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Books > Philosophy > Western philosophy > Western philosophy, c 500 to c 1600
First published in 1999. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor &
Francis, an informa company.
First Published in 1999. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor &
Francis, an informa company.
The final volume to be published in the acclaimed Routledge History of Philosophy series provides an authoritative and comprehensive survey and analysis of the key areas of late Greek and early Christian Philosophy. eBook available with sample pages: 0203028457
This book brings together a diverse and wide-ranging group of
thinkers to forge unsuspecting conversations across the humanist
and non-humanist divide. How should humanism relate to a
non-humanist world? What distinguishes "humanism" from the
"non-humanist?" Readers will encounter a wide-range of perspectives
on the terms bringing together this volume, where "Humanism"
"Non-Humanist" and "World" are not taken for granted, but instead,
tackled from a wide variety of perspectives, spaces, discourses,
and approaches. This volume offers both a pragmatic and scholarly
account of these terms and worldviews allowing for multiple points
of analytical and practical points of entry into the unfolding
dialogue between humanism and the non-humanist world. In this way,
this volume is attentive to both theoretically and historically
grounded inquiry and applied practical application.
This book is exclusively written on the foundation of sacred books
called Bible and on the experience of many good and great people,
for man who was created for hard work, accordingly to its given
gift calls talent. (1Co. 12:4) Which is precisely given accordingly
to everybody's abilities. (1Co. 12:7). To do good work and to
become son of living God (Jn. 15:15) and eventually on the end to
become god, (Ps. 82:6) when come time to give its record and hear;
well done my faithful son, enter into my rest. In this book it is
not my intention to teach anyone but only to incite everyone to
think about, to speak about and to recommend in order improving
life for entire humanity independent, of race, color, ethnicity,
languages or religion for everyone to become in agreement according
to its given gift, which is powerful Spirit of love, what we call
talent. It is not my idea that proves that, but myriad of humans as
modern prophets that by their work witnessed for real life directed
by the powerful Spirit of love call talent is only one way only one
direction toward goodness for entire humanity, which pleases only
One whom we call Great Creator. We may call it as universal secular
religion or secular ideology as you wish which is universal and
founded on free gift, given talent and responsibility while divine
religion is religion of individuals gathered in the congregation
founded on faith and obedience, while both are blessed with the
power of love. It is true and is easy to understand that life that
is directed by the given talent as a life purpose for the love
toward One who sent you to do it and for devoted love for entire
humanity as a fulfillment of first law to love your Great Creator
and not only your neighbor but entire humanity to be like sun that
shine from above for all and rain that comes for above for all as a
HEAVENLY WISDOM An end I would like to hear from you about your
opinion and suggestion in order to further improve that given
program suggested from many and for goodness for entire humanity.
Dr. Dragan P. Bogunovic MD FAAFP.
The self-image of the 17th century is that of an era in which
reason finally overcame superstition and ignorance. But the
institution of reason was seen to require the removal of various
obstacles to reason, and among these the passions figures
predominantly. This led to a study of cognitive states and what
resulted was a transformation of the understanding of the reason.
This book seeks to reconstruct the thinking of 17th-century
philosophers, theologians, artists and physicians, on the nature of
passions. The author explains that although there were inevitable
overlaps, the interests of each group were distinctive.
The philosophy discussed in this volume constitutes the intellectual and philosophical ideas of the medieval era, from Aquinas and Anselm, the intellectual philosophy of the Judaic and Arabic traditions, the Twelfth Century Renaissance and the philosophical ideas associated with the emergence of the universities. This volume provides a broad and scholarly introduction to the major authors and issues involved in the philosophical discourse of the medieval era, as well as some original interpretations of the philosophical writings addressed. It includes a glossary of technical terms and a chronological table of philosophical and other cultural events. eBook available with sample pages: 0203028465
The Philosophy and Science of Roger Bacon offers new insights and
research perspectives on one of the most intriguing characters of
the Middle Ages, Roger Bacon. At the intersections between science
and philosophy, the volume analyses central aspects of Bacon's
reflections on how nature and society can be perfected. The volume
dives into the intertwining of Bacon's philosophical stances on
nature, substantial change, and hylomorphism with his scientific
discussion of music, alchemy, and medicine. The Philosophy and
Science of Roger Bacon also investigates Bacon's projects of
education reform and his epistemological and theological ground
maintaining that humans and God are bound by wisdom, and therefore
science. Finally, the volume examines how Bacon's doctrines are
related to a wider historical context, particularly in
consideration of Peter John Olivi, John Pecham, Peter of Ireland,
and Robert Grosseteste. The Philosophy and Science of Roger Bacon
is a crucial tool for scholars and students working in the history
of philosophy and science and also for a broader audience
interested in Roger Bacon and his long-lasting contribution to the
history of ideas.
