Andre Gorz is one of the most important contemporary socialist thinkers, acquiring the reputation of an iconoclastic theorist who poses radical questions about the future of the Left.
This full length assessment of his work is the first to critically evaluate all of his writings from the 1950s to the '90s. Highlighting the eclectic nature of Gorz's intellectual heritage beginning with his existentialist-Marxist roots in post-war France, Adrian Little creates a unique perspective, arguing that Gorz is primarily a theorist of individual freedom and autonomy. In this context he can be regarded not only as a post-Marxist thinker but as a unique purveyor of individualistic socialism. This view offers a challenge to all on the Left who are concerned with the reproduction of welfare capitalism and the future of democratic socialism.

This book examines the International Organization for Migration's (IOM) practices of international migration management and studies current transformations of migration governance and the role of international organizations outside Europe. While so-called migration crises in North Africa in 2005 and 2011 made the instability of the increasingly militarized border regime visible, they also created space for new actors and instruments to emerge under the label of international migration management, promising softer forms to control migration outside Europe. Who are these actors, and how do they think and practice migration control without the use of physical force and obvious repression? This book develops an innovative theoretical framework that mobilizes Bourdieu's Theory of Practice to critically investigate the work of the IOM in Morocco and Tunisia between 2005 and 2015. Analyzing its information campaigns, voluntary return programs, and anti-trafficking politics, the book shows how this organization teaches (potential) migrants and North African actors to understand migration as their own problem and its management as their own responsibility. This book advances our understanding of the complex and ambivalent practices of controlling migration through information, protection and repatriation, and the implications of ubiquitous but underresearched institutions, such as the IOM, in this contested field. It will appeal to postgraduates, researchers, and academics in International Relations Theory, Border and Migration Studies, International Political Sociology, international organizations, and contemporary politics in North Africa.

This book explores Marxism and related political-economic theory, and its implications for education around the world, as seen in the history of the journal Educational Philosophy and Theory. As such, it illustrates the evolution of political-economic changes across societies, as they have been brought to bear within the academic field and in the journal, through the exploration of typical and noteworthy articles examining political-economic themes over time. In the early decades of Educational Philosophy and Theory, only a few works can be found focused on Marx's work, Marxism, and related themes. However, since the mid-1990s, Educational Philosophy and Theory has published many articles focused on neoliberalism and educational responses to theories and policies based on political-economic perspectives. This collection serves to showcase this work, exploring the way Marxist, neoliberal and other related political-economic theories have been applied to educational discussions among philosophers and theorists of education in the history of Educational Philosophy and Theory. As a collection, this book provides a glimpse of a dramatically changing world, and changing scholarly responses to it, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This collection can therefore be useful to scholars interested in better understanding how changes to the political economy have intersected with those in education over time, as well as the diverse ways scholars have approached and reacted to a shifting landscape, considering views ranging from Marxist to Post-Marxist, to neoliberal, and beyond.

With essays by today’s leading leftist social critics, Identity Trumps Socialism presents a rigorous and persuasive primer on the problems generated by postmodern and neoliberal challenges to the legacy of emancipatory universality. In addition to the ways in which capitalism has used racialized and gendered forms of oppression to divide the working class, today’s activism must also understand how neoliberal capitalism uses identity politics to undermine socialism. Identity Trumps Socialism advances an emancipatory left universality that addresses the limits of diversity and makes the case for the centrality of class in the struggle against global capitalist hegemony.

Drawing on Husserl's concepts of communalization and intersubjectivity, this book aspires to an orientation in which human beings are understood in the context of their full-blooded, concrete existence - the life-world. Michael F. Hickman offers a fresh return to the raw experience of politics through the contemporary realist idea of radical disagreement as the 'circumstances of politics.' He surpasses realist limitations through the acknowledgment of the constitution of world itself as an achievement of the intersubjective community, whilst crucially asserting that the political horizon is distinguishable from, but coterminous with, the life-world itself. Through the use of hypotheticals, an unprecedented phenomenological account of political experience is offered, in which three major themes of political subjectivity are explored: belonging and possession, authority, and foreignness and political others. Finally, a multi-phase analysis of legitimacy is conducted which, taking into account universal human rights and 'empirically' identifiable expressions of acceptance, is nonetheless rooted in a source - the life-world - that reaches beyond any mere collectivity of ego-acts. Utilizing an expanded philosophical universe, Husserlian Phenomenology and Contemporary Political Realism offers a path forward from the ideological stalemates in which liberal theory seems hopelessly locked. It will appeal to scholars involved in the study of Political Theory and Philosophy, International Relations, intercultural studies, human rights and phenomenology.

