In recent years a set of radical new approaches to public policy, drawing on discursive analysis and participatory deliberative practices, have come to challenge the dominant technocratic, empiricist models in policy analysis. In his major new book Frank Fischer brings together these various new approaches for the first time and critically examines them. The book will be required reading for anyone studying, researching, or formulating public policy.

The economic relationship between the U.S. and China during the 1940s has long been neglected, with few scholarly works focusing on the period. This era was overshadowed by the political and diplomatic changes during and after the failure of the Nationalists in 1949. Without a close and insightful look into the reconstruction of China with American involvement during the late 1940s, one cannot identify the problems which led to the Nationalists' failure, nor can one answer the questions dealing with the impact of American economic policy toward China during that time.

Sheckels provides the first book-length study of Congressional debating. The limited work on the topic in the communication discipline has argued that such debating is tedious and inconsequential. Sheckels, however, offers a new paradigm, derived from the work of Mikhail Bakhtin, that counteracts this assumption. This paradigm also counters the often unvoiced assumption that debates are inherently biopolar with the initial premise that they are instead polyphonic. The polyphony, however, goes beyond the recognition of the multiple speakers who participate and the drama they enact, to the awareness of the voices these speakers introduce within their discourse. These voices range from the words of authorities to the narratives of average Americans, from classical prosopopoeia to what Bakhtin terms stylization. Speakers also sometimes enact what Bakhtin terms double-voiced discourse; furthermore, there are moments of what Bakhtin terms carnivalesque energy. Bakhtin's work finally alerts the critic to the illusion of finalizability in Congressional debates.

After outlining this paradigm, Sheckels uses it to examine six Congressional debates, ranging in date from a 1960 Senate filibuster on a civil rights matter to the 1999 House debate on articles of impeachment and includes analyses of such flash points as the Confederate flag, sexual harassment in the military, and partial-birth abortion. These case studies reveal both the utility and the flexibility of the Bakhtinian perspective. Thoughtful analyses that will be of great interest to scholars and researchers involved with rhetoric and political communication.

Kessler shows how political considerations distorted the liberalization process in Mexico, leading to inconsistent and unsustainable patterns of financial policy. Although market reform is promoted in developing countries to improve economic efficiency and stimulate growth, in Mexico financial liberalization provided rent-seeking opportunities for privileged groups and increased the states' ability to finance politically inspired obligations. The research examines four periods: the populist administrations of Echeverria and Lopez Portillo, during which the foundations of modern financial markets were paradoxically laid; the debt-crisis years of de la Madrid, who reversed his party's political strategy by favoring the business class with financial opportunities; the economic transformation undertaken by Carlos Salinas, who mixed genuine reform with destabilizing anti-market measures; and the political watershed of the Zedillo administration, whose unpopular bank rescue gave opposition parties unprecedented power within Mexico's policy making process. Kessler also provides a comparison of financial collapse in two other emerging markets, South Korea and Russia, and examines the political roots of crisis in both countries. He concludes by suggesting how greater attention to questions of power, social organization, and challenges to state authority can help the policy-making community avoid giving well-meaning advice that is unlikely to be implemented in a sustainable way.

Since the buildup of U.S. armed forces peaked under Reagan in 1987, many changes have occurred in all four services, including reductions in both human and material resources. This study traces these trends and details the government's vision of how the military will look in the year 2015. Changes in the global security environment and pressure to decrease federal spending have resulted in force restructuring, eliminating major units, and displacing military and civilian personnel. Other consequences include base closures and reduced major weapon system inventories. Brasher discusses the implications of these new policies and assesses their current and future impact on American defense capabilities. The media has focussed considerable attention on the downsizing of U.S. forces. It predicted that base closures would have catastrophic effects on local communities, and it warned that women and minorities would see fewer opportunities for advancement within the military. Brasher chronicles the effects of base closures on many communities and determines that original fears were exaggerated. Women and minorities have also fared better than initially anticipated. In fact, especially in terms of relative combat power, the new military is even stronger than it was in 1987.

It is the rare reorganization that has a substantial impact on the output of affected agencies or on the delivery of public services. Empirical evidence in Federal Narcotics Enforcement sheds new light on both the history and politics of American drug enforcement efforts and the reasons behind the generally dismal record of large-scale government reorganization. This book demonstrates how the objectives of reorganization in the drug enforcement area failed and extends the lesson of failure to show that more substantive planning and operational level changes are required for real improvement.