Most readers first encounter Augustine's love for Scripture's words
in the many biblical allusions of his masterwork, the Confessions.
Augustine does not merely quote texts, but in many ways makes
Scripture itself tell the story. In his journey from darkness to
light, Augustine becomes Adam in the Garden of Eden, the Prodigal
Son of Jesus' parable, the Pauline double personality at once
devoted to and rebellious against God's law. Throughout he speaks
the words of the Psalms as if he had written them. Crucial to
Augustine's self-portrayal is his skill at transposing himself into
the texts. He sees their properties and dynamics as his own, and by
extension, every believing reader's own. In Christ Meets Me
Everywhere, Michael Cameron argues that Augustine wanted to train
readers of Scripture to transpose themselves into the texts in the
same way he did, by the same process of figuration that he found at
its core. Tracking Augustine's developing practice of
self-transposition into the figures of the biblical texts over the
course of his entire career, Cameron shows that this practice is
the key to Augustine's hermeneutics.
More than any other topic, prophecy represents the point at which
the Divine meets the human, the Absolute meets the relative. How
can a human being attain the Word of God? In what manner does God,
when conceived as eternal and transcendent, address corporeal,
transitory creatures? What happens to God's divine Truth when it is
beheld by minds limited in their power to apprehend, and influenced
by the intellectual currents of their time and place? How were
these issues viewed by the great Jewish philosophers of the past,
who took the divine communication and all it entails seriously,
while at the same time desired to understand it as much as humanly
possible in the course of dealing with a myriad of other issues
that occupied their attention? This book offers an in-depth study
of prophecy in the thought of seven of the leading medieval Jewish
philosophers: R. Saadiah Gaon, R. Judah Halevi, Maimonides,
Gersonides, R. Hasdai Crescas, R. Joseph Albo and Baruch Spinoza.
It attempts to capture the original voice' of these thinkers by
looking at the intellectual milieus in which they developed their
philosophies, and by carefully analyzing their views in their
textual contexts. It also deals with the relation between the
earlier approaches and the later ones. Overall, this book presents
a significant model for narrating the history of an idea.
This book is the first extensive study of ideas on earthquakes
before the Lisbon earthquake in 1755. The earthquake had a deep
impact on European culture, and the reactions to it stood in a long
tradition that, before this study, had yet to be explored in
detail. Thinking on Earthquakes investigates both scholarly
theories and views that were propagated among the early modern
European population. Through a chronological approach, Vermij
reveals that in contrast to the Ancient and medieval philosophers
who suggested rational explanations for earthquakes, supernatural
ideas made a powerful comeback in the sixteenth century. By
analysing a variety of sources such as pamphlets, sermons, and
treatises, this study shows how changes in the ideas on earthquakes
were a result of social and political demands as well as from
improvements in the means of communication, rather than from
scientific methods. Thus, Vermij presents an illuminating case for
the production of knowledge in early modern Europe. A range of
events are explored, including the Ferrara earthquake in 1570 and
the Vienna earthquake in 1590, making this study an invaluable
source for students and scholars of the history of science and the
history of ideas in early modern Europe.
The Logic of Love in The Canterbury Tales argues that Geoffrey
Chaucer's magnum opus draws inventively on the resources of late
medieval logic to conceive of love as an "insoluble." Philosophers
of the fourteenth century expended great effort to solve
insolubilia, like the notorious Liar paradox, in order to decide
upon their truth or falsity. For Chaucer, however, and in keeping
with Christ's admonition from the Sermon on the Mount, the lover
does not judge - does not decide on - the beloved. Through a series
of detailed and rigorously "non-judgmental" readings, Manish Sharma
provides new insight into each of the prologues and tales and
intervenes into scholarly debates about their collective import. In
so doing, The Logic of Love in The Canterbury Tales deploys
Chaucer's understanding of charity to consider the limitations of
modern critical approaches to The Canterbury Tales, including
deconstruction, psychoanalysis, and gender theory. In the course of
the analysis, Sharma shows not only how love and medieval
philosophy together inform Chaucerian composition, but also how
Chaucer could serve as a resource for contemporary theoretical
reflections on love and ethics.
