Science and socialized health care continue to wage a diabolical struggle that's hurting the overall health of the nation. Meanwhile, we're receiving conflicting signals about our collective health, with some studies predicting we'll live longer and other studies showing that obesity and disease will cut our lives short.Among the American population, 66 percent of people exercise fewer than ten minutes per week, 45 percent do not read food labels, and 25 percent use some form of mind-altering chemicals. Most Americans don't even have long-term care insurance or a financial plan for nursing home care.In this self-health guide, Jerry Rhoads, the President and CEO of All-American Care--a long-term care firm specializing in restorative care--cuts through the confusion and provides solutions that boost personal wellness. You can learn how to make time to exercise, determine whether Obama Care is a solution or an added burden, take advantage of tax incentives that promote a healthy lifestyle, and improve your relationships with loved ones.Get the facts you need in order to understand the problem, and take steps to ensure that you can enjoy a healthy life even when we see America in the Red Zone.

Herbert Hoover, as Secretary of Commerce, and Benjamin Strong, as Governor of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, played a critical role in the formulation of American monetary policy during the 1920s. Yet little attention has been given to the relationship between them--at first cooperative, then increasingly one of conflict and factionalism--or to the impact of that relationship on policy formulation. This book sheds new light on their roles in policy making and relates those roles to larger conflicts over where policy should be made, how the Federal Reserve System should be structured, and the balance that should be struck between international, national, and regional considerations.

Focusing on the Hoover-Strong relationship from a political rather than a purely economic perspective, the book's scope includes both domestic and international aspects of Federal Reserve policy formulation. New sources have enabled the author to provide both fresh details and a broader interpretation. Elaborating on the belief that the Depression resulted from policies developed during the autumn of 1927, the author contends that the foundation for those policies was laid with America's decision to underwrite the Dawes plan, the decision to underwrite England's return to the gold standard, and the involvement in European monetary stabilization--all issues over which Hoover and Strong disagreed.

The conventional wisdom has it that a balanced budget is the height of economic rationality, that social security should be privatized, and that most adult welfare recipients could and should get jobs. All our social and economic problems, we are told, are due to too much government; if we only left the American free enterprise system alone, the free market would heal all that ails our society and lead to lasting prosperity. Challenging these widespread stereotypes and myths, this book starts with the fundamental theory underlying capitalist ideology, showing that even in theory an unfettered free market cannot deal effectively with the many needs of a modern economy. Our society has many social goals to which the great majority subscribe-goals such as sustained full employment, universal health care, and quality education for all. The free market will not, the author argues, bring us quality education for every American child, affordable universal health care, Social Security for the elderly, assistance for the poor, or protection of the environment. Only an active, participant government can affect positive change in such areas of social concern.

Considered an irredeemably flawed and catastrophic president during the Depression era, Herbert Hoover has been studied more objectively by postwar historians, with revisionist scholarship culminating in his rehabilitation as a practitioner of one variety of progressivism. Even Hoover's sharpest critics recognize many of his once unheeded accomplishments. This extensive bibliography, including more than 2600 entries, provides access to an astronomical amount of Hoover-related materials attesting to extraordinary public service and longevity. Selective in approach, the volume cites sources depicting the continuum of contemporary and historical viewpoints and includes all key writings in Hoover historiography. Following a brief introduction and chronology of Hoover's life, the work begins with chapters covering manuscript and archival sources, writings of Herbert Hoover, and biographical publications. Chapters 4 and 5 are devoted to his early years and to his mature years prior to his election. The Presidential election of 1928 is covered in chapter 6; chapter 7 cites sources on the Hoover Administration; and chapter 8 covers the election of 1932. Hoover's administration associates are covered in chapter 9, and his post-presidential years covered in chapter 10. Concluding chapters are devoted to Hoover's philosophy, the personal lives of the Hoovers, historiographical materials, and iconography of the Hoovers. The work also includes a section on periodicals and author and subject indexes.