This volume examines how presidents from Truman to Bush rhetorically approached and managed political, military, judicial, legislative, and economic crises during their presidencies. Editor Amos Kiewe assembles new essays by communications scholars who look at rhetoric initiated during national crises, and account for various rhetorical developments affected by crises, changes in presidential rhetoric, and rhetorical and situational crisis constraints. Their studies suggest similarities in rhetoric in different types of crises, and yield resources for postulating patterns of crisis rhetoric.

Each chapter's author presents a crisis rhetoric case study, analyzing initial strategies and tactics, shifts in rhetorical tactics, adjustments of discourse to particular phases in the crises, and unique rhetorical approaches designed to accommodate unexpected turns of events. The contributors discuss how presidents use rhetorical inventions, flip-flops, face-saving posturing, and even silence to diffuse crises. Specific topics include Eisenhower's response to the constitutional crisis in Little Rock, Kennedy and the Berlin Wall crisis, Johnson and the Kennedy assassination, Nixon and Watergate, and Bush and the Persian Gulf Crisis. Recommended for political scientists and communication theorists.

Should we be doing--or trying to do--everything ourselves, or might it be better to contract some tasks out to others? Could they do them better and cheaper than we can? More and more state and local governments are asking these questions, and while there are many answers on the Federal level, these answers often don't apply lower down the line. Nevertheless, it is evident that contracting out is often the better strategy--but how best to go about it? What are the benefits and what are the hidden risks? Dr. O'Looney's book provides precisely the guidance that state and local managers need: first, how to decide to outsource a government service, then step-by-step how to proceed. Based on extensive interviews and other research, O'Looney takes managers through the intricacies of contract outsourcing and administration, but in doing so he makes clear that he appreciates the importance of government. His book is not an argument for privatization, as so many other books are; rather, it is an affirmation of government and the benefits of its many services.

Readers will find theory and advice on the services that are most suitable for contracting out; a listing and review of the components of a high-quality analysis, including the analysis of often overlooked political, organizational, and functional aspects of government; advice on how to go from deciding to outsource to actually designing, implementing, and monitoring a contract in situations that could prove hazardous to the livelihoods of government workers. He also discusses the changes that need to be made in the organizational culture, management, and employee training as a result of the change to a contract-based system of providing services; the considerations in designing work specifications and other critical aspects of the government-vendor relationship, and how ideal contracting processes and ideal contracts can differ according to the nature of the service being contracted. The result is a thorough and highly practical volume for executives and managers in the public sector, and for those who hope to do business with them.

Rochefort updates his classic comprehensive review of mental health policy issues in American society, beginning with early practices that predate the formal "mental health system" and ending with current debates about parity insurance coverage for mental illnesses, managed care, and Medicaid reform. At the same time, he provides a perspective on mental health policy analysis that draws on diverse work in the policy sciences, looks to both applied and theoretical concerns, and gives full recognition to the distinctive nature of mental health care problems. This new edition will be of enhanced value to policymakers in the mental health field as well as to students of American social welfare policy and public administration in general.

This book addresses how the Conservative Party has re-focused its interest in social policy. Analysing to what extent the Conservatives have changed within this particular policy sphere, the book explores various theoretical, social, political, and electoral dimensions of the subject matter.

Granstaff argues that in current partisan politics Congress systematically fails to fulfil its primary constitutional function of specifying the national interest. He begins by showing why full-representative-deliberation, or deliberation in which all representatives can participate, is one of three congressional institutions necessary to the maintainance of the country's democratic integrity. He then looks at the framers' writings, the practices of the first Congresses, and democratic theory to suggest a deliberative theory for the American constitutional system. Next, he reviews, criticizes, and supplements the literature on congressional deliberation from the theoretic perspective established earlier. After detailing his methodology, Granstaff applies it to three case studies: the use of American troops in Lebanon, the Persian Gulf, and Somalia. The findings in each case study are consistent with the hypothesis that the discourses--as deliberation--are phony. He then discusses the implications within the three case studies and for the American constitutional system as a whole. Ultimately, the book shows that when true deliberation is replaced by partisan posturing, various constituencies effectively lose their legitimate voice in national affairs. As a result, special interests usually guide federal policy. Granstaff concludes with a procedural suggestion that might alleviate this problem. This work is a timely critique for researchers and students of political communication, Congress, and democratic theory.

