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Books > Social sciences > Warfare & defence > War & defence operations
France, 1940. The once glittering boulevards of Paris teem with
spies, collaborators, and the Gestapo now that France has fallen to
Hitler's Wermacht. For Andre Breton, Max Ernst, Marc Chagall,
Consuelo de Saint-Exupery, and scores of other cultural elite who
have been denounced as enemies of the Third Reich the fear of
imminent arrest, deportation, and death defines their daily life.
Their only salvation is the Villa Air-Bel, a chateau outside
Marseille where a group of young people will go to extraordinary
lengths to keep them alive.
A powerfully told, meticulously researched true story filled
with suspense, drama, and intrigue, "Villa Air-Bel" delves into a
fascinating albeit hidden saga in our recent history. It is a
remarkable account of how a diverse intelligentsia--intense,
brilliant, and utterly terrified--was able to survive one of the
darkest chapters of the twentieth century.
In 1944 the British War Office distributed a handbook to British
soldiers informing them what to expect and how to behave in a
newly-liberated France. Containing candid descriptions of this
war-ravaged society (widespread malnourishment, rampant
tuberculosis) as well as useful phrases and a pronunciation guide
(Bonjewer, commont-allay-voo), it was an indispensable guide to
everyday life. This small, unassuming publication had a deeper
purpose: to bring together two allies who did not enjoy ideal
relations in 1944. The book attempts to reconcile differences by
stressing a shared history and the common aim - defeating Hitler.
It also tried to dispel misapprehensions: 'There is a fairly
widespread belief among people in Britain that the French are a
particularly gay, frivolous people with no morals and few
convictions.' Often unintentionally hilarious in its expression of
these false impressions, the book is also a guide for avoiding
social embarrassment: 'If you should happen to imagine that the
first pretty French girl who smiles at you intends to dance the
can-can or take you to bed, you will risk stirring up a lot of
trouble for yourself - and for our relations with the French.' Many
of its observations still ring true today. For example, 'The French
are more polite than most of us. Remember to call them "Monsieur,
Madame, Mademoiselle," not just "Oy!"' Others remind us of how we
recently we have adopted French customs: 'Don't drink yourself
silly. If you get the chance to drink wine, learn to "'take it".'
Anyone with an interest in Britain, France or World War II will
find this an irresistible insight into British attitudes towards
the French and an interesting, timeless commentary on Anglo-French
relations.
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On War Volume I
(Hardcover)
Carl Von Clausewitz; Translated by Colonel J. J. Graham; Introduction by Colonel F M Maude
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Discovery Miles 7 920
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John Leland (1754-1841) was one of the most influential and
entertaining religious figures in early America. As an itinerant
revivalist, he demonstrated an uncanny ability to connect with a
popular audience, and contributed to the rise of a "democratized"
Christianity in America. A tireless activist for the rights of
conscience, Leland also waged a decades-long war for
disestablishment, first in Virginia and then in New England. Leland
advocated for full religious freedom for all-not merely Baptists
and Protestants-and reportedly negotiated a deal with James Madison
to include a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. Leland developed a
reputation for being "mad for politics" in early America,
delivering political orations, publishing tracts, and mobilizing
New England's Baptists on behalf of the Jeffersonian Republicans.
He crowned his political activity by famously delivering a
1,200-pound cheese to Thomas Jefferson's White House. Leland also
stood among eighteenth-century Virginia's most powerful
anti-slavery advocates, and convinced one wealthy planter to
emancipate over 400 of his slaves. Though among the most popular
Baptists in America, Leland's fierce individualism and personal
eccentricity often placed him at odds with other Baptist leaders.
He refused ordination, abstained from the Lord's Supper, and
violently opposed the rise of Baptist denominationalism. In the
first-ever biography of Leland, Eric C. Smith recounts the story of
this pivotal figure from American Religious History, whose long and
eventful life provides a unique window into the remarkable
transformations that swept American society from 1760 to 1840.
During the American Civil War, thousands of citizens in the Deep
South remained loyal to the United States. Though often overlooked,
they possessed broad symbolic importance and occupied an outsized
place in the strategic thinking and public discourse of both the
Union and the Confederacy. In True Blue, Clayton J. Butler
investigates the lives of white Unionists in three Confederate
states, revealing who they were, why and how they took their
Unionist stand, and what happened to them as a result. He focuses
on three Union regiments recruited from among the white residents
of the Deep South-individuals who passed the highest bar of
Unionism by enlisting in the United States Army to fight with the
First Louisiana Cavalry, First Alabama Cavalry, and Thirteenth
Tennessee Union Cavalry. Northerners and southerners alike thought
a considerable amount about Deep South Unionism throughout the war,
often projecting their hopes and apprehensions onto these embattled
dissenters. For both, the significance of these Unionists hinged on
the role they would play in the postwar future. To northerners,
they represented the tangible nucleus of national loyalty within
the rebelling states on which to build Reconstruction policies. To
Confederates, they represented traitors to the political ideals of
their would-be nation and, as the war went on, to the white race,
making them at times a target for vicious reprisal. Unionists'
wartime allegiance proved a touchstone during the political chaos
and realignment of Reconstruction, a period when many of these
veterans played a key role both as elected officials and as a
pivotal voting bloc. In the end, white Unionists proved willing to
ally with African Americans during the war to save the Union but
unwilling to protect or advance Black civil rights afterward,
revealing the character of Unionism during the era as a whole.
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