This work advances geopolitical economy as a new approach to understanding the evolution of the capitalist world order and its 21st century form of multipolarity. Neither can be explained by recently dominant approaches such as 'U.S. hegemony' or 'globalization': they treat the world economy as a seamless whole in which either no state matters or only one does. Today's 'BRICs' and 'emerging economies' are only the latest instances of state-led or combined development. Such development has a long history of repeatedly challenging the unevenness of capitalism and the international division of labour it created. It is this dialectic of uneven and combined development, not markets or imperialism, which has spread productive capacity around the world. It also ensured that the 'hegemony' of the UK would end and attempts to create that of the US would peter out into multipolarity. This two part volume paves the way, advancing Geopolitical Economy as a new approach to the study of international relations and international political economy. They expose the theoretical limitations of the latter in Part I and the analytical limitations in Part II.

The only apparent consensus about the Nixon Presidency is that his accomplishments in the foreign policy area far outshadowed those in the domestic arena. The advances for which he was responsible--in particular, the opening to China--brought the most significant improvement in foreign relations among the great powers in decades. The Nixon diplomacy worked, while many of his domestic programs failed. This was true, the editors of this Hofstra-sponsored volume maintain, because there was more of a sense of realism and caution in his dealings with foreign governments and a willingness to compromise and accommodate their interests--a tolerance he often lacked in the domestic area.

This volume outlines the main components of the Nixon foreign policy, beginning with the significant effort to bring China into the world community. The manner in which the Vietnam war was ended is examined, as are the evolution of American policy in the Middle East and the efforts at detente. With essays and observations from scholars and participants in the making of that policy, this volume is significant reading for all students of American foreign policy and the presidency.

Five presidents (Eisenhower, Reagan, Clinton, Bush, and Obama) have been elected to and served a second term. Seemingly free from electoral pressure, each president has taken a unique approach to their second term, and the book seeks to unpack the rationale behind their decisions and actions in their final years of power.

Sims and the contributors to this challenging new volume maintain that public sector organizations must radically reinvent themselves, if they are to survive and succeed in their missions: to provide quality service to their clients at a cost taxpayers can afford (or are willing to pay). They offer a firsthand look at how change occurs at all levels of government, and from this and other experiences they lay out strategies and tools that others in government can use quickly and with good results in their own public organizations. However, Sims and his panel of experts also note that not everything in organizational change will produce positive benefits; some results will be negative, and these too must be understood and dealt with. By compiling the viewpoints, advice, experiences, recommendations of public managers themselves, plus consultants, academics, and citizens who benefit from government (and are often its harshest critics), Sims gives readers a solid, realistic insight into the problems of today's public agencies, and workable advice on how to solve them.

"Accountability and Radical Change in Public Organizations" examines the current government and reinvention initiative occurring in public organizations at the local, county, state, federal and international levels. The book highlights the importance of understanding that change in government will continue to be a way of life for public managers, thus requiring an ongoing analysis of those forces driving change and the need to increase our understanding of why certain change efforts work and others fail miserably in government. The contributors to this volume emphasize that while reinvention, accountability, and change are serious initiatives that public managers must confront they must take caution and learn from each others' experiences.

In recent years, government officials have been able to formulate more accurate policies through statistical application. By utilizing quantitative and statistical methods in policy making, governometrics ensures excellence in governmental performance and helps the future of policy making. Governometrics and Technological Innovation for Public Policy Design and Precision demonstrates governometrics effective exploitation of policy intricacies in order to overcome the problems policy makers often struggle to resolve. Capturing a variety of international views on policy standpoints to show how this unconventional and scientific analysis of policy is coming to the forefront, this publication is an innovative reference ideal for policy makers, public officials, professionals, researchers, and students, as well as multilateral organizations and institutional donors."

Schwab examines America's decision to "stand in Vietnam" with a fresh perspective provided by new archival materials and the intellectual synthesis of institutional, political, and diplomatic history. Vietnam policy is shown at many different levels, from the presidency down to the level of CIA operatives in the field and public opinion specialists on the White House staff. The views of State Department officers, foreign public opinion, editorials in major U.S. newspapers, and the powerful leaders of both Congressional houses reveal an informed and highly conflicted public leadership well before American combat troops were committed in large numbers in the summer of 1965. The study begins with John F. Kennedy's inaugural address in January of 1961 and proceeds to show the decision-making rocess regarding Vietnam and Indochina through the several critical events that led to Johnson's famous press conference speech of 1965. The author contends that responsibility for the war and its tragic consequences should not be placed upon individuals, but rather at the levels of the state, society, and the international system. This view of agency existing at a higher level than the presidency challenges the dominant view of most diplomatic historians and other writers who have focused on the blunders and misperceptions of policy makers.

