider the scope of research, developments, and bottom-up interventions relating to SDG3.
Fifty Major Political Thinkers introduces the lives and ideas of some of the most influential figures in Western political thought, from ancient Greece to the present day. The entries provide a fascinating introduction to the major figures and schools of thought that have shaped contemporary politics, including:
Fully cross-referenced and including a glossary of theoretical terms, this wide-ranging and accessible book is essential reading for anyone with an interest in the evolution and history of contemporary political thought.
Sovereignty and the Sacred challenges contemporary models of polity and economy through a two-step engagement with the history of religions. Beginning with the recognition of the convergence in the history of European political theology between the sacred and the sovereign as creating "states of exception"--that is, moments of rupture in the normative order that, by transcending this order, are capable of re-founding or remaking it--Robert A. Yelle identifies our secular, capitalist system as an attempt to exclude such moments by subordinating them to the calculability of laws and markets. The second step marshals evidence from history and anthropology that helps us to recognize the contribution of such states of exception to ethical life, as a means of release from the legal or economic order. Yelle draws on evidence from the Hebrew Bible to English deism, and from the Aztecs to ancient India, to develop a theory of polity that finds a place and a purpose for those aspects of religion that are often marginalized and dismissed as irrational by Enlightenment liberalism and utilitarianism. Developing this close analogy between two elemental domains of society, Sovereignty and the Sacred offers a new theory of religion while suggesting alternative ways of organizing our political and economic life. By rethinking the transcendent foundations and liberating potential of both religion and politics, Yelle points to more hopeful and ethical modes of collective life based on egalitarianism and popular sovereignty. Deliberately countering the narrowness of currently dominant economic, political, and legal theories, he demonstrates the potential of a revived history of religions to contribute to a rethinking of the foundations of our political and social order.
Leading jihadist groups such as al-Qaeda and the Islamic State dominate through cooperation in the form of knowledge sharing, resource sharing, joint training exercises, and operational collaboration. They build alliances and lesser partnerships with other formal and informal terrorist actors to recruit foreign fighters and spread their message worldwide, raising the aggregate threat level for their declared enemies. Whether they consist of friends or foes, whether they are connected locally or online, these networks create a wellspring of support for jihadist organizations that may fluctuate in strength or change in character but never runs dry. Nexus of Global Jihad identifies types of terrorist actors, the nature of their partnerships, and the environments in which they prosper to explain global jihadist terrorism's ongoing success and resilience. Nexus of Global Jihad brings to light an emerging style of "networked cooperation" that works alongside interorganizational terrorist cooperation to establish bonds of varying depth and endurance. Case studies use recently declassified materials to illuminate al-Qaeda's dealings from Iran to the Arabian Peninsula and the informal actors that power the Sharia4 movement. The book proposes policies that increase intelligence gathering on informal terrorist actors, constrain enabling environments, and disrupt terrorist networks according to different types of cooperation. It is a vital text for strategists and scholars struggling to understand a growing spectrum of terrorist groups working together more effectively than ever before.
This volume offers a selection of the works of one of the most persuasive and sophisticated theorists of the free economy and the free society, Arthur Asher Shenfield. Arthur Asher Shenfield was a classical liberal and an astute critic of misguided government intervention in a free economy. He produced sophisticated refutations of both full-blooded socialism and the milder varieties of collectivism and welfarism pioneered in Scandinavia and Western Europe. He was a keen observer of American affairs and included here is a selection of his essays on constitutionalism and law in the United States. These essays trace the decline in legal protection that America has given economic agents and examine the rise of socialist influences in the American judiciary system. Shenfield also offers a robust account of the legal and economic effect of US and European anti-trust law, as well as discussing the adverse effect on economic efficiency caused by trade unions. In these essays, Arthur Asher Shenfield has made the law and economics of a free society accessible to businessmen and policymakers as well as to scholars and students of classical liberal philosophy and law.
