Planning by civil governments, businesses, and the military services has been considered separately in both theory and practice. Those concerned with each of these applications have had little contact with those in the others, despite the common concerns and characteristics of their respective practices.

A leading figure in the research and education in planning, Branch draws upon his experience in civil, corporate, and military planning to provide a comprehensive guide to the key aspects of planning. This text is invaluable to those engaged in governmental and business planning and to students working toward careers in urban and regional planning, public administration, business management, and other fields concerned with planning.

Emergency Response to Domestic Terrorism analyzes the emergency response to the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995.
Terrorism is a complex threat, and the American government is expected to deter or intervene in every attack. For that reason, the government must be better prepared to respond to acts of terror. One critical element is to understand what constitutes an "effective response."
To answer this key question, the author examined the existing literature and interviewed thirty-one elite participants in the emergency response to the bombing. The result is a unique qualitative case study that analyzes the response efforts undertaken after the bombing to draw conclusions about their relative success or failure.
Emergency Response to Domestic Terrorism looks at the nature and interrelationship of bureaucratic structures involved in the response, the organizational networking between the response bureaucracy, and the impact of bureaucratic culture on the response.
The work contributes to the existing literatures in both emergency response and bureaucracy. First, theoretical arguments about bureaucracies and their function are put to the test as they are applied to a specific crisis situation. Second, interview materials with key individuals who were on the scene of this American terrorist disaster are provided. Third, the emergency response literature is examined to determine whether the Oklahoma City bombing exhibited the anticipated response challenges. In addition, the work provides insights into the extent to which response communities are familiar with federal response guidelines. The overall results of the study are applicable to emergency response to terrorist incidents and to natural disasters.
By bringing together the academic and the practical aspects of emergency response, the work will appeal to students, practitioners, and policymakers. Further, it will foster better understanding of public policy and public administration in general.

The Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (VAWA) is the most expansive federal legislation addressing intimate violence in the United States to date. Meyer-Emerick uses three theories to examine the legislation: Foucault's theories on how people develop their ideas about their sexuality; Habermas's theories on the legitimacy of the state; and MacKinnon's theories of a gender hierarchy preserved through sexual violence. Through consideration of interviews with policymakers, professionals, and focus groups with citizens, her analysis suggests that state intervention is limited. Additional avenues for combating violence against women is therefore necessary.

These theories were also used to develop questions that were asked of policymakers and local professionals in interviews and with focus groups of survivors, perpetrators, and citizens. The interviews revealed perceptual differences between the thinking of the policymakers and the local professionals. These dissimilarities highlight the practitioners' lack of knowledge about the intent of VAWA, which may impede service delivery to clients. The focus group responses indicated that not only do women have a higher distrust than men but that survivors and perpetrators have opinions that diverge from both local citizens and other participants. This demonstrates a need for change in the system that is supposed to be protecting women from violence. Meyer-Emerick concludes with recommendations for further interventions. Policymakers and local providers of social services will find the work of particular value as will scholars and researchers dealing with domestic violence.

Based on a policy-making theoretical framework and on the recent experiences of 10 developing countries, this study explores the factors that lead to the success or failure of telecommunications reform. It provides universal conclusions that might help predict the success or failure of telecommunications policies, such as, privatization and liberalization, in other nations that are moving towards reform. This book is an original contribution to our understanding of the rapid and often complex transformations in telecommunications policies. It defies previous assumptions about conditions for success and failure of policy implementation. Although numerous publications deal with telecommunications policy reform in Europe or the United States, little has been written about it in the developing world. This book fills the gap and will be invaluable for academics, policy makers, and others concerned with communications, economic development, and international business.

Aronsen draws on recently declassified documents in Ottawa and Washington to provide a reassessment of Canada's special relationship with the U.S. Toward this end, detailed new information is provided about Canada's contribution to the creation of the postwar economic order from the Bretton Woods Agreement to GATT. Canada's cooperation was rewarded by special economic concessions including the extension of the Hyde Park agreement in 1945, the inclusion of the off-shore purchases clause to the Marshall Plan, and Article II of the NATO Treaty. After the outbreak of the Korean War, Canada's resources played a crucial role in the production of weapons systems for the new air/atomic strategic doctrine. Several policies were adopted to facilitate the expansion of Canadian defense production, notably the relaxation of regulations on technology transfer; the encouragement of private sector investment; and the negotiation of long-term contracts at above-market prices. In the midst of these unprecendented peacetime developments "Time" Magazine observed that Canada had become America's Indispensable Ally.