The UK welfare state is under sustained ideological and political attack. It has also been undermined by accusations of paternalism and past failures to engage with the very people it is intended to help. This unique book is the first to critique the past, present and future welfare state from a participatory perspective. Peter Beresford, champion of user involvement, draws on pioneering theories and practice of welfare service user movements to offer a blueprint for a new participatory social policy. He controversially challenges orthodox social policy and the limitations of both Fabian and Neo-liberal perspectives in engaging people to improve their own welfare, drawing on service users ' own ideas and experience, including fascinating vignettes from his own family's experience, to demonstrate the value of 'user knowledge'. Filling a much-needed gap in the literature, this accessible text will provide a great introduction for students and a road-map for practitioners of an alternative vision for a future participatory and sustainable social policy. It will also command much wider interest from everyone concerned with how we look after each other in future in society.

The United States faces a small number of rogue states that either have or are working to acquire weapons of mass destruction. These NASTIs, or NBC-Arming Sponsors of Terrorism and Intervention, include such states as North Korea, Iraq, Iran, Libya, and Syria. U.S. nonproliferation programs and policies have helped to keep this number small, but U.S. and allied counterproliferation programs are essential to reduce the danger. It is up to deterrence, active defenses, passive defenses, decontamination, and counterforce to turn enemy weapons of mass destruction into instruments of limited destructive effect. Warfighters will also have to adopt a different strategy and concept of operations in fighting an adversary that is so heavily armed. This strategy will feature a combination of deception, dispersion, mobility and maneuver, diffused logistics, remote engagement, missile defense bubbles, non-combatant evacuation operations, and large area decontamination. It will also involve upgrades to NBC passive defense measures and equipment, as well as a counterforce capability that can find and destroy a variety of adversary targets, including mobile launchers and deeply buried and hardened underground structures.

Culture, understood broadly, lay at the heart of contrasting right-wing strategies for government in France during the pivotal decade of 2002-2012. Looking at issues of secularism, education, televisual performance, public memory and nation-branding Ahearne analyses how presidents Chirac and Sarkozy sought to redefine contemporary French identity.

Franklin Roosevelt was not only the first US president to be covered by public opinion polls, but his ratings have consistently exceeded those of all subsequent sitting presidents, save for John F. Kennedy. Moreover, Roosevelt also stands out with a popular appeal that is unsurpassed by any of his successors serving at least a full term. The key to his approval, as this book shows, was wartime leadership, not economic performance. It began with policies preparing the nation for war in the two years before formal entry. To use FDR's own coinage, it was making the United States the "arsenal of democracy" in the battle against tyranny. That pursuit, not the New Deal, earned him high marks with the American people and re-election to an unprecedented third term. World War II-and its heavy human toll-did nothing to diminish FDR's popularity. As such, the FDR experience defies major paradigms of presidential politics. Yet, Roosevelt has been relatively ignored by scholars of public opinion. What can FDR's experience teach us and his successors about rousing broad public support, particularly during wartime? What light does his success shed on the failures of Presidents Truman, Johnson, and George W. Bush in Korea, Vietnam, and Iraq? On key issues, mainly with foreign policy, FDR had to contend with an American public that opposed his plans at the outset. Helmut Norpoth argues that Roosevelt had an unparalleled ability for leadership, especially through the fabled "fireside chats" and his appreciation of opinion polls, that enabled him to move the public to embrace his policies. In this book, Norpoth takes an in-depth look at how FDR's leadership swayed public opinion, comparing his experience to his successors to draw broad conclusions about what makes for successful presidential politics.