An engaging account of the titan of political philosophy and the development of his most important work, A Theory of Justice, coming at a moment when its ideas are sorely needed. It is hard to overestimate the influence of John Rawls on political philosophy and theory over the last half-century. His books have sold millions of copies worldwide, and he is one of the few philosophers whose work is known in the corridors of power as well as in the halls of academe. Rawls is most famous for the development of his view of "justice as fairness," articulated most forcefully in his best-known work, A Theory of Justice. In it he develops a liberalism focused on improving the fate of the least advantaged, and attempts to demonstrate that, despite our differences, agreement on basic political institutions is both possible and achievable. Critics have maintained that Rawls's view is unrealistic and ultimately undemocratic. In this incisive new intellectual biography, Andrius Galisanka argues that in misunderstanding the origins and development of Rawls's central argument, previous narratives fail to explain the novelty of his philosophical approach and so misunderstand the political vision he made prevalent. Galisanka draws on newly available archives of Rawls's unpublished essays and personal papers to clarify the justifications Rawls offered for his assumption of basic moral agreement. Galisanka's intellectual-historical approach reveals a philosopher struggling toward humbler claims than critics allege. To engage with Rawls's search for agreement is particularly valuable at this political juncture. By providing insight into the origins, aims, and arguments of A Theory of Justice, Galisanka's John Rawls will allow us to consider the philosopher's most important and influential work with fresh eyes.
In 1960, Latin America and Spain had the same level of economic and social development, but, in just twenty years, Spain raced ahead. This book provides an in-depth analysis of the design and implementation of developmental state policies in both regions and examines the significant variance in success between Latin America and Spain. The second volume in a trilogy, this collection of studies on state institutions in Latin America and Spain covers the period 1930-1990 and focuses on the successes and failures of the developmental states. This book assumes a wide social science perspective on the phenomenon of the developmental state, focusing on the design, creation and management of public institutions, as well as the creation of national projects and political identities related to development strategies.
`An army of principles will penetrate where an army of soldiers cannot . . . it will march on the horizon of the world and it will conquer.' Thomas Paine was the first international revolutionary. His Common Sense (1776) was the most widely read pamphlet of the American Revolution; his Rights of Man (1791-2) was the most famous defence of the French Revolution and sent out a clarion call for revolution throughout the world. He paid the price for his principles: he was outlawed in Britain, narrowly escaped execution in France, and was villified as an atheist and a Jacobin on his return to America. Paine loathed the unnatural inequalities fostered by the hereditary and monarchical systems. He believed that government must be by and for the people and must limit itself to the protection of their natural rights. But he was not a libertarian: from a commitment to natural rights he generated one of the first blueprints for a welfare state, combining a liberal order of civil rights with egalitarian constraints. This collection brings together Paine's most powerful political writings from the American and French revolutions in the first fully annotated edition of these works. ABOUT THE SERIES: For over 100 years Oxford World's Classics has made available the widest range of literature from around the globe. Each affordable volume reflects Oxford's commitment to scholarship, providing the most accurate text plus a wealth of other valuable features, including expert introductions by leading authorities, helpful notes to clarify the text, up-to-date bibliographies for further study, and much more.
The world is troubled and full of misunderstandings. It seems a new world order of fundamentalist violence and meaningless atrocity is upon us, whilst civilised instruments for cooperation and compromise are becoming increasingly ineffective. In this timely book, Stephen Chan explores the historical and philosophical roots of difference and discord in the international system. He begins with the introduction of the Westphalian system, showing how, throughout the 20th century, new states - from the Middle East, Asia and Africa - entered that system with reservations, preconditions, and great efforts to introduce new forms of concerts and congresses but without seriously challenging the international status-quo. By contrast, the 21st century has brought turmoil and change in the form of militant Islam - be it the Taleban, Al Qaeda, or ISIS - whose varied roots and fluid emergence have so far prevented the West from being able to understand and combat it. Developing Kissinger's suspicion of Saudi Arabia as an Islamic state in Westphalian dress, Chan argues that what is at stake today is not the development of a new Caliphate or an old radicalism - but the effort to supplant and replace the Westphalian system itself. This is the complex and challenging reality to which a truly modern and persuasively relevant plural international relations must now adapt. Whether it can do so remains to be seen.
A complex relationship exists between democratic politics and the management of the environment. Democracy and the Environment presents major new work on the challenges and dilemmas which environmental problems pose for the processes of democratic politics. The relationship between environmental values and goals and democratic theory and practice is explored through original essays by established scholars whose conclusions are then integrated by the editors into a concluding essay. This major book illustrates and analyses the many ways in which environmental problems pose difficulties for democratic decision-makers. Environmental problems impact across established regional and national boundaries, and involve complex social processes, intricate patterns of loss and gain, and time scales which do not synchronise with electoral political systems. The essays in Democracy and the Environment reflect critically upon the experience of democratic states, explore the contradiction between popular participation and environmental management, and consider the kind of reforms needed to enhance the capacity of democratic systems to handle environmental problems. Focusing on the democratic process and combining theoretical and empirical analysis with discussion of the pragmatic implications, the authors present constructive criticism and analysis which seeks to encourage more effective environmental decision making and the promotion of global sustainable development.
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