This book studies the emergence of the regulatory state in Europe and its impact on democratic governance in Scandinavia. On the basis of comparative studies on various government structures in Scandinavia and the EU, the author analyses the repercussions of the change from government to dominant non-parliamentary democratic governance. In addition, readers will be introduced to the organizational and institutional changes and developments caused by economic and welfare state reforms. A cutting-edge resource, the book will appeal to students and scholars of political science and political economics, while also offering an engaging read for civil servants and policymakers.

Dominated by multiple, competing, and occasionally overlapping theories, the act of budgeting is by no means a staid, dispiriting task. Kahn, Hildreth, and their group of scholars and practitioners show that budgeting is an institutional process, an incremental decision-making tool, and when correctly applied becomes a tribute to managerial and administrative efficiency. Taken together, the chapters provide an unusually coherent conceptual foundation for budgeting as a legitimate field of study, and demonstrate yet again that in its current state the field is truly eclectic but compartmentalized. They also show why it is so difficult to come up with one unified theory of budgeting--and that is one of the book's major benefits. It opens new areas of inquiry that, in the opinion of Khan, Hildreth, and others, will generate renewed interest in probing the field's theory and applications. Understandable and readable for those with limited knowledge of the subject but needing a sufficiently useful grasp of its various issues and problems, the book is both an important reference work for scholars in the field and a practical guide for students of administration, their teachers, and for managers throughout the public sector.

Michael Suman has brought together wide-ranging viewpoints of media advocates, media lawyers, academics, and entertainment industry representatives who examine the important public policy issue of how advocacy groups affect the entertainment industry.

In the first part of the book, representatives from media advocacy groups, including Action for Children's Television and Population Communications International, look at their efforts to utilize the media for policy purposes. In the second part, attorneys specializing in communications look at the ways advocacy groups have been aided as well as hindered by changes in the laws and public policy. Changes in advocacy groups as well as the entertainment industry in general are examined by various scholars in the third section. Representatives of the entertainment industry look at the impact of advocacy groups in the fourth section of the book. Scholars as well as public policy makers and those involved in entertainment oversight will find this a provocative analysis.

Crimes associated with the illegal trade in wildlife, timber and fish stocks, and pollutants and waste have become increasingly transnational, organized and serious. They warrant attention because of their environmental consequences, their human toll, their impact on the rule of law and good governance, and their links with violence, corruption and a range of cross-over crimes. This ground-breaking, multi-disciplinary Handbook examines key transnational environmental crime sectors and explores its most significant conceptual, operational and enforcement challenges. Bringing together leading scholars and practitioners, this book presents in-depth analysis based on extensive academic research and operational and enforcement expertise. The sectors covered include illegal wildlife, timber, pollutant and waste trades and crimes in the carbon market. The contextual chapters examine criminal networks and illicit chains of custody, local sociocultural, economic and political factors, the effectiveness of policy and operational responses, and international jurisdictional challenges. This Handbook will be an invaluable resource for students and scholars of global environmental politics, international environmental law, and environmental criminology as well as for regulatory and enforcement practitioners working to meet the challenges of transnational environmental crime. Contributors include: J. Ayling, L. Bisschop, G. Broussard, A. Cardesa-Salzmann, M. Cassidy, D.W.S. Challender, E. Clark, M.A. Clemente Munoz, E. de Coning, R. Duffy, L. Elliott, C. Gibbs, D. Humphreys, Y. Jia, N. Liu, D.C. MacMillan, C. Middleton, R. Ogden, G. Pink, G. Rose, V. Sacre, S. Saydan, W.H. Schaedla, S. Sinha, V. Somboon, T. Terekhova, E. van Asch, T. Wyatt

The only full bibliography on the Ford years, this volume offers a complete compilation of material pertaining to the life and political career of Gerald R. Ford. The documents included trace Ford's growth from his early days as a child in Grand Rapids, through his naval service in World War II, his 1948 election to Congress and 1965 selection as Republican Minority Leader, to his 1973 nomination and selection as Richard Nixon's vice-president and his 1974 accession to the presidency. The work contains over 350 references to manuscript material on the Ford years, as well as monograph, journal article, and memoir sources, including the first full listing of Ford's own writings available in print. Oral histories, historiographical materials, iconography, and other audiovisual materials are also included. The bibliography is a particularly broad-based one, including short essays on the audiovisual and iconographic material available and a wide range of entries on available archival material. All the archival material presently available at the Gerald R. Ford Library is included. Most of the entries include a short annotation. The volume also provides an extensive chronology of the Ford years.

