This book presents a radical reappraisal of British policy towards West German rearmament until the Federal Republic's incorporation into NATO and contains a series of major new theses on British attitudes towards European integration, Anglo-Soviet relations and the 'Special Relationship'. It places policy in the context of Anglo-German distrust, American demands for a German contribution and British fears of antagonising the Soviets. It clarifies numerous controversial issues by demonstrating British willingness to compromise with the Soviets over German unification, the British military's desire to reduce the continental commitment and Eden's enthusiasm for a European Army.

Beginning with the decade of the nineties, the idea of strategic management of government and nonprofit organizations burst upon the scene. Traditionally, governments have been thought of as being unchanging, resistant to change, or at the most, changing by reaction to pressure. Strategic management suggests both the idea of adaptation to change forces as well as defining mission and concerting future organizational design and behavior accordingly, perhaps even changing the environment. Work force management is an important dimension of this new approach. Both direct and indirect compensation of this work force to achieve an array of possible objectives is a critical aspect of work force management.

The strategic approach to public organizations is also concerned more than ever with obtaining optimal performance, however it may be defined. Compensation, as a subset, is very much part of this quest for organizational performance and performance improvement. Thus, there is a linkage of subparts, each with many potential alternatives: organizational mission/objectives, compensation objectives, compensation system design, and the role of pay in obtaining desired type and levels of performance. This design chain is the focus of this book.

This is the first original book-length study of corruption in the People's Republic of China. The work relates the corruption issue to ongoing political processes and policies of the Chinese Communist Party by examining the broader context of social transformation, consolidation, and modernization in post-1949 China. The study has a twofold goal: (1) to present fresh source material on corruption in China, much of it previously unavailable in the West; and (2) to provide an analysis of China's corruption using a novel approach--the policy outcomes perspective. More specifically, it examines three levels of policies adopted by the Chinese Communist Party (general policies, organizational policies, and anti-corruption policies) to see how certain policy patterns have affected the identification of corruption, corruption forms, and anti-corruption measures.

Globalisation, regionalisation, new technology, demography, voters' expectations and re-structuring of societies are expected to influence welfare state development for years to come. This handbook analyses how different welfare state models and regimes will be able to cope with contemporary and future challenges, providing a variety of evidence based tools that make it essential reading for students, researchers and policy makers alike.

Making Aristocracy Work explores the political role of the British peerage in the thirty years before the First World War. It charts its transition from ruling class to embattled faction, analysing the response of the peers to the challenge of democracy and their impact on the constitutional order which emerged from the turbulent politics of the late Victorian and Edwardian era. The book opens with a study of the House of Lords, assessing its strengths and weaknesses as a political institution and offering new interpretations of the constitutional crises of 1884-5 and 1909-11. It proceeds to assess the wider activity of the peerage in national, local, and imperial government, and the changing nature of its mentalite as a political elite. The evolution of the peerage is no simplistic story of descent from power to impotence, argues Dr Adonis. Under Lord Salisbury, the peers met challenges to their political standing with a determination to refashion their authority and safeguard their influence. They partially succeeded in so doing, and their efforts - successful or not - left a heavy imprint on Britain's fledgling democracy. A readable book thoroughly grounded in the aristocracy's rich archives, Making Aristocracy Work is an important contribution to our understanding of the development of Britain's modern political system.

South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy has been a bundle of contradictions and ambiguities. The accession by leading fractions of the African National Congress to the ongoing discourse of neo-liberalism has led to the policy making elite playing to two distinct audiences: its Leftist-inclined constituency within the Government of National Unity and externally oriented domestic and international capital. This second audience is increasingly integrating the GNU elite into a group which more and more reflects the concerns, aspirations, and demands of a transnational class elite. This move mirrors South Africa's ongoing incorporation into the international political economy as a global middle-power, a bridgebuilder between the global hegemons and those reluctant to follow their lead.

Taylor's fundamental theoretical approach that underpins the study--namely a neo-gramscian interpretation of the global political economy and the importance of middle powers--sets it apart from other studies of contemporary South African foriegn policy making. He also provides a useful source for Africanists and South Africa specialists in particular. This is partly because of the accessible style of presentation. But it is also because he has chosen case studies of interaction with multilateral groupings and organizations. This approach marks the volume out as being different from the normal assessment of South African foreign policy--particularly the specific multilateral agencies that he has chosen to focus on.