The vice presidency is the second highest office to which an American can be elected. This office should be an ideal place to launch a campaign to capture the presidency, yet only two incumbent vice presidents have thus far been able to win the ultimate prize. Vance Kincade analyzes this dilemma and offers some answers to why vice presidents have difficulties gaining credibility to pursue the presidency and why Vice Presidents John C. Breckinridge, Richard Nixon, and Hubert Humphrey each failed in their campaigns for the presidency.

Kincade's primary focus is on the two vice presidents who ascended to the presidency, Martin Van Buren and George Bush. He explores how these two were able to avoid the dilemma that baffled the others. Was it something in their backgrounds that brought success? Was it serving as vice president under Andrew Jackson and Ronald Reagan that helped turn the trick? Could their successes be seen as fulfilling an historical cycle that found Van Buren and Bush in the right place at the right time? In the last section of this intriguing study, Kincade uses political science models to explain their victories and offers a guide to future vice presidents who attempt to join the exclusive club of vice presidents to reach the presidency. Scholars, students, and the general public interested in American political history and the presidency will find this study of particular value.

A public manager herself and successful consultant in the public sector, Camaron Thomas argues for a whole new way of being a public manager. She introduces a new paradigm for how the public sector should work: a collaborative, functional environment in which fast-paced, purposeful change, civility, and initiative are actually the norm. Real, positive change is part of every employee's job; control in the public sector must be replaced with shared responsibility, and for her new paradigm to be realized it must be understood and internalized by managers one at a time.

This book argues for a whole new way of "being" a public manager, one that affects what managers do, how they do it, and who they are as people. It replaces the concept of agencies and control with shared responsibility, and tests the idea in the arena of public sector budgeting. Most importantly, it recognizes that it is managers themselves who must change, if the profession is ever going to improve. This book is written for the 19 million plus current public sector managers, who grind through every day. It's also written for their successors, for whom the task only promises to be more difficult.

The AWACS debate represents one of the most critical and controversial events in the history of American diplomacy and legislative politics. It locked the Reagan administration and opponents of the AWACS sale in a fierce and pitched battle over American policy in the most economically and strategically vital region in the world: the Middle East.

Accordingly, Laham finds there are at least five political lessons to be drawn from the debate. First, contrary to the arguments of its critics in Congress, the pro-Israel lobby does not control American policy in the Middle East. Second, the Senate tends to defer to the authority of the president on matters of foreign policy and national security. Third, while remaining a passive president overall, Reagan was among the most active of chief executives on issues involving the economy and national security. Fourth, given the enormous contribution the AWACS sale made to the vital economic and national security interests of the United States, Reagan's masterful handling of this politically explosive issue provides evidence that he displayed attributes of presidential greatness, but much further study of the other major foreign and domestic policy issues Reagan confronted during his tenure in office will be required before any definitve judgment can be rendered concerning where he stands in the ranking of America's 42 presidents. Fifth, the AWACS debate shows that the United States need not sacrifice its special relationship with Israel in order to forge stronger ties with Saudi Arabia. This analysis will be of particular interest to scholars, students, and policy makers involved with national security issues, presidential politics, interest groups, and Middle East studies.

The first book of the fifth volume treats "the Background of Machiavellism" in sixteenth-century Europe. The focal point is Niccolo Machiavelli's reputed modernistic "Machiavellism" and "statism," in relation to that of Jean Bodin, King Henry VIII, and Giovann Botero. Machiavelli, even more than Bodin, has usually been considered crucial background to the development of modern state theory in seminal later theorists such as Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Bentham, Hegel, and Savigny who promoted the institutions of modern nation-states. His "revolutionary" ideas have long been deemed paradigmatic for later thought and activity concerning the state. This book will be of interest to historians, to students of the history of ideas, and to legal and constitutional historians.

Spanish politics has been transformed. Using new techniques, this book looks at 30 years of Spanish political history to understand party competition, the impact of the EU, media-government relations, aspirations for independence in Catalonia and the Basque region, and the declining role of religion.