In the past four decades, the United States has spent $85 billion pursuing the fantasy of an effective missile defense system to shield our nation against the threat of a nuclear attack. Recent public tests, while less exotic than some of the original Star Wars proposals, were spectacular failures and call into question the whole prograM's rationale. Neither the land-based system proposed by the Clinton administration, nor the alternatives proposed by earlier administrations, would ever work--regardless of how much R&D money is channeled into the project. Rather than enhancing national security, these doomed efforts would provoke a new arms race and alienate key allies. The authors apply their extensive insiders' expertise to argue that thoughtful diplomacy is the only real answer to meet America's national security goals.

Like President Reagan with his Star Wars program, President Bush has again made national missile defense (NMD) a national priority at a cost which may exceed $150 billion in the next ten years. Defense experts Eisendrath, Goodman, and Marsh contend that recent tests give little confidence that any of the systems under consideration--land-based, boost-phase, or laser-driven--have any chance of effective deployment within decades. The interests of the military-industrial complex and the unilateralist views of the Bush administration are driving NMD, not a desire to promote national security.

Rather than increase U.S. security, the plans of the current administration, if implemented, will erode it. NMD will heighten the threat from China and Russia, alienate key allies, and provoke a new arms race and the proliferation of nuclear weapons, all in response to a greatly exaggerated threat from so-called rogue states, such as North Korea and Iran. Thoughtful diplomacy, not a misguided foreign policy based on a hopeless dream of a Fortress America, is the real answer to meeting Americas security goals. Designed to stimulate interest and debate among the public and policy-makers, "The Phantom Defense" provides solid facts and combines scientific, geopolitical, historical, and strategic analysis to critique the delusion of national missile defense, while suggesting a more effective alternative.

Key to an understanding of many U.S. foreign policies, including the Open Door Policy, American extraterritoriality in China, the Stimson Doctrine, and the economic embargo against Japan, Hornbeck had more influence on policy toward Asia than any other official in the State Department from Wilson to FDR. In a book based on solid research of archival materials and the current literature in English and Chinese, Hu brings a Chinese perspective to an examination of Hornbeck's career and American policy in Asia. The book not only fills a vacuum in the study of Sino-American relations, but also corrects some traditional misperceptions and misinterpretations in the field. In Hu's view, Hornbeck has been misinterpreted by his contemporaries and by scholars. His policy was based on his perception of American interest in China, his changing views on the Chinese nationalist revolution, the relative strength of Japan, and his evaluation of the China market. Hornbeck's major weakness was a lack of understanding of the internal affairs of China. In illustrating Hornbeck's changing views on China and the East Asian situation, Hu disproves many misconceptions in current scholarship about Hornbeck being either pro-Chinese or pro-Japanese and about his consistent support for the Open Door Policy.

One of the most significant areas of activity in the George Bush administration was foreign affairs. Drawing together participants as well as foreign policy scholars and journalists, Hofstra Universtiy organized the 1997 Conference on the Presidency of George Bush. This volume covers the key foreign affairs activities of the administration.

The essays examine major areas of the Bush foreign policy record. Included are papers on international trade, the Middle East, Latin America, Somalia, Bosnia, arms control, and U.S. base closing. Scholars, students, and other researchers involved with the policies of the Bush administration will find this a useful resource.

Dr. Zachary Selden provides a detailed examination of how sanctions can and cannot be used effectively to further U.S. foreign interests. In the post-Cold War era, sanctions are becoming a frequently used tool of foreign policy, but Selden offers an important cautionary note. Sanctions are often counterproductive, and they create interest groups within the target country who have a vested interest in seeing that sanctions and the policies that brought them to bear are maintained. While sanctions aimed at capital flows can be highly effective, those aimed at trade often become the functional equivalent of a protective tariff, stimulating Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) and creating groups of producers or suppliers who take steps in the political arena to ensure that their economic windfall is maintained. After demonstrating the ISI effects in a large sample of cases, Selden goes on to demonstrate how sanctions fueled the rise of a powerful criminal elite in Yugoslavia who sponsored extreme nationalist political figures and how sanctions were twisted to Saddam Hussein's personal benefit in Iraq. More than simply of academic interest, this study serves as a guide for the more effective use of sanctions. It will be of particular interest to scholars, researchers, and policy makers involved with American foreign and military policy.

