This multidisciplinary edited volume explores how the spread of the 'War on Terror' has entwined matters of state sovereignty and states of war into mutually affecting relations. Pre-emptive attacks on terrorist groups in 'rogue' states, 'outsourcing' of state militancy and the mutable state of armed conflict required to wage a 'hybrid war' have increasingly been issues for the War on Terror. Moreover, such measures have seen the spread of this war to countries such as Israel, Russia, Ethiopia, and Uganda, all of whom have justified their own attacks in other nation-states as a war of 'self-defence' against terrorism. States of War since 9/11 offers a timely, innovative analysis of how the War on Terror has taken on different modes of militancy and militarisation in spreading to different nation-states and regions. Featuring a multidisciplinary line-up of eminent contributors, the book ranges in reference from the early stages of the war up to France's 2013 intervention in Mali. Part One examines the various modes of war and militarisation that have been employed in particular nation-states, including Afghanistan, Russia and Chechnya, and Israel and Palestine. Part Two examines how the war's innovations have more generally involved 'just war theory', biopolitics and sovereignty, networked battlespace, new military urbanism, citizenship, homeland security and surveillance. Overall, this book offers a fresh insight into how states have attempted to secure their own bounds by extending the boundaries of war itself. This book will be of much interest to students of critical terrorism studies, foreign policy and IR in general.

This is the first book on U.S. policy in Angola during the 1980s. Elaine Windrich shows how the Reagan administration and U.S. media inflated the importance of Jonas Savimbi and helped inflame the civil war in Angola. Pinpointing media strengths and weaknesses in shaping and in reporting on a major crisis in Africa, this ground-breaking work analyzes Savimbi as a cold war guerrilla, the role of different media segments in the dirty war in Angola, and the right-wing influence of the Reagan and Bush administrations into the 1990s. This moving and well-researched account, providing insights into how the U.S. media covers African and Third World issues, is a good text for foreign correspondents and for courses dealing with U.S. foreign policy, journalism and communications, and with Africa. The image of the Angolan rebel leader as a freedom fighter is shown to be a product largely of the U.S. media and the collaboration of right-wing lobby groups closely linked to the Reagan and Bush administrations. The resurrection of Savimbi, who represented a lost cause after his defeat in the Angolan civil war in 1976, but who was kept alive by South African support, was due to his adoption by the Reagan administration as an ally in the crusade against Third World governments supported by the Soviet Union. The study shows how the mainstream media tended to follow the administration's agenda and right-wing views in portraying Savimbi as an ally. Windrich also explains how the Bush administration and the media have continued to support Savimbi and his rebel movement.

Based on seven years of original research, this book contains one of the most detailed and comprehensive assessments of 'home-grown' Islamist terrorism (HGIT) in the US and UK to date. Beginning with an examination of the development of militant networks during the 1980s and 1990s, it traces the origins of HGIT and highlights the significance of these early experiences in different countries for shaping the future trajectory of the threat. The book also examines the range of motivations for violent jihad in the West, suggesting a composite theoretical model that specifies three 'necessary' conditions for involvement and challenges popular explanations for differential rates of terrorism which emphasize socioeconomic factors.The book analyzes the background and operational activities of nearly 800 American and British jihadis who mobilized between 1980 and September 11th 2013, including factors such as mental health, education, processes of radicalization, leadership, use of the Internet, sources of funding and links to foreign terrorist organizations. This analysis is then complemented with an examination of how these individuals have been dealt with by the respective security services.From the first proponents of 'global jihad' to the recent wave of volunteers inspired by events in the Middle East, this book provides an extensive yet lucid analysis of one of the greatest security concerns facing America and Great Britain today. 'Home-Grown' Jihad challenges existing studies on a number of key issues and expands our understanding of HGIT. It will be invaluable to academics, practitioners and policymakers alike.