This work is a detailed description of the use of Box Jenkins time-series analysis techniques--including autoregressive-integrated moving average (ARIMA) modeling--to test two hypotheses relating economic conditions to presidential popularity. . . . Lanoue's model shows the two hypotheses to be interrelated. Rising inflation rates have a negative effect on presidential popularity; falling inflation rates have no impact. These negative impacts are present only for Democratic administrations. Recession--as measured by declining real disposable income--leads to a decline in presidential popularity. Recovery from recession leads to a return in popularity. . . . Despite the clarity of the writing and the separation of the methodological details from most of the substantive discussions, this work is most appropriate for advanced undergraduates, graduate, and research collections. Annals of the American Academy Presidential popularity has been much discussed in recent years. This analysis deals with questions raised by the differing patterns of public approval experienced by the last six U.S. presidents, starting with John Kennedy's administration (Camelot) and concluding with a look at Ronald Reagan, who has often been termed the Teflon President. Lanoue begins with an overview of economics and politics as they relate to presidential popularity. He presents the research design and discusses the methodology involved, expecially the use of the Box-Jenkins approach. The results of his analysis are presented in two sections. The first, Inflation and Popularity, presents a model of presidential popularity as it relates to inflation. Specifically, it argues that voters evaluate the economic performances of different parties' presidents in different ways. The second section, Income and Popularity, takes an initial look at symmetry and income, and then presents two approaches to the analysis of asymmetry. This Asymmetric Hypothesis states that the electorate punishes the president and his party for hard times, but fails to reward them when economic conditions improve. The concluding chapter analyzes whether asymmetry is psychological or situational, and considers partisan effects in a chapter subtitled Bad News for Democrats. A final section on macroeconomic policy deals with maximizing popularity through changes in economic priorities.

As the first director of National Drug Control Policy is appointed to the federal cabinet, this timely "Handbook" surveys the U.S. government's efforts to control illegal drugs. In his valuable contribution toward effectively dealing with this problem, Inciardi successfully avoids the traps that have misled so many in the past, such as devising a single prefabricated solution and waging yet another war on drugs. Instead, he offers a useful way of thinking about the problem, which, while not a solution in itself, provides the tools necessary to develop a realistic and effective national drug policy. Among these is a better understanding of the drug problem, which is supported by including the history and evolution of drug abuse and drug control in the United States, surveys of supply-reduction and demand-reduction strategies, and a discussion of the drug-control controversies before us today. Inciardi then takes a look to the future direction of drug control by recognizing the single most effective resource we have in the struggle to overcome the scourge of illegal drugs and the crime they spawn--the will of the American people.

"The Handbook" is divided into three parts, and includes appendices and exhaustive indices. The Introduction and Part One consist of four articles that chronicle the history of the drug problem in the United States, the roots of the current policy effort, and the emergence of drug abuse treatment as a means of demand reduction. This is followed by a focused examination of the links between drug use and crime. Part Two then offers detailed accounts of contemporary efforts to reduce the supply and demand of illegal substances, including prevention, intervention, treatment, and foreign policy considerations. Part Three targets problematic sectors and controversies in contemporary drug control efforts such as foreign policy implications, drug testing, the AIDS/intravenous drug use connection, and the debate over the legalization of drugs. A series of background papers focuses on drug scheduling, drug paraphernalia laws, and extradition, plus a summary of the 1989 National Drug Control Strategy released by the White House. The name and subject indices further enhance the value of this volume as a reference resource.

Despite the development of a consensus foreign policy during the early years of the Cold War that supported containment of the Soviet Union, there were both internationalists and pacifists who opposed the efforts of the Truman administration. These groups felt that American actions, including the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, the North Atlantic Treaty, and even the Korean War weakened the UN, threatened the Soviet Union with war, hindered European economic recovery, and promoted colonialism. Often mislabeled as isolationists, both the pacifists, with their traditional opposition to war, and the liberal internationalists, who supported efforts to continue the wartime alliance with the Soviets through the development of a strong UN, felt that the United States should play an active role in world affairs. The "peace movement" forces have been marginalized or dismissed as insignificant by many historians, however, while their impact was minimal in the late 1940s and early 1950s, their ideas would later re-emerge to have a strong impact on American policy, particularly in the "ban the bomb" and the antiwar movements of the Vietnam era. They continued to support efforts to maintain the Soviet alliance through the UN, to assist in the reconstruction of the world economy, to promote disarmament, and to end colonialism. While a commitment to these ideas would probably not have prevented the Cold War, it might have lessened its severity or slowed the arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union.

This continuation of a classic serves as a valuable research and reference tool for those seeking basic biographical information about American governors, and students wishing to do statistical analysis of voting trends in gubernatorial elections. Arranged alphabetically by name of state, the book contains brief biographical data on governors, including date of birth, birth place, residence, occupation, party affiliation, date and age at death, and date and age on assuming office. A second set of tables for each state includes election statistics by party for all gubernatorial elections.