Can political violence create freedom? What if the cost of violent liberation is too high? How does one even calculate that when the status quo is a condition of sustained violence? From reactionary movements globally to the everyday violence that makes the present moment so cruel, understanding political violence remains a difficult, multidimensional problem. This edited volume brings together essays by political theorists, intellectual historians, and other social scientists to reflect on these classic questions anew. The chapters in this volume revisit major political theorists of anticolonial violence like the Vietnamese Ho Chi Minh, the American George Jackson, and the Kurdish Abdullah OEcalan. They also revisit canonical yet misunderstood writers like the French syndicalist Georges Sorel and the American feminist Valerie Solanas. Beyond major figures and intellectuals, the volume also features contributions on pressing contemporary debates like climate change, police violence, and the violence of speech. Together, these essays reveal political violence to be first and foremost an experimental, theoretical activity which has both enabled and frustrated the ambitions of the left. This book will be beneficial reading for students and researchers of Political Science, History and Sociology. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of New Political Science.

In this book, Michael Lebowitz deepens the arguments he made in his award-winning, Beyond Capital. Karl Marx, in Capital, focused on capital and the capitalist class that is its embodiment. It is the endless accumulation of capital, its causes and consequences that are central to Marx's analysis. In taking this approach, Marx tended to obscure not only the centrality of capital's "immanent drive" and "constant tendency" to divide the working class but also the political economy of the working class ("social production controlled by social foresight"). In Between Capitalism and Community, Lebowitz demonstrates that capitalism contains within itself elements of a different society, one of community. Whereas Marx's intellectual construct of capitalism treats it as an organic system that reproduces its premises of capital and wage-labor (including a working class that looks upon the requirements of capital "as self-evident natural laws"), Lebowitz argues that the struggle of workers in common and activities based upon solidarity point in the direction of the organic system of community, an alternative system that produces its own premises, communality, and recognition of the needs of others. If we are to escape the ultimate barbarism portended by the existing crisis of the earth system, the subordination of the system of capitalism by that of community is essential. Since the interregnum in which capitalism and community coexist is marked by the interpenetration and mutual deformation of both sides within this whole, however, the path to community cannot emerge spontaneously but requires a revolutionary party that stresses the development of the capacities of people through their protagonism.

This volume considers recent studies that move beyond primordialism and its antithesis, social constructivism, to search for new insights to illuminate the nature of nationalism and its link to war. The authors also explore the role of shared interests, the history of peoples, elites and states, political imperatives, propaganda, and psychological predispositions. This combination provides a brillant, new look at nationalism and war-one that delves deeply into ethnic identity and the willingness of people to fight and die for nation-states.

The world is troubled and full of misunderstandings. It seems a new world order of fundamentalist violence and meaningless atrocity is upon us, whilst civilised instruments for cooperation and compromise are becoming increasingly ineffective. In this timely book, Stephen Chan explores the historical and philosophical roots of difference and discord in the international system. He begins with the introduction of the Westphalian system, showing how, throughout the 20th century, new states - from the Middle East, Asia and Africa - entered that system with reservations, preconditions, and great efforts to introduce new forms of concerts and congresses but without seriously challenging the international status-quo. By contrast, the 21st century has brought turmoil and change in the form of militant Islam - be it the Taleban, Al Qaeda, or ISIS - whose varied roots and fluid emergence have so far prevented the West from being able to understand and combat it. Developing Kissinger's suspicion of Saudi Arabia as an Islamic state in Westphalian dress, Chan argues that what is at stake today is not the development of a new Caliphate or an old radicalism - but the effort to supplant and replace the Westphalian system itself. This is the complex and challenging reality to which a truly modern and persuasively relevant plural international relations must now adapt. Whether it can do so remains to be seen.

"Party, Parliament and Personality" is a collection of essays on political psychology from some of the best known names in political science in England (Ivor Crewe, Vincent Wright, Rod Hague, David Hine, Iain McLean). The central focus of the volume is British politics, but the book also contains a number of comparative chapters, indlucing Hague's theories of presidential personality, which explores psychodynamic theories of personality in the context of the US presidency and David Hines' on the political psychology of corruption, which focusses on Italy. The book also presents a number of chapters on political theory, including Albert Weale's on the central nature of disagreement in democratic politics. "Party, Parliament and Personality" emphasizes the psychology of individual political actors as well as the personalities of political philosophers such as Hobbes and Rousseau.