This book discusses the socioeconomic effects of Right-to-Work (RTW) laws on state populations. RTW laws forbid requiring union membership even at union-represented worksites. The core of the 22 long-term RTW states was the Confederacy, cultural descendants of rigidly hierarchical agrarian feudal England. RTW laws buttress hierarchy and power imbalance which unions minimize at the worksite and by encouraging higher educational attainment, social mobility, and individual empowerment through group validation. Contrary to claims of RTW proponents, RTW and non-RTW states do not differ significantly in unemployment rates. RTW states have higher poverty rates, lower median household incomes, and lower educational attainment on average and median than non-RTW states. RTW states on average and median have lower life expectancy, higher obesity prevalence, and higher rates of all-cause mortality, early mortality from chronic conditions, child mortality, and risk behaviors than non-RTW states. The higher mortality rates result in startlingly higher annual numbers of years of life lost before age 75. Stroke mortality at age 55-64 in RTW states results in nearly 10,000 years annually lost in excess of what it would be if the mortality rate were that of non-RTW states. A review of respected publications describes the physiological mechanisms and epidemiology of accelerated aging due to socioeconomic stress. Unions challenge hierarchy directly at work-sites and indirectly through encouraging college education, social mobility, and community and political engagement. How startling that feudal hierarchy lives in 21st century America, shaping vast differences between states in macro- and micro-economics, educational attainment, innovation, life expectancy, obesity prevalence, chronic disease mortality, infant and child mortality, risk behaviors, and other public health markers! Readers will gain insight about the coming clash between feudal individualism and adaptive collectivism, and, in the last chapter, on ways to win the clash by "missionary" work for collectivism.

This empirical study provides an introduction to the dynamics of regulatory federalism and is the first book to focus on the major surface mining regulations. A broad spectrum of contributors, most with first-hand experience, describe the forces that have shaped the implementation of the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act since 1972. They offer varying perspectives for understanding interest group conflicts, technological and market considerations, intergovernmental procedures and problems. They describe the forces shaping the policy implementation process at the federal, state, and local level. This case study is intended for political scientists, public administrators, citizen activists and experts, historians, and students dealing with mining and regulatory policy.

The edited collection opens with an overview of policy formation and implementation in the United States, drawing upon theoretical studies of pluralism, federalism, interest group politics, and intergovernmental dynamics. The case study defines the legislative and administrative history of surface mining regulation; the impact of interest groups, courts, and the states on the implementation of the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act; the influence of the coal industry and of environmental interests, federal and state relations, and the intergovernmental process.

In the years between the Indian Mutiny and Independence in 1947 the Indian Civil Service was the most powerful body of officials in the English-speaking world. 300,000,000 Indians, a sixth of the human race, were ruled by 1000 Civilians. With Whitehall 8000 miles away and the peasantry content with their decisions, they had the freedom to translate ideas into action. Anglo-lndian Attitudes explores the use they made of their power by examining the beliefs of two middle ranking Civilians. It shows, in great detail, how they put into practice values which they acquired from their parents, their teachers and contemporary currents of opinion.
F.L. Brayne and Sir Malcolm Darling reflected the two faces of British imperialism: the urge to assimilate and the desire for rapprochement. Brayne, a born-again Evangelical, despised Indian culture, thought individual Indians were sunk in sin and dedicated his career to making his peasant subjects industrious and thrifty. Darling, a cultivated humanist, despised his compatriots and thought that Indians were sensitive and imaginative.
Brayne and Darling personified two ideologies that pervaded the I.C.S. and shaped British rule in India. This book, which is based on two of the richest sets of personal papers left by I.C.S. officers, is both an important contribution to the history of British India and a telling commentary on contemporary values at home.

This is the first theoretical book on Chinese Cultural Soft Power. It focuses on the inner logical relations between Chinese cultural soft power and the realization of the China Dream, while also offering detailed explanations of the scope of and essential questions concerning Chinese cultural soft power. The book is divided into six parts, which, taken together, concisely yet thoroughly examine the theoretical roots of soft power and the current status of China's soft power as illustrated in concrete cases. On this basis, the author subsequently draws a cautious overall conclusion on the development of China's soft power.

This Open Access book examines the implications of welfare policy for energy poverty and engages with key conceptual debates at the forefront of energy demand research. Academic work on energy poverty has rarely been brought into conversation with practice-theory-based approaches to energy use and sustainability. This book reveals how novel insights can be made visible through combining these different ways of thinking about energy demand issues. It presents a distinctive approach to energy poverty that places inequalities at the heart of debates about the advancing energy intensity of contemporary societies.