Confident in the knowledge that the U.S.was the dominant world economic power, state leaders paid little attention to economic development after World War II. Then, with increasing competition from Asia, Germany, and South America, the recession of the 1980s, and the Reagan cutbacks in assistance to states, they began to place more emphasis on state economic development, finding that earlier policies did little to help their states develop economically. Today, the pursuit of state economic development is so intense it pushes other issues to the back burner. Examining the impact of interest groups on state economic development policies, this book helps to account for some of the forces that have molded development policy during this crucial time.

With the reemergence of economic development as a policy issue, state policy makers have developed over 300 distinct policies. What causes state officials to adopt or modify specific policies is open to debate. Investigating a series of variables believed to influence variations in state economic policies, the author finds that contemporary theories do not adequately explain the relationship between the lobbying efforts of interest groups and differences in economic development policies.

Public opinion polls consistently reveal the lack of confidence, disillusionment, and mistrust that citizens feel toward government. Daniels and his contributors believe that the relationship between citizens and their governments can be changed by facilitating greater citizen collaboration with government, particularly through local sustainable programs. As the case studies show, often sustainable community programs are created through grassroots movements that are initiated and managed by citizens themselves, bringing them in contact with their local elected and appointed officials. Unlike traditional programs that are administered by local officials on behalf of their citizens, once sustainable community programs are created, citizens administer their own programs in collaboration with local officials.

The case studies look at a variety of sustainable programs, primarily in the United States, that help to deal with issues such as recycling, transportation, microcredit, site redevelopment, pollution, health care, and hunger. "Creating Sustainable Community Programs" is the first book on sustainable programs that is intended for an audience of public administration scholars, researchers, and students as well as practitioners who are searching for ways to change the relationship between citizens and their governments.

This book first printed in 1926 is a collection of 6 essay's written by Jack London for various American popular magazines in the early 1900's. London died in 1914 and these essay's were gathered and published by his wife Charmian london. The titles of the chapters are 1."The Apostate," 2. "The Dream of Debs," 3. "How I became a Socialist," 4. "The Scab," 5. "What Life Means To Me," 6. "Revolution"

Looking at how Latin American countries have coped with the 1994 Mexican crisis and the earlier debt crisis of the 1980s, this book reveals the full extent of what has come to be known as the tequila effect. Written by distinguished economists and financiers from Latin America, the Caribbean, and the United States, the volume also examines the social, political, and economic issues associated with ever-expanding trade and globalization.

The book opens with chapters considering the impact of the Mexican crisis on Argentina, Colombia, and Venezuela, and it provides an interesting account of the events leading up to the crisis itself. In the following section, the contributors examine issues of economic growth by considering such topics as the need for a new growth strategy, by comparing the Latin American and Asian economies, and by looking at the Cuban economy from a trading partner's perspective. The final section takes an indepth look at the complex issues of neoliberalist versus neopopulist thinking in shaping Latin America's economic policies for the 21st century.

An examination of the skillful political maneuvering of William Borah and Hiram Johnson, two of the post-war leaders of Republican progressivism, this study analyzes efforts to prevent U.S. entry into the League of Nations despite overwhelming support for the organization among both Democrats and Republicans. Following the debacle of the 1912 election, the leadership of the Republican Party embarked on a strategy of reconciliation designed to end the acrimony between progressive and conservative factions so that it could unite against the Democratic Party. A small group of progressive Republicans quickly realized that they could threaten to resume infighting and could, thus, influence policy making on important foreign policy issues. This political environment enabled William Borah and Hiram Johnson to have an extraordinary influence over the Republican Party's position concerning the League of Nations, an organization which they regarded as an agency for the perpetuation of European empires and, therefore, a threat to American democracy. Borah and Johnson effectively intimidated their party leadership and blocked the American participation in the League. Once this pattern was established, it would continue to influence Republican Party actions, in particular the construction of the Republican Party platform in 1920, the U.S. position regarding the Washington Conference on Naval Disarmament, and the issue of U.S. membership in the World Court.

This book is about continuity and change in early nineteenth-century Britain. Against the background of an emerging industrial state, the popularization of liberal laissez-faire principles and the rise of a class-based society, it examines the revival of traditional paternal ideals and considers their influence upon the development of social policy. The poor laws, social distress, child labour and factory reform provide a focus for the analysis. The implications of the revival for the emergence of the collective or welfare state is an important theme.