The traditional understandings that structure the relationships between public servants and the wider political system are said to have undergone considerable change. But what are these formalized and implicit understandings? What are the key dimensions of such bargains? In what conditions do bargains rise and fall? And has there been a universal and uniform change in these bargains? The Politics of Public Service Bargains develops a distinct perspective to answer these questions. It develops a unique analytical perspective to account for diverse bargains within systems of executive government. Drawing on comparative experiences from different state traditions, this study examines ideas and contemporary developments along three key dimensions of any Public Service Bargain - reward, competency and loyalty and responsibility. The Politics of Public Service Bargains points to diverse and differentiated developments across national systems of executive government and suggests how different 'bargains' are prone to cheating by their constituent parties. This study explores the context in which managerial bargains - widely seen to be at the heart of contemporary administrative reform movements - are likely to catch on and considers how cheating is likely to destabilize such bargains.

This book explores the politics behind "de-liberalization", defined as policy reforms that constrain markets and their underlying mechanisms. By offering a comparative study on the governmental reform strategies and policy choices of Austria, Germany and Switzerland, it demonstrates that de-liberalization processes are a common reform option for governments. Utilizing a novel dataset on liberalization covering policy reform trajectories in 38 industrialized countries between 1973 and 2013, it shows that governments often draw on strategies of de-liberalization in the fields of social, welfare and labor market policy, where they can be used as compensation for the electorate in the context of liberalizing reforms. As such, the book makes an important contribution to the field of political economy by capturing the turning of the tide in scholarly and policy attention, away from liberalization and towards a re-embedding and re-regulation of economic activity.

The 1990s opened with dramatic readjustments in the world. Nations that had been governed for decades by single-party socialist regimes were suddenly rejecting their traditional systems of socioeconomic development, and new leaders were searching for modes of planning and management that could bring their people economic prosperity and political freedom. These events are of particular concern to educators who have been concerned over the past four decades with the effectiveness of the educational provisions inserted into national development programs. Such interest is not limited to Eastern bloc communist countries, but extends as well to other nations, socialist and capitalist alike, that have adopted centralized national planning.

This book identifies the place that education has been assigned in the national development programs of a varied selection of nations--large and small, capitalist and socialist, industrialized and agrarian, Eastern and Western, Northern and Southern. The authors consider the problems these nations (Soviet Union, German Democratic Republic, Pakistan, Egypt, People's Republic of China, South Korea, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, Tanzania, and Zaire) have encountered in managing educational components, and assess the effectiveness of the plans and of the measures adopted for solving the educational problems.

In an unanticipated flurry of atomic weapons testing--a total of 10 tests over 20 days in 1998--India and Pakistan announced to the world their emergence as full-fledged nuclear powers. How, Nizamani asks, did nuclear escalation come to dominate the agendas of both nations? In a comparative analysis, Nizamani reveals the political underpinnings of nuclear weapons development, arguing that Indian and Pakistani nuclearization is linked to processes of national formation.

Working within the Critical Security Studies framework, Nizamani traces the development of nuclear discourses in India and Pakistan from early nationhood to the present. Nizamani defers conclusive identification of real or objective national threats, and instead examines the historical specificities and internal tensions of the dominant Indian and Pakistani security discourses. Additionally, Nizamani provides an overview of anti-nuclear dissent in South Asia.

This book traces Latin American migration to Europe since the 1970s. Focusing on Amsterdam, London, and Madrid, it examines the policies of integration in a comparative perspective that takes into account transnational, national, regional and local levels. It examines the entire mechanism that Latin American migrants confront in the European cities they settle, and provides readers with a theoretical framework on integration that addresses the concepts of multiculturalism, interculturality, transculturality and transnationalism. This work is based on rich qualitative data from in-depth interviews, focus groups and participant observation complemented by a substantial documentary and legislative analysis. It reveals that current policies are limited and migrants are excluded in most of the formal venues for integration. In addition, the book shows the many ways that migrants negotiate the constraints and imperatives of integration. In Western Europe today, immigrants are largely assuming the entire responsibility of their integration. This book provides readers with much needed insight into why European integration policies are not responding to the needs of immigrants nor to society as a whole.

Written as a primary text for introductory courses in foreign policy, but also for the attention of the informed general readers, this volume proposes the concept of national interest as the organizing principle of American foreign policy. Arguing that foreign policy can only be successful if it takes into account both the international and domestic environments, von Vorys shows that by developing national interest as a pre-policy standard--rather than using it as a post-policy justification--foreign policies can be made and implemented that are not only successful abroad but are also widely supported at home. The author offers a general framework of national interest, spells out the hierarchy of national interests that should guide foreign policy, and identifies and classifies the range of appropriate policy options. Von Vorys also shows how in this new post Cold War era national interest can become the standard by which our international relations can be impartially evaluated.