Based on seven years of original research, this book contains one of the most detailed and comprehensive assessments of 'home-grown' Islamist terrorism (HGIT) in the US and UK to date. Beginning with an examination of the development of militant networks during the 1980s and 1990s, it traces the origins of HGIT and highlights the significance of these early experiences in different countries for shaping the future trajectory of the threat. The book also examines the range of motivations for violent jihad in the West, suggesting a composite theoretical model that specifies three 'necessary' conditions for involvement and challenges popular explanations for differential rates of terrorism which emphasize socioeconomic factors.The book analyzes the background and operational activities of nearly 800 American and British jihadis who mobilized between 1980 and September 11th 2013, including factors such as mental health, education, processes of radicalization, leadership, use of the Internet, sources of funding and links to foreign terrorist organizations. This analysis is then complemented with an examination of how these individuals have been dealt with by the respective security services.From the first proponents of 'global jihad' to the recent wave of volunteers inspired by events in the Middle East, this book provides an extensive yet lucid analysis of one of the greatest security concerns facing America and Great Britain today. 'Home-Grown' Jihad challenges existing studies on a number of key issues and expands our understanding of HGIT. It will be invaluable to academics, practitioners and policymakers alike.

The probability of a world-wide cyber conflict is small. Yet the probability of forms of cyber conflict, regional or even global, could be argued as being very high. Small countries are usually signatories to military and economic alliances with major world powers but rely heavily on the technical ability of these powers in protecting their own national interests. They may be considered to be IT 'technology colonies'. Their cyber infrastructure is usually fully imported and their ability to assess it is limited. This book poses the question: to what extent should, or can, a small country prepare itself for handling the broad range of cyber threats? Looking at cyber-warfare, cyber-terrorism, cyber-crime and associated concerns, national experts from New Zealand, Australia, The Netherlands, and Poland present analyses of cyber-defence realities, priorities and options for smaller countries. They show that what is needed is the ability of small nations to be able to define and prepare appropriate responses such as the role of military/law enforcement/business entities, continuity and resilience strategies, incident response and business continuity plans and more for handing nationally-aimed cyber-attacks particularly where these address national critical infrastructures.

The papers in this special issue of Studies in Conflict and Terrorism accompanied the conference in Oklahoma in April 2000, whose purpose was to assess developments in terrorism over the preceeding two decades, map its likely future direction and propose policy recommendations and other remedial steps to counter the menace. The conference and papers address themes such as: Continuity and changes in terrorist motivations, strategies & capabilities; policy and research concerns in copying with terrorism; evaluations of the effectiveness of both internationa and American counterterrorism policies and capabilities.

This study places terrorist acts in Europe in their historical perspective by examining terrorist and anarchist movements in late nineteenth century Europe. The political and legal aspects of modern terrorism are discussed in detail and the themes and variation in political terrorism are examined fully. In addition, selected case studies of contemporary terrorist movements are considered in the context of the political tradition of the particular country. A comprehensive picture of European terrorism, in its historical and more contemporary ideological and political aspects emerges from this work.

With the rise of international acts of terrorism there has been a commensurate rise in the level of international cooperation in the suppression of terrorism. This book, originally published in 1985, is a detailed and authoritative study of the background to this cooperation, the ways in which it has developed and the obstacles to its proper implementation. Particular emphasis is placed on a s tudy of the European experience of international cooperation, the Council of Europe Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism being used as a case study.

This edited volume discusses critically discursive claims about the theological foundations connecting Islam to certain manifestations of violent extremism. Such claims and associated debates become even more polarizing when images of violent acts of terrorism performed in the name of Islam circulate in the global media. The authors argue that the visibility of such mediated violent extremism, in particular since the emergence of ISIS, has created a major political and security challenge not only to the world but also to the global Muslim community. This is particularly true in relation to the way Islam is being understood and characterized in the modern world. Existing studies on radicalization generally deal with causes and strategies to address violent extremism. The book will appeal to scholars, researchers and students in political science, Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies.