I first became interested in De dialectica in 1966, while I was
doing re search on Augustine's knowledge of logic. At the time I
made a transla tion of the Maurist text and included it as an
appendix to my doctoral dissertation (Yale, 1967). In 1971 I
thoroughly revised the translation on the basis of the critical
text of Wilhelm Crecelius (1857) and I have re cently revised it
again to conform to Professor Jan Pinborg's new edition. The only
previously published translation of the whole of De dialectica . is
N. H. Barreau's French translation in the Oeuvres completes de
Saint Augustin (1873). Thomas Stanley translated parts of Chapters
Six and Nine into English as part of the account of Stoic logic in
his History of Philosophy (Pt. VIII, 1656). I offer De dialectica
in English in the hope that it will be of some interest to
historians of logic and of the liberal arts tradition and to
students of the thought of Augustine. In translating I have for the
most part been as literal as is consistent with English usage.
Although inclusion of the Latin text might have justified a freer
translation, for example, the use of modern technical terms, it
seemed better to stay close to the Latin. One of the . values in
studying a work such as De dialectica is to see familiar topics
discussed in a terminology not so familiar. In the translation I
follow these conventions."
"It is generally agreed that those types of philosophy that are
loosely called 'Platonic' and 'Neoplatonic' played a crucial role
in the history of European culture during the centuries between
antiquity and the Renaissance. However, until now no scholar has
attempted to describe the evolution of these forms of thought in a
single comprehensive academic study." So writes Stephen Gersh in
the preface to Middle Platonism and Neoplatonism: The Latin
Tradition. Stephen Gersh's two-volume survey of Platonic influences
upon the Middle Ages focuses on questions that are basic to
scholars of medieval philosophy, history, and literature: What was
the influence of Plato's philosophy during the Middle Ages? Is it
correct to consider earlier medieval philosophy as Platonic? How do
Platonism and Neoplatonism differ? What do Platonic and Neoplatonic
modes of thought have to do with Plato? Most medieval philosophers
developed their doctrines without access to the greatest
intellectual works of the Greeks. Instead, they elaborated their
philosophies in relation to the Latin philosophical literature that
spanned the classical period to the end of antiquity. Thus, Gersh
develops his study by examining the important channels of
transmission that existed for medieval philosophers. Following an
introduction that outlines particular methodological perspectives
relative to the discussion, the history is divided into three main
sections. In total, the study surveys an impressive range of
authors never previously considered in a single work, with many of
the translations previously available only as Greek and Latin
texts: I.1 Middle Platonism: The Platonists and the Stoics (Cicero,
Seneca); I.2 Middle Platonism: The Platonists and the Doxographers
(Gellius, Apuleius, the Hermetic "Asclepius," Ambrose, Censorinus,
Augustine); II Neoplatonism (Calcidius, Macrobius, Martianus
Capella, Boethius, Marius Victorinus, Firmicus Maternus, Favonius
Eulogius, Servius, Fulgentius, Priscianus Lydus, Priscianrs
Grammaticus). The concluding chapter illustrates the Platonic
influence upon certain medieval authors up to the early twelfth
century, and it establishes guidelines for further study. Middle
Platonism and Neoplatonism contains an extensive bibliography and a
complete index of Latin texts.
1. 1. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS At the end ofthe 19th century, when the
discipline called psychology 1 is said to have become "independent"
, attention began to be focused towards nominalistic philosophy
from a point of view that can be called psychological. At that
time, Vienna, the capital of the Austro- Hungarian Dual Monarchy,
was a center for several disciplines. It is no wonder that it was
there that the research conceming the psychological themes of
William Ockham and other nominalists began. Karl Wemer (1821-1888),
a Catholic, neo-scholastic scholar, professor of New Testament
studies at the Univers?ty of Vienna (1870), and a member ofthe
Imperial Academy of Sciences (1874), seems to have planned a
history of medieval psychology. However, only fragments of it were
printed, among them the following articles: 'Der A verroismus in
der christlich-peripatetischen Psychologie des sp?teren
Mittelalters' (1881), 'Die nominalisirende Psychologie der
Scholastik des sp?teren Mittelalters' (1881) and 'Die augustinische
Psychologie in ihrer mittelalterlich-scholastischen Einkleidung und
Gestaltung' (1882). 2 Wemer deals especially with Ockham's 1 See
Kusch 1995 and 1999. 2 Pluta 1987, 12-13. See Wemer 1881a, 1881b,
1882. (Those three texts were republished in 1964 under the name
Psychologie des Mittelalters. ) Prior to those books, Wemer had
written about William of Auvergne's, Bonaventure's, John Duns
Scotus's and Roger 1 2 CHAPTERONE psychology, among other things,
in the second of these articles.
This book promotes the research of present-day women working in
ancient and medieval philosophy, with more than 60 women having
contributed in some way to the volume in a fruitful collaboration.