Latin America's proximity to the United States made the improvement of relations between the two regions imperative in the first two decades of the 20th century. William Jennings Bryan, Secretary of State for Woodrow Wilson until 1915, was largely responsible for this task. Although Bryan had denounced as imperialistic his predecessors' political and economic intervention in Latin America, his own policies also had an imperialistic tone. Bryan resigned in June 1915, but his actions while in office served as the foundation for later intervention in both Haiti and the Dominican Republic. This work details Bryan's attitudes toward Latin America prior to assuming the title of secretary of state, his actions while in office, and his political stance after resignation. Six topical chapters cover Bryan's policies toward Nicaragua, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, the Panama Canal Tolls Controversy, and the Columbian Treaty. The work concludes with an analysis of Bryan's inconsistent attitude on imperialism.

The book examines a new concern in water quality policy, namely aquatic micropollutants. Micropollutants are chemicals detected in small concentrations in waterbodies today, originating from pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, or detergents, among others. Since the regulation of micropollutants is a fairly new issue, it has been largely neglected in social sciences. However, the search for appropriate solutions is of high political relevance at both the national and international levels, with many open questions arising that concern the most adequate governance structures and steering mechanisms. Solutions suitable for classical, macro-pollutants, such as nutrients, do not necessarily apply to micropollutants because of the diversity of compounds and sources, and for technical, financial, and societal reasons. The book addresses this knowledge gap by investigating the steering mechanisms at hand and their prospect for problem solving. In this regard, the research provides a systematic depiction and comparison of policy designs in place for the reduction of micropollutants in the Rhine basin. Moreover, the study yields insights into the governance structures in place, into actors' responsibilities and constellations, and policy processes regarding micropollutants. The study is furthermore embedded into broader theoretical questions of policy research. More precisely, this research is a contribution to policy analysis that aims to achieve more optimal policy results by providing for a better understanding of the nature of policy designs and the social mechanisms behind the choice of them. Despite the intrinsic aim of policy analysis at contributing to more optimal policy outcomes, there remains a lack of research regarding analytical tools that enable an ex-ante assessment of policy designs' problem-solving abilities. To explore such a research path, this book proposes a novel index of policy comprehensiveness for quantifying the prospective performance of policy designs in alleviating an underlying policy issue, e.g. reducing pollutants in waters. Furthermore, the book uncovers the social mechanisms behind policymaking and turns to the question: In which social settings is it possible to achieve a comprehensive policy design? Compared to purely micro-level explanations, the advantage of the network approach is that it goes beyond the mere aggregation of policy actors' attributes by taking into consideration actors' interdependencies. In order to take the network approach seriously, the study systematically links the structure of a policy network with comprehensive policy designs. Network concepts, such as coalition structure, interconnectedness, and belief similarity, are employed from policy change research here in order to explore the link between structural network characteristics and comprehensive policy design. By studying how network structures affect policy design, the book critically examines the explanatory value of the network approach.

Social investment is a strategy that addresses neoliberal austerity by putting private capital to public purpose. An investment state serves as a sequel to the welfare state by maximizing capability, expanding employee benefits, implementing evidence-based policy, democratizing polity and commerce, and advancing social and institutional inclusion. The Investment State provides a template for future social policy, which can be adapted to cities, states, nations, and international trade agreements. It serves as a sequel to the author's previous book, The Dynamic Welfare State (OUP, 2016) - which included a theory of welfare state decline - by envisioning a new paradigm for social programs.

In the past, the United States has focused on the military, economic, and diplomatic aspects of our foreign policy, while neglecting the area of educational and cultural affairs. Wieck considers the development of U.S. foreign educational and cultural policy from 1938 to the present, with a particular focus on the Kennedy initiative to enhance development of such a policy through the establishment in 1961 of the Office of Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs. As the United States struggles to compete in the arena of international trade, the importance of educational and cultural affairs as an integral part of U.S. foreign policy continues to grow.

Wieck surveys events leading to the establishment of the Office of Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs, as well as global developments calling for an increased emphasis on this aspect of foreign policy. He outlines the functions of the office and the efforts to hone its policy goals, and discusses the activities of the first incumbent, Philip Coombs. The final section explores Coombs's mysterious dismissal and the terms of subsequent Assistant Secretaries until the office was merged with U.S.I.A. Students of U.S. foreign policy and members of the international educational community will value this thorough analysis of a much-neglected area of U.S. foreign policy.