This book, first published in 1997, focuses on the Anglo-American cooperation which began during the relatively uneventful years 1953 and 1954, and which led to a covert operation, code-named 'Alpha', which aimed - unsuccessfully - at convincing Egyptian and Israeli leaders to consider a settlement through secret negotiations. As with the other three volumes that make up Futile Diplomacy, this volume comprises Dr Caplan's expert in-depth analysis with a wealth of primary source documents, making this a key reference source in the study of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Dark networks are the illegal and covert networks (e.g, insurgents, jihadi groups, or drug cartels) that security and intelligence analysts must track and identify to be able to disrupt and dismantle them. This text explains how this can be done by using the Social Network Analysis (SNA) method. Written in an accessible manner, it provides an introduction to SNA, presenting tools and concepts, and showing how SNA can inform the crafting of a wide array of strategies for the tracking and disrupting of dark networks.

This book offers the first detailed, in-depth account of how and why some Arab foreign fighters subsequently became involved in Islamist terrorism. Drawing on a personal dataset of 3,010 Arab foreign fighters compiled using biographies, martyrdom eulogies, and postings on 'jihadi' websites, Terrorist Movements and the Recruitment of Arab Foreign Fighters suggests that the subsequent involvement in Islamist terrorism by some Arab foreign fighters is primarily forged in the crucible of defensive jihad.

This book investigates abductions, hostage taking, beheadings, and global jihad influences in four theatres in the Middle East over the last 25 years (1980-2005): Israel (as a part of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict), Lebanon, Yemen and Iraq. It includes discussion of the William Buckley, William Higgins and "Iran gate" abductions. The "Nahshon Waxman" affair -- the Israeli soldier abducted and murdered by HAMAS in 1994 -- is presented as a case study in understanding the four major phases of an abduction -- preparation and planning; carrying out the abduction; negotiations; and the rescue attempt. Terrorist organisations use abduction as a tool for promotion of their and their patrons' interests. Examination of Middle East abductions, and the relations/correlations between Islamic terrorist organisations and Iran, demonstrates Iran's role as a terror supporting state, and the promotion of Iranian interests by its terrorist surrogates. The research examines the challenge posed by terrorist organisations for countries whose citizens have been abducted and the answers to that challenge, and provides theoretical classifications of the terror phenomenon in general and abductions/beheadings in particular.

Fifty years before his death in 2013, Nelson Mandela stood before Justice de Wet in Pretoria's Palace of Justice and delivered one of the most spectacular and liberating statements ever made from a dock. In what came to be regarded as "the trial that changed South Africa", Mandela summed up the spirit of the liberation struggle and the moral basis for the post-Apartheid society. In this blistering critique of Apartheid and its perversion of justice, Mandela transforms the law into a sword and shield. He invokes it while undermining it, uses it while subverting it, and claims it while defeating it. Wise and strategic, Mandela skilfully reimagines the courtroom as a site of visibility and hearing, opening up a political space within the legal. This volume returns to the Rivonia courtroom to engage with Mandela's masterful performance of resistance and the dramatic core of that transformative event. Cutting across a wide-range of critical theories and discourses, contributors reflect on the personal, spatial, temporal, performative, and literary dimensions of that constitutive event. By redefining the spaces, institutions and discourses of law, contributors present a fresh perspective that re-sets the margins of what can be thought and said in the courtroom.

Most students of the history of Arab-Jewish relations have come to take for granted the stubborn resistance of the continuing dispute to any form of lasting and 'reasonable' solution. This book, first published in 1983, examines early Arab-Zionist negotiating experience with the assumption that this has direct relevance to our understanding of the possible outcomes of diplomatic approaches to resolving the conflict. Its main purpose is to assemble (half of the book consists of original souce documents) and discuss some of the raw material which may help readers focus more clearly on the origins of the conflict, and perhaps to eliminate some recurring fallacies about its development and the prospects for its resolution. An examination of the period 1913 to 1931 reveals of wealth of previous negotiating experience which is today largely forgotten, and indicates that there was little or no movement of any of the parties in the direction of modifying its basic minimum demands and aspirations.

With half of this book, first published in 1986, being given over to Neil Caplan's detailed analysis and half to the collection of the original documents, the second volume in Futile Diplomacy provides another essential resource for the understanding of the Arab-Israeli conflict. In Arab-Zionist Negotiations and the End of the Mandate a key period in the negotiations between the two parties is examined, as attempts were made by both sides to reach a peaceful, negotiated settlement.