Following an introduction that reviews twentieth century American foreign policy and sets forth the basic concept of national interest, von Vorys examines in turn the three levels of national interest that determine foreign policy options: challenges to our national existence, challenges to our friends and allies, and challenges to the international order. In considering challenges to our national existence, the author addresses such issues as deterrence by strategic offense, the Strategic Defense Initiative, and the SALT treaties. Turning to an examination of challenges to friends and allies, von Vorys analyzes the special obligations inherent in allied relationships, the military and political problems posed by NATO, and the question of hemispheric solidarity. Finally, von Vorys explores basic challenges to the international order. He traces the evolution of the traditional method of hegemony, the balance of power system, the attempt at a decentralized world order, and, recently, detente. Throughout, by blending the practical demands of power and the imperatives of morality, von Vorys demonstrates that by using national interest as the underlying concept, we can identify interests for which we should be ready to fight as well as those for which we should be willing to pay, to work, or, in some cases, to do nothing.

The chapters in this anthology combine discussion of two currently hot' topics in public administration--privatization and entrepreneurship. . . . Perhaps the most attractive aspect of this book is that it is not merely an unbridled emotional paean to privatization and entrepreneurship but an objective introduction to these issues. The editor selects an array of essays that address not only theory and practice but also the pragmatic issues and problems associated with implementing these new policy initiatives. This book would be a welcome addition to libraries wishing to remain current with the expanding literature on privatization and entrepreneurship. "Choice"

Privatization encompasses the many ways in which the private sector assumes functions that were previously the province of government. These may range from the sale of state enterprises to contracts with private firms to provide governmental services. In each case, services which were once subsidized to some extent by the government are instead offered by the private sector at prices reflecting their actual cost. This collection of original essays by internationally recognized scholars in economics, government, and management, provides a readable, state of the art discussion of the promises and problems of privatization. In addition to synthesizing current data and experiences in the field of private entrepreneurship, this collection of articles breaks new ground by suggesting innovative areas for private activity in the public sector.

Risk, Language, and Power explores discourse around the environmental risks of nanotechnology, making the case that the dominance in risk discourse of regulatory science is a limiting policy debate on environmental risks, and that specific initiatives should be undertaken to broaden debate not just on nanotechnology, but generally on the risks of new technologies. Morris argues that the treatment of environmental risk in public policy debates has failed for industrial chemicals, is failing for nanotechnology, and most certainly will fail for synthetic biology and other new technologies unless we change how we describe the impacts to people and other living things from the development and deployment of technology. However, Morris also contends that the nanotechnology case provides reason for optimism that risk can be given different, and better, treatment in environmental policy debates. Risk, Language, and Power proposes specific policy initiatives to advance a richer discourse around the environmental implications of emerging technologies. Morris believes that evidence of enriched environmental policy debates would be a decentering of language concerning risk by developing within discourse language and practice directed toward enriching the human and environmental condition.

The UK welfare state is under sustained ideological and political attack. It has also been undermined by accusations of paternalism and past failures to engage with the very people it is intended to help. This unique book is the first to critique the past, present and future welfare state from a participatory perspective. Peter Beresford, champion of user involvement, draws on pioneering theories and practice of welfare service user movements to offer a blueprint for a new participatory social policy. He controversially challenges orthodox social policy and the limitations of both Fabian and Neo-liberal perspectives in engaging people to improve their own welfare, drawing on service users ' own ideas and experience, including fascinating vignettes from his own family's experience, to demonstrate the value of 'user knowledge'. Filling a much-needed gap in the literature, this accessible text will provide a great introduction for students and a road-map for practitioners of an alternative vision for a future participatory and sustainable social policy. It will also command much wider interest from everyone concerned with how we look after each other in future in society.

Waste Management: A Reference Handbook provides an in-depth look at the waste management industry in the United States and elsewhere, including such issues as food scraps, recycling, and other kinds of solid waste. Waste Management: A Reference Handbook covers the topic of waste management from the earliest pages of human history to the present day. Chapters One and Two provide a historical background of the topic and a review of current problems, controversies, and solutions. The remainder of the book consists of chapters that aid readers in continuing their research on the topic, such as an extended annotated bibliography, a chronology, a glossary, lists of noteworthy individuals and organizations in the field, and important data and documents. The variety of resources provided, such as further reading, perspective essays about waste management, a historical timeline, and useful terms in the industry, differentiates this book from others in the field. It is intended for readers of high school through the community college level, along with adult readers who may be interested in the topic. Provides readers with a history of waste management, which has evolved significantly over the years Discusses the impact of global economics and trade on the waste management industry Supplies abundant resources for further research on waste management by readers of all ages Rounds out the author's expertise in perspective essays, giving readers a diversity of viewpoints on the topic

Herbert Hoover, as Secretary of Commerce, and Benjamin Strong, as Governor of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, played a critical role in the formulation of American monetary policy during the 1920s. Yet little attention has been given to the relationship between them--at first cooperative, then increasingly one of conflict and factionalism--or to the impact of that relationship on policy formulation. This book sheds new light on their roles in policy making and relates those roles to larger conflicts over where policy should be made, how the Federal Reserve System should be structured, and the balance that should be struck between international, national, and regional considerations.