Die bewindsoorname van 'n oorwegend swart regerende party in 1994 het 'n nuwe beleid ten opsigte van grondbesit in Suid-Afrika ingelui. Hierdie beleid is daarop ingestel om die wanbalans wat grondbesit betref reg te stel, dus om van die blanke grondeienaars, wat by verre die grootste deel van die landbougrond besit, grond weg te neem en dit aan die swart bevolkingsgroep, wat tussen 75% en 80% van die totale landsbevolking uitmaak, beskikbaar te stel. Die veronderstelling is dat die meeste blanke grondeienaars (of hulle voorsate) die grond wat hulle besit wederregtelik bekom het en dit daarom nou aan die 'regmatige' eienaars moet teruggee. Daar bestaan ook 'n persepsie dat alle grond aan swart mense oorgedra moet word – dat die klok teruggedraai moet word na die tyd toe Afrika swart was en wit mense slegs in Europa eiendom besit het. Die skrywers vra die vraag of grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika wel enigsins haalbaar of nodig is? Kan die ander bevolkingsgroepe van die land, die wittes en gekleurdes, daarop aanspraak maak dat die land ook aan hulle behoort. Kan hulle dus se: 'Dit is ons land ook'?

This book unpacks the politics of climate change in Australia in the context of successive conservative Coalition governments resisting any moves to mitigate emissions and as local communities and transnational corporations struggle with each other to control the transition to a sustainable energy future. As Australia has abundant clean energy resources in terms of solar and wind, the book offers a test case for study of the energy policy transition in the 21st century. It does so by using tools from political economy and sociology, teasing out public attitudes to renewable energy technologies and innovative infrastructure investments, unpacking the complex parameters of this historical debate, tracing the rise of household 'prosumers' and arguing the case for grassroots ownership of renewable infrastructure or 'energy sovereignty' - already pioneered by some isolated communities in Australia. The cultural and emancipatory benefits of cooperative ventures are well known. However, capitalism is not readily defeated by democracy. The promotion of individual households as 'virtual power stations', of 'smart technologies' and even of cryptocurrency into the energy transition innovative mix opens up ever new horizons for corporate control.

This edited collection brings together distinguished scholars across a range of academic disciplines to explore how the European Union engages with culture. The book examines the ways in which cultural issues have been framed at the EU level and the policies and instruments to which they have given vent.

This study of leadership in the British civil service draws the lessons of how change in central government can be managed and implemented from a series of biographical studies of the acknowledged leaders in the civil service in the 19th and 20th centuries, from Charles Trevelyan, the founder of the modern civil service, to modern Mandarins such as Robert Armstrong and Margaret Thatcher's personal adviser the outsider Sir Derek Rayner. The case studies are linked to the wider themes of leadership and administrative culture in Whitehall, illustrating the patterns of change and continuity over time.

This book argues that the welfare state system should be adopted globally, not only for the purpose of achieving equality and justice within nations, but also for security between states. Using Finland, Sweden and Canada as case studies, it theorises that the welfare state system and the common security system, which are mutually reinforcing peace structures, should be utilised worldwide as the best method of attaining peace and prosperity. It demonstrates the feasibility of the welfare state in the past, whilst also showing how these historical experiences can be translated into socio-political action to address contemporary global challenges. Operating in the fields of political theory, international relations, and social philosophy, it will appeal to scholars and students of public policy, the welfare state, and sociology, as well as state policymakers.

The #1 New York Times bestseller by Time's 2019 Person of the Year "Greta Thunberg is already one of our planet's greatest advocates." -Barack Obama The groundbreaking speeches of Greta Thunberg, the young climate activist who has become the voice of a generation, including her historic address to the United Nations In August 2018 a fifteen-year-old Swedish girl, Greta Thunberg, decided not to go to school one day in order to protest the climate crisis. Her actions sparked a global movement, inspiring millions of students to go on strike for our planet, forcing governments to listen, and earning her a Nobel Peace Prize nomination. No One Is Too Small to Make A Difference brings you Greta in her own words, for the first time. Collecting her speeches that have made history across the globe, from the United Nations to Capitol Hill and mass street protests, her book is a rallying cry for why we must all wake up and fight to protect the living planet, no matter how powerless we feel. Our future depends upon it.

This multidisciplinary volume includes an international roster of contributors who explore how mass hysteria has emerged among people across the globe as a consequence of the COVID-19 pandemic. The contributors provide international perspectives on the effects of this "corohysteria" in areas such as education, healthcare, religion, psychology, mathematics, economics, media, racism, politics, etc. They argue the hysteria, angst, fear, unrest, and difficulties associated with the pandemic are exploited to foster political and social agendas and have led to the undermining of national and global responses to the virus.