It contains 22 papers organized into ten distinct parts spanning
the sixth century BCE to the fifteenth century CE. Each part has
the same structure: it features, first, a paper which sets up the
discussion, and then, one or two responses that open new
perspectives and engage in further reflections. Our authors'
contributions address pivotal moments and players in the history of
philosophy: women philosophers in antiquity, Cleobulina of Rhodes,
Plato, Lucretius, Bardaisan of Edessa, Alexander of Aphrodisias,
Plotinus, Porphyry, Peter Abelard, Robert Kilwardby, William
Ockham, John Buridan, and Isotta Nogarola. The result is a
thought-provoking collection of papers that will be of interest to
historians of philosophy from all horizons. Far from being an
isolated effort, this book is a contribution to the ever-growing
number of initiatives which endeavour to showcase the work of women
in philosophy.
In this book (a translation of his well-known work L'esprit de la
philosophie medievale), Etienne Gilson undertakes the task of
defining the spirit of mediaeval philosophy. Gilson asks whether we
can form the concept of a Christian philosophy and whether
mediaeval philosophy is not its most adequate historical
expression. He maintains that the spirit of mediaeval philosophy is
the spirit of Christianity penetrating the Greek tradition, working
within it, and drawing out of it a certain view of the world that
is specifically Christian. To support his hypothesis, Gilson
examines mediaeval thought in its nascent state, at that precise
point where the Judeo-Christian graft was inserted into the
Hellenic tradition. Gilson's demonstration is primarily historical
and occasionally theoretical in suggesting how doctrines that
satisfied our predecessors for so many centuries may still be found
conceivable today.
Integralism is the application to the temporal, political order of
the full implications of the revelation of man's supernatural end
in Christ and of the divinely established means by which it is to
be attained. These implications are identified by means of the
philosophia perennis exemplified in the fundamental principles of
St Thomas Aquinas. Since the first principle in moral philosophy is
the last end, and man's last end cannot be known except by
revelation, it is only by accepting the role of handmaid of
theology that political philosophy can be adequately constituted.
Integralism: A Manual of Political Philosophy is a handbook for
those who seek to understand the consequences of this integration
of faith and reason for political, economic and individual civic
life. It will also serve as a scholastic introduction to political
philosophy for those new to the subject. Each chapter finishes with
a list of the principal theses proposed.
A number of Jewish philosophers active in Spain and Italy in the
second half of the 15th century (Abraham Bibago, Baruch Ibn Ya'ish,
Abraham Shalom, Eli Habillo, Judah Messer Leon) wrote Hebrew
commentaries and questions on Aristotle. In these works, they
reproduced the techniques and terminology of Late-Medieval Latin
Scholasticism, and quoted and discussed Latin texts (by Albert the
Great, Thomas Aquinas, William of Ockham, John Duns Scotus, and
other authors) about logic, physics, metaphysics, and ethics. All
of these works are still unpublished, and they have not yet been
either studied, or translated in modern languages.
The aim of this book is to give an idea of the extent and
character of this hitherto neglected "Hebrew Scholasticism." After
a general historical introduction to this phenomenon, and
bio-bibliographical surveys of these philosophers, the book gives
complete or partial annotated English translations of the most
significant Hebrew Scholastical works. It includes also critical
editions of some parts of these texts, and a Latin-Hebrew glossary
of Scholastical technical terms.
Moses Maimonides-a proud heir to the Andalusian tradition of
Aristotelian philosophy-crafted a bold and original philosophical
interpretation of Torah and Judaism. His son Abraham Maimonides is
a fascinating maverick whose Torah commentary mediates between the
philosophical interpretations of his father, the contextual
approach of Biblical exegetes such as Saadya, and the Sufi-flavored
illuminative mysticism of his Egyptian Pietist circle. This
pioneering study explores the intersecting approaches of Moses and
Abraham Maimonides to the spark of divine illumination and
revelation of the divine name Ehyeh asher Ehyeh, "I am that I am /
I will be who I will be.
This book provides the first analysis of the development of
Erasmus' historical methodology and its impact on Roman Catholic
and Protestant theologians. Combining a biography of Erasmus with
the larger theological debates and the intellectual history of his
time, Christine Christ-von Wedel reveals many of previously
unexplored influences on Erasmus, as well as his influences on his
contemporaries. Erasmus of Rotterdam is a revised and considerably
enlarged translation of Christ-von Wedel's well-received 2003
study, originally published in German. Observing the influence of
classical, biblical, patristic, scholastic, and late medieval
vernacular and popular sources on Erasmus' writing, the author
provides comparisons with theologians Agrippa, Lefevre d'Etaples,
Eck, Luther, and Zwingli to demonstrate not only the singularity of
Erasmus' intellect, but also the enormous impact he had on the
Reformation. The result is a lively picture of the man and his
time, in which Erasmus emerges as both a devout Christian and a
critical seeker of truth who conceded the ambiguities that he could
not resolve.
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