Few events have been the subject of more conspiracy theories than the assassinations of the two Kennedy brothers. Indeed, a great many people consider that there were other individuals than Lee Harvey Oswald and Sirhan Sirhan involved in both murders. Was a shot fired from Dealey Plaza's grassy knoll? Why did Jack Ruby shoot Oswald? Was it the CIA, the Soviets, Cuban nationalists or the Mafia that arranged John Kennedy's assassination? Was Robert Kennedy shot from in front and behind, and who had the most to gain from his death? These are just a few of the questions that have been put forward by a myriad of conspiracy theorists and it is those people and their ideas that Mel Ayton has tackled head-on. Over many years, Mel Ayton has examined all the more substantial conspiracy theories and, through careful analysis of documents and eyewitness statements, he has demolished each one. In each case, Mel Ayton presented the results of his detailed investigations in periodicals as he worked through the various theories. These have now been brought together to provide a comprehensive analysis of all the main theories as to who, how and why the two Kennedy brothers met their deaths in such unusual circumstances. Though wild ideas will continue to be proposed and efforts will still be made to demonstrate that Oswald could not have fired off three shots with great accuracy in the few seconds available to him as the presidential cavalcade passed beneath the window where he crouched, or that there were sinister reasons why three CIA men were allegedly present on the night of Robert Kennedy's assassination, the harsh reality is that the Kennedy brothers were each killed by lone gunmen. This is an absorbing read, brought up to date with the addition of new material as it has been uncovered. Maybe, just maybe, this book will persuade people that the official accounts of both murders, although flawed, are not cover-ups but simply statements of fact.

Counter-terrorism law and policy has been prominent and widespread in the years following 9/11, touching on many areas of everyday life from policing and border control to financial transactions and internet governance. The European Union is a major actor in contemporary counter-terrorism, including through its development of counter-terrorism laws for application within the Union. This book undertakes a multi-disciplinary and empirically informed analysis of the impact, legitimacy and effectiveness of EU counter-terrorism. Taking into account legal, societal, operational and democratic perspectives, this collection connects theoretical and practical perspectives to produce an interdisciplinary and multi-stakeholder study of how we might measure and understand the impact, legitimacy and effectiveness of EU counter-terrorism. Bringing together a select group of experts in the field, particular emphasis is placed on understanding the practical experience of implementing and assessing these measures gathered from and with end users, including law-makers, policy-makers, security services, industry partners and civil society. This edited collection will be of great relevance to scholars and policy makers with an interest in counter-terrorism law, EU law and security studies.

This book explores a cross-cultural worldview called 'radical apocalypticism' that underlies the majority of terrorist movements in the twenty-first century. Although not all apocalypticism is violent, in its extreme forms radical apocalypticism gives rise to terrorists as varied as members of Al Qaeda, Anders Behring Breivik, or Timothy McVeigh. In its secular variations, it also motivates ideological terrorists, such as the eco-terrorists Earth Liberation Front or The Unabomber, Ted Kaczynski. This book provides an original paradigm for distinguishing between peaceful and violent or radical forms of apocalypticism and analyses the history, major transformations, and characteristics of the apocalyptic thought system. Using an inter-disciplinary and cross-cultural approach, this book discusses the mechanisms of radicalization and dynamics of perceived oppression and violence to clarify anew the self-identities, motivations, and goals of a broad swath of terrorists. As conventional counter-terrorism approaches have so far failed to stem the cycle of terrorism, this approach suggests a comprehensive "cultural" method to combating terrorism that addresses the appeal of radical apocalyptic terrorist ideology itself. This book will be of much interest to students of apocalypticism, political violence, terrorism and counter-terrorism, intelligence studies, religious studies, and security studies.