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The bestselling author of Simpler offers a powerful, provocative, and convincing argument for protecting people from their own mistakes Based on a series of pathbreaking lectures given at Yale University in 2012, this powerful, thought-provoking work by national best-selling author Cass R. Sunstein combines legal theory with behavioral economics to make a fresh argument about the legitimate scope of government, bearing on obesity, smoking, distracted driving, health care, food safety, and other highly volatile, high-profile public issues. Behavioral economists have established that people often make decisions that run counter to their best interests-producing what Sunstein describes as "behavioral market failures." Sometimes we disregard the long term; sometimes we are unrealistically optimistic; sometimes we do not see what is in front of us. With this evidence in mind, Sunstein argues for a new form of paternalism, one that protects people against serious errors but also recognizes the risk of government overreaching and usually preserves freedom of choice. Against those who reject paternalism of any kind, Sunstein shows that "choice architecture"-government-imposed structures that affect our choices-is inevitable, and hence that a form of paternalism cannot be avoided. He urges that there are profoundly moral reasons to ensure that choice architecture is helpful rather than harmful-and that it makes people's lives better and longer.

While academics often treat their subject matter with a posture of detached objectivity, some have moved beyond the ivory tower of academia toward a more personal and active engagement with their area of research. The field of political science lends itself particularly well to this kind of activity given the relevance, impact, and importance of civic engagement and the political landscape of our daily lives. Early in the discipline, Woodrow Wilson, Charles Merriam, and other leaders of the American Political Science Association were civically engaged as well as active scholars and teachers. However, discipline and institutional barriers have discouraged contemporary engagement.In Beyond the Ivory Tower: The Case for Civically Engaged Political Scientists, Richard Davis tells the stories of past and present academics who have ventured beyond the academy. He frames his own story of political activism in Utah within the context of the need for political scientists to step away from the cloistered affairs of academia toward more public and political engagement. Davis discusses different ways to remain both active in academic life while also becoming more publicly engaged in one's community and state. This book shows how political scientists may find alternative ways to explore their passion for politics and not only advocate civic engagement but also become actively engaged citizens themselves. Beyond the Ivory Tower skillfully discusses the institutional and cultural barriers to academic civic engagement and proposes solutions to overcome them while offering examples of political scientists who have been active citizens in a variety of forums, including running for office, serving in government, and founding and leading non-profit organizations.

Karl Marx has a unique position in the development of economic and social thought; no-one else has been subject to so much, and to such contradictory, interpretive behaviour. The publication of "Karl Marx's Economics: Critical Assessments" in 1987 brought together the range of critical material on Marx. It established a benchmark for Marx studies, and aims to serve as a resource for scholars. "Karl Marx's Economics: New Critical Assessments" completes the project of the earlier assessments by making available more than 100 additional titles. Primarily these are articles which have appeared since the earlier volumes were published, or which appeared as the earlier volumes were being compiled, and interest in Marx has raged throughout this period. Subjects addressed include traditional controversies in Marxian economics such as Marx's view on the tendency of the rate of profit to fall and the transformation problem, and newer controversies, for example, those relating to the re-interpretations of Marx by Piero Sraffa and by John Roemer.

The publication in 1957 of Noam Chomsky's Syntactic Structures ushered in the era of what can properly be termed modern linguistics - the science of language. This critical assessment brings together over 100 papers on every area of Chomsky's work, revealing how pervasive his influence has been on all aspects of modern thought, from linguistics to philosophy, psychology, computer science, social theory, political analysis and literary theory. Carlos Otero is one of the world's leading interpreters of Chomsky's ideas and brings together in these volumes papers which provide a comprehensive assessment of his contribution to modern thought.

The publication in 1957 of Noam Chomsky's Syntactic Structures ushered in the era of what can properly be termed modern linguistics - the science of language. This critical assessment brings together over 100 papers on every area of Chomsky's work, revealing how pervasive his influence has been on all aspects of modern thought, from linguistics to philosophy, psychology, computer science, social theory, political analysis and literary theory. Carlos Otero is one of the world's leading interpreters of Chomsky's ideas and brings together in these volumes papers which provide a comprehensive assessment of his contribution to modern thought.

The concept of power is at the centre of social science. It is surrounded with controversy and disputes however about what it really means. This collection, edited by one of the leading commentators in the field, brings together the indispensable secondary literature. It includes a major introduction which explains why power is a key concept in the social sciences and guides the reader through the contrasting attempts to understand it.

