The complexity of the American economy and polity has grown at an explosive rate in our era of globalization. Yet as the 2008 financial crisis revealed, the evolution of the American state has not proceeded apace. The crisis exposed the system's manifold political and economic dysfunctionalities.
Featuring a cast of leading scholars working at the intersection of political science and American history, The Unsustainable American State is a historically informed account of the American state's development from the nineteenth century to the present. It focuses in particular on the state-produced inequalities and administrative incoherence that became so apparent in the post-1970s era. Collectively, the book offers an unsettling account of the growth of racial and economic inequality, the ossification of the state, the gradual erosion of democracy, and the problems deriving from imperial overreach. Utilizing the framework of sustainability, a concept that is currently informing some of the best work on governance and development, the contributors show how the USA's current trajectory does not imply an impending collapse, but rather a gradual erosion of capacity and legitimacy. That is a more appropriate theoretical framework, they contend, because for all of its manifest flaws, the American state is durable. That durability, however, does not preclude a long relative decline.

While there is a vast literature on women's political interests, there is hardly any consensus about what constitutes "women's interests " or how scholars should approach studying them. Representation can occur in various venues or by various actors, but, due to power imbalances across political groups, it is not always realized in any substantive way. The essays in this book constitute a broad and geographically comparative move toward defining new and unified theoretical orientations to studying representation among women. Representation involves not only getting group members into government, but also articulating group interests and translating those interests into policy. Because competing groups have different policy preferences and act out of self-interest, representation of historically marginalized groups is a contentious, contingent process that is likely to ebb and flow. The book begins with a theoretical positioning of the meaning of women's interests, issues and preferences. It considers the need to add nuance to how we conceive of and study intersectionality and the dangers of stretching the meaning of substantive representation. It then looks at descriptive representation in political parties, high courts, and legislatures, as well as how definitions of "interest " affect who represents women in legislatures and social movements. The book concludes by suggesting testable propositions and avenues for future research to enhance understanding about representation of women and of other historically under-represented groups. Chapters include cases from the United States, Latin America, Western Europe and Africa.

Barack Obama, junior senator from Illinois, first captured America's attention with his keynote address to the Democratic National Convention in 2004. Now, as presumptive Democratic candidate for President, Obama's superb and captivating oratory style has earned him comparisons to John F. Kennedy and even Martin Luther King - and on the campaign trail Obama has achieved near rock-star status. Obama speaks on themes of race, identity, community, and above all, his hoped-for vision of a New America. His legions of supporters gravitate towards his unblemished idealism. Still, as David Olive writes, "even the most ardent supporters of Barack Obama ... might wonder at times if the mesmerizing orator is more style than substance." Here, interspersed with the entire text of Obama's key speeches, Olive explores the controversies: Obama shedding his American flag lapel pin, Reverend Wright, his anti-war stance, his strong Christian faith, and his often racially charged remarks - and the victories: passage for more than 280 bills in his last two years in the Illinois state senate, his actions towards social justice, and his remarkable rise from underdog to potential future president of the United States. Bookended with Obama's '04 keynote at the Democratic National Convention and "A More Perfect Union" - called the only historic speech of this 2008 campaign - An American Story exposes politicos, voters, and fans of Obama to the speeches that gave rise to the current phenomenon.

Two Weeks in November is the thrilling, surreal, unbelievable and often very funny true story of four would-be enemies – a high-ranking politician, an exiled human rights lawyer, a dangerous spy and a low-key white businessman turned political fixer – who team up to help unseat one of the world’s longest serving dictators, Robert Mugabe.

What begins as an improbable adventure destined for failure, marked by a mixture of bravery, strategic cunning and bumbling naiveté, soon turns into the most sophisticated political-military operation in African history. By virtue of their being together, the unlikely team of misfit rivals is suddenly in position to spin what might have been seen as an illegal coup into a mass popular uprising that the world – and millions of Zimbabweans – will enthusiastically support.

Impeccably researched, deftly written, and told in the style of a political thriller, Two Weeks in November is Ocean’s 11 meets Game of Thrones: a real-world life or death chess match for the future of a country where the political endgame is never a forgone conclusion.

The world is currently experiencing the lowest levels of democracy we have seen in over thirty years. Autocracy is on the rise, and while the cost of autocracy seems evident, it nevertheless remains an attractive option to many.

While leaders like Viktor Orbán disrupt democratic foundations from within, autocrats like Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin do so from abroad, eroding democratic institutions and values and imperilling democracies that appear increasingly fragile. There are even those who, disillusioned with the current institutions in place, increasingly think authoritarianism can deliver them a better life than democracy has or could.

They're wrong. Autocracy is not the solution - better democracy is. But we have to make the case for it. We have to combat institutional rot by learning from one another, and, at times, from our rivals. And we have to get our own houses in order. Only then can we effectively stand up for democratic values around the world and defeat the dictators.

As the bicentenary of the Conseil d'Etat approaches, this new edition of the leading English-language text provides a detailed profile of the Conseil and offers an up-to-date overview of le droit administratif, which is regarded, alongside the Code Napoleon, as the most notable achievement of French legal science. The Conseil d'Etat is taken as a model for many administrative systems in Europe and beyond, and it continues to exercise a strong influence upon the emerging democracies of Eastern Europe and the Third World. The eleven expanded appendices, including statistics, model pleadings and other illustrations, provide an invaluable and accessible source of information on the French administrative courts, their procedure and case-load. Throughout the approach is comparative, with frequent references to developments in United Kingdom administrative law and in the EC institutions. The book will be an invaluable guide to all students of French law and comparative public law.