This interdisciplinary book investigates the consequences of the language of terror for our lives in democratic societies. The approach of this book is in direct contrast with those that either view terrorism simplistically, as a clear reality threatening democratic society and thus requiring certain sorts of response, or argue, equally simplistically, that the invocation of terror is merely the ideological veil for continued capitalist exploitation. While closer in spirit to the second of these, this work does not simply dismiss the discourse on terror, but rather investigates the consequences of this discourse for the organisation of life in democratic societies. In interrogating the discourse of terror from a variety of viewpoints, this interdisciplinary text builds upon the understanding of the importance of the language of terror from a new perspective: the interconnections between discourses of terror; the material realities they at once reflect and help produce; and the specificities of particular historical circumstances. In offering an integrated approach of this sort, and founded on a base of applied philosophy, broadly conceived, the contributors offer a new contribution to both public and academic debate, and at the same time initiate a series of further interventions in Critical Terrorism Studies. This book will be of interest to students of critical terrorism studies, terrorism studies, security studies, philosophy and discourse theory. Bob Brecher is Director of the Centre for Applied Philosophy, Politics & Ethics at Brighton University. He has published widely in moral, political and applied philosophy and the politics of higher education. Mark Devenney is Academic Programme Leader in Humanities at the University of Brighton. He has published in the areas of critical theory, post-Marxism and post-Colonial politics. Aaron Winter is Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Abertay Dundee. His research focuses on terrorism and the concept of 'extremism', whiteness, masculinity and violence, and the extreme right, organised racism and the religious right in the United States.

This study examines two important questions regarding terrorism and political violence: which threats to human security constitute root causes for collective violence and which adequate responses for these root causes are available to the international community. The responses are examined on the basis of international law, in particular human rights law, and within the concept of human security, with the goal of fostering a long-term reduction in political violence. Drawing on existing political discussions and research about the root causes of terrorism, Zwitter develops a legal framework for the application of legal terrorism prevention tools. This study serves as a framework of action and analysis using concepts and particularly legal frameworks which are already broadly or universally recognized to increase the applicability of the framework without having to invent new legal regimes. In doing so it makes use of the concept of human security for tackling breeding grounds and other facilitators of terrorism making it universally accessible. Combining social science research with legal sociology and international law, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of politics, international relations, security studies, conflict studies and law.

When originally published in 1985 this volume was the first scholarly and objective contribution available on Rhodesian counter-insurgency. It documents and explains why Rhodesia lost the war. The origins of the conflict are reviewed; each chapter examines a separate institution or counter-insurgency strategy directly related to the development of the conflict, concluding with a summary view of the Rhodesian security situation both past and present.

This book examines violence in international affairs. Originally published in 1975, the two types of violence which the book focusses on are nuclear deterrence and international terrorism. The broader perspective in which the ISODARCO discussions took place was the recognition of the need for a new kind of world order and the international contributors reflect a wide variety of ideological perspectives.

This study places terrorist acts in Europe in their historical perspective by examining terrorist and anarchist movements in late nineteenth century Europe. The political and legal aspects of modern terrorism are discussed in detail and the themes and variation in political terrorism are examined fully. In addition, selected case studies of contemporary terrorist movements are considered in the context of the political tradition of the particular country. A comprehensive picture of European terrorism, in its historical and more contemporary ideological and political aspects emerges from this work.

This book provides a qualitative analysis of post-9/11 counter-terrorism strategy undertaken by the United Kingdom and United States of America. Since 9/11, both the UK and the U.S have significantly revamped their counter-terrorism approaches. The approaches apply, to varying degrees, three key policy instruments - intelligence, law enforcement and military force. However, the success or failure of these counter-terrorism strategies has never been satisfactorily validated. Analysts and policymakers alike have assumed success due to the inability of terrorists to conduct 7/7 and 9/11, respectively, scale attacks upon each state. This assumption has existed despite the fact that it fundamentally underestimates the impact of transnational terrorism. This volume provides an in-depth qualitative assessment of the three primary policy instruments implemented to counter the transnational threat of terrorism during the period 2001-2011; an approach somewhat neglected by the current body of literature which focuses on a purely quantitative methodology. Drawing upon previously unpublished data collected from interviews with policymakers, specialists and academics, the book fills this lacuna by ascertaining and analysing both the UK's and USA's counter-terrorism strategies and developing a holistic approach to understanding these strategies. This book will be of interest to students of terrorism and counter-terrorism studies, security studies and IR in general.