First published in 1988, Terrorism: The Cuban Connection examines Cuba's involvement in terrorism. With a focus on Havana, the book begins by looking at Cuba's history and the origins of terrorism. As it progresses, the book traces the development of terrorism and explores Cuba's connections with other parts of the world, including America, Russia, the Caribbean, South America, the Middle East, and Sub-Saharan Africa. Terrorism: The Cuban Connection is a detailed study, equipped with a wealth of key documents and photographs.

This volume brings together scholars working on the multifaceted and changing dimensions of citizenship in the ancient Mediterranean, from the second millennium BCE to the first millennium CE, adopting a multidisciplinary and comparative perspective. The chapters in this volume cover numerous periods and regions - from the Ancient Near East, through the Greek and Hellenistic worlds and pre-Roman North Africa, to the Roman empire and its continuations, and with excursuses to modernity. The contributors to this volume adopt various contemporary theories, demonstrating the manifold meanings and ways of defining the concept and practices of citizenship and belonging in ancient societies and, in turn, of non-citizenship and non-belonging. Whether citizenship was defined by territorial belonging or blood descent; by privileged or exclusive access to resources or participation in communal decision-making; by a sense of group belonging - such identifications were also open to discursive redefinitions and manipulation. Citizenship and belonging, as well as non-citizenship and non-belonging, had many shades and degrees; citizenship could be bought or faked, or even deprived. By casting light on different areas of the Mediterranean over the course of antiquity, this volume seeks to explore this multi-layered notion of citizenship and contribute to an on-going and relevant discourse. Citizenship in Antiquity offers a wide-ranging, comprehensive collection suitable for students and scholars of citizenship, politics, and society in the ancient Mediterranean world, as well as those working on citizenship throughout history interested in taking a comparative approach.

In this volume, John Farrell shows that political utopias—societies with laws and customs designed to short-circuit the foibles of human nature for the benefit of our collective existence—have a perennial opponent, the honor-based culture of aristocracy that dominated most of the world from ancient times into early modernity and whose status-based competitive psychology persists to the present day. While utopias aim at equality, the heroic imperative defends the need for personal and collective dignity. It asks the utopian, Do we really want to live in a world without struggle, without heroes, and without the stories they create? Because the utopian dilemma pits essential values against each other—equity versus freedom, dignity versus justice—few who confront it can simply take sides. Rather, the dilemma itself has been a generative stimulus for classic authors from Plato and Thomas More to George Orwell and Aldous Huxley. Farrell follows their struggles with the utopian dilemma and with each other, providing a deepened understanding of the moral and emotional dynamics of the western political imagination.

From Revolution to Revolution (1973) examines England, Scotland and Wales from the revolution of 1688 when William became King, to the American Revolution of 1776. In this period lies the roots of modern Britain, as it went from being underdeveloped countries on the fringe of European civilization to a predominating influence in the world. This book examines the union of the island, development of an organized public opinion and national consciousness, as well as Parliament and its factions, the landed and business classes. Views on religion, art, architecture and the changing face of the countryside are also examined, as is the tension between London and the rest of the island. The important issues of colonial expansions in Ireland, America, India and Africa are also analysed.

The Court and the Country (1969) offers a fresh view and synthesis of the English revolution of 1640. It describes the origin and development of the revolution, and gives an account of the various factors - political, social and religious - that produced the revolution and conditioned its course. It explains the revolution primarily as a result of the breakdown of the unity of the governing class around the monarchy into the contending sides of the Court and the Country. A principal theme is the formation within the governing class of an opposition movement to the Crown. The role of Puritanism and of the towns is examined, and the resistance to Charles I is considered in relation to other European revolutions of the period.

A Nation of Change and Novelty (1990) ranges broadly over the political and literary terrain of the seventeenth century, examining the importance of the English Revolution as a decisive event in English and European history. It emphasises the historical significance of the English Revolution, exploring not only its causes but also its long term consequences, basing both in a broad social context and viewing it as a necessary condition of England's having nurtured the first Industrial Revolution.

Reflections on the Puritan Revolution (1986) examines the damage done by the Puritans during the English Civil War, and the enormous artistic losses England suffered from their activities. The Puritans smashed stained glass, monuments, sculpture, brasses in cathedrals and churches; they destroyed organs, dispersed the choirs and the music. They sold the King's art collections, pictures, statues, plate, gems and jewels abroad, and broke up the Coronation regalia. They closed down the theatres and ended Caroline poetry. The greatest composer and most promising scientist of the age were among the many lives lost; and this all besides the ruin of palaces, castles and mansions.