Focusing on the Hoover-Strong relationship from a political rather than a purely economic perspective, the book's scope includes both domestic and international aspects of Federal Reserve policy formulation. New sources have enabled the author to provide both fresh details and a broader interpretation. Elaborating on the belief that the Depression resulted from policies developed during the autumn of 1927, the author contends that the foundation for those policies was laid with America's decision to underwrite the Dawes plan, the decision to underwrite England's return to the gold standard, and the involvement in European monetary stabilization--all issues over which Hoover and Strong disagreed.

The conventional wisdom has it that a balanced budget is the height of economic rationality, that social security should be privatized, and that most adult welfare recipients could and should get jobs. All our social and economic problems, we are told, are due to too much government; if we only left the American free enterprise system alone, the free market would heal all that ails our society and lead to lasting prosperity. Challenging these widespread stereotypes and myths, this book starts with the fundamental theory underlying capitalist ideology, showing that even in theory an unfettered free market cannot deal effectively with the many needs of a modern economy. Our society has many social goals to which the great majority subscribe-goals such as sustained full employment, universal health care, and quality education for all. The free market will not, the author argues, bring us quality education for every American child, affordable universal health care, Social Security for the elderly, assistance for the poor, or protection of the environment. Only an active, participant government can affect positive change in such areas of social concern.

The Asian continent is composed of multiple political systems, huge populations, and different religions and histories. Yet, the undercurrents of politics and political affairs and how societies function in this vast region are not well known, and in fact often misunderstood. The role of music and its impact on political affairs is just one of these unknown or misunderstood factors about this region. Unlike initial political communication studies, the present book is not about examining established political structures such as parliament or congress and the presidency; political processes such as elections, campaign advertising and voter education; or even political behavior and participation such as voting and the performance of other civic duties. Rather, it recognizes and explores the impact and intersection of music and politics in society, in this case, various societies in the Asian continent. The book is projected to be an invaluable research tool specifically in the hands of researchers and students of Asian politics in the aforementioned fields, and people who are interested in understanding and investigating the intersection of music and politics globally. Therefore, suggested potential targets for the envisaged edited book include such researchers and students across multiple disciplines in the arts and humanities, as well as libraries and research institutes across the globe.

This book explains how and why large oil-producing corporations have affected government institutions, energy policy, and politics in the United States—and suggests how their influence can be reduced. Big oil is the leading factor in U.S. energy politics today; the largest oil-producing companies also constitute a formidable force and interest group in American politics. This book examines why oil is so important and how the prominence of huge corporations—often working in the absence of countervailing forces—has affected government institutions, policy (with a focus on energy policy), and politics in the United States. Analyzing big oil's influence on political outcomes, particularly through campaign contributions and lobbying, this book shows how strong corporate power affects political participation. The book documents how the influence of big oil flows in all directions, intricately connecting U.S. policies at all levels—foreign policy, federal, state, and even local—regarding oil exploration, development, production, and transportation. Readers will come away with a clear understanding of how these multi-tiered relationships between oil corporations and governments work to the advantage of corporations—and to the disadvantage of states and the citizens they represent.

The United States faces a small number of rogue states that either have or are working to acquire weapons of mass destruction. These NASTIs, or NBC-Arming Sponsors of Terrorism and Intervention, include such states as North Korea, Iraq, Iran, Libya, and Syria. U.S. nonproliferation programs and policies have helped to keep this number small, but U.S. and allied counterproliferation programs are essential to reduce the danger. It is up to deterrence, active defenses, passive defenses, decontamination, and counterforce to turn enemy weapons of mass destruction into instruments of limited destructive effect. Warfighters will also have to adopt a different strategy and concept of operations in fighting an adversary that is so heavily armed. This strategy will feature a combination of deception, dispersion, mobility and maneuver, diffused logistics, remote engagement, missile defense bubbles, non-combatant evacuation operations, and large area decontamination. It will also involve upgrades to NBC passive defense measures and equipment, as well as a counterforce capability that can find and destroy a variety of adversary targets, including mobile launchers and deeply buried